FROM   THE   LIBRARY  OF 
REV.    LOUIS    FITZGERALD    BENSON,   D.  D. 

BEQUEATHED    BY   HIM   TO 

THE   LIBRARY  OF 

PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


S65 


HISTOKY 


OF  THE 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY 
OF    DIVINES. 

BY 

W.  M.  HETHERINGTON,  D.D.,  LL.D, 

AUTHOR  OF  THE  "HISTORY  OF  THE  CHURCH  OF 
SCOTLAND,"  ETC.,  ETC. 

FIFTH    EDITION, 

WITH  NOTES  AND  FACSIMILES  OF  TITLE-PAGES  OF  THE  ORIGINAL  EDITIONS  OF 

THE  CONFESSION  OF  FAITH  ;   THE  CATECHISMS,  LARGER  AND  SHORTER  ; 

AND  THE  DIRECTORY  FOR  CHURCH  GOVERNMENT  AND 

ORDINATION  OF  MINISTERS. 


\j  EDITED  BY 

ROBERT  WILLIAMSON,  D.D. 

ASCOG,  ROTHESAY. 


NEW    YORK: 

ANSON    D.    F.    RANDOLPH    &    CO. 
38  West  Twenty-Third  Steeet. 

1890. 


PKEFACE. 


In  common  with  all  true  Presbyterians,  I  have  often  regret- 
ted the  want  of  a  History  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  of 
Divines,  by  whose  labours  were  produced  the  Confession  of 
Faith,  the  Directory  of  Public  Worship,  the  Form  of  Church 
Government,  and  the  Catechisms,  which  have  so  long  been 
held  as  the  Standards  of  the  Presbyterian  Churches  through- 
out the  world.  Especially  in  such  a  time  as  the  present, 
when  all  distinctive  Presbyterian  principles  are  not  only 
called  in  question,  but  also  misrepresented  and  condemned, 
such  a  want  has  become  absolutely  unendurable,  unless 
Presbyterians  are  willing  to  permit  their  Church  to  perish 
under  a  load  of  unanswered,  yet  easily  refuted,  calumny. 
And  as  the  best  refutation  of  calumny  is  the  plain  and 
direct  statement  of  truth,  it  is  by  that  process  that  I  have 
endeavoured  to  vindicate  the  principles  and  the  character 
of  the  Presbyterian  Church. 

When  contemplating  the  subject,  there  were  two  not 
very  reconcilable  ideas  before  my  mind.  The  one  was,  to 
restrict  the  Work  to  such  a  size  as  might  keep  it  within  the 
reach  of  all  Presbyterians,  even  those  whose  means  were 
more  limited  than  their  inclinations,  but  who  equally  needed 
and  desired  information ;  the  other  was,  to  give  details 
sufficiently  minute  and  conclusive  to  place  the  whole  mat- 
ter fully  and  fairly  before  the  mind  of  the  reader,  that  he 


IV  PREFACE. 

might  be  able  to  form  an  accurate  judgment  respecting  the 
character  and  proceedings  of  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
and  also  of  the  Church  and  people  of  Scotland,  who  were 
so  intimately  connected  with  it.  How  far  these  conflicting 
purposes  have  been  reconciled  it  is  for  others  to  judge ; 
this,  however,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  that  no  pains 
have  been  spared  in  the  endeavour  to  ascertain  the  truth  in 
even  the  most  minute  points  which  required  investigation ; 
almost  every  book  or  pamphlet  of  any  importance  written 
at  the  time,  or  by  men  whose  course  of  inquiries  has  led 
them  to  traverse  that  period,  having  been  carefully  read.  I 
had,  indeed,  entertained  the  design  of  giving  a  complete 
list  of  all  the  productions,  in  book  or  pamphlet  form,  which 
have  been  consulted  or  perused ;  but,  in  honest  sincerity, 
I  confess  that  I  shrunk  from  doing  so,  lest  it  might  seem 
too  like  mere  ostentation.  For  a  similar  reason,  but  one  or 
two  references  to  authorities,  in  each  instance,  have  been 
given,  when  it  would  have  been  equally  easy  to  have  pro- 
duced half  a  dozen  ;  and  I  have  chiefly  referred  to  original 
authorities,  rather  than  to  those  which  may  be  got  in  the 
common  histories  of  the  period  ;  for  there  can  be  little  use 
in  quoting  Hume,  and  Brodie,  and  Laing,  and  Godwin,  and 
D'  Israeli,  when  we  have  before  us  the  original  authorities 
on  which  their  statements  are  founded.  By  adopting  this 
method,  I  have  also  avoided  the  necessity  of  encumbering 
my  Work  with  digressive  corrections  of  the  erroneous  or 
distorted  views  generally  given  by  these  historians,  in  their 
accounts  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  of  the  conduct 
of  the  Presbyterians. 

Inquiries  have  been  frequently  made  respecting  the 
manuscript  of  the  Westminster  Assembly's  proceedings, 
kept  by  the  scribes  or  clerks  of  the  Assembly;  but  that  im- 
portant document  appears  to  be  irrecoverably  lost.  One 
account  states  that  it  was  burned  in  the  great  fire  of  London, 


PREFACE.  V 

in  the  year  1666.  It  was  long  thought  that  a  copy  of  it 
had  been  taken,  and  was  preserved  in  the  library  of  Sion 
College  ;  and  some  aver  that  this  was  actually  the  case, 
and  that  it  too  was  destroyed  in  the  fire  which  burned  the 
House  of  Commons  in  1834,  having  been  placed  there, 
along  with  other  manuscript  records  relating  to  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  during  the  inquiries  of  the  Committee  on 
Patronage. 

We  are  informed  by  Baillie,  that  many  members  of  the 
Assembly  employed  themselves  in  taking  copious  notes, 
during  the  course  of  the  discussions  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged. It  might  have  been  expected  that  several  of  these 
manuscript  note-books  would  have  been  still  extant,  by 
comparing  which,  the  loss  of  the  Assembly's  own  record 
might  have  been  in  a  great  measure  supplied.  None,  how- 
ever, have  been  published,  except  Lightfoot's  Journal,  and 
Baillie's  Letters,  and  Gillespie's  Notes ;  which  are  accord- 
ingly the  most  minute  and  authentic  accounts  that  can  now 
be  obtained.  The  edition  of  Baillie,  to  which  I  have  re- 
ferred, is  that  admirable  one  recently  published  under  the 
care  of  David  Laing,  Esq.  To  that  gentleman,  to  the 
Librarians  of  the  Advocates'  and  the  Theological  Libraries, 
to  the  Rev.  Dr  Cunningham,  the  Rev.  Dr  M'Crie,  the  Rev. 
Dr  Goold,  the  late  Rev.  Samuel  Martin  of  Bathgate,  and 
the  Rev.  Robert  Craig  of  Rothesay,  I  take  this  opportunity 
of  expressing  niy  grateful  thanks  for  the  access  which  they 
so  readily  gave  me  to  their  literary  stores. 

Dr  Thomas  Goodwin,  one  of  the  leading  Independent 
divines,  wrote  fifteen  volumes  of  notes  or  journals  of  the 
Assembly's  proceedings,  as  we  are  informed  in  a  memoir  of 
his  life  by  his  son,  three  only  of  which  are  still  preserved 
in  Dr  Williams'  Library,  London.  It  was  my  intention  to 
have  consulted  these,  but  I  found  it  impracticable  at  the 
time.     There   are  in   the  Advocates'   Library,  Edinburgh, 


V]  PREFACE. 

two  manuscript  volumes  of  notes  by  Gillespie,  one  in  quarto, 
the  other  in  octavo  ;  both  of  which  I  have  been  courteously 
permitted  to  peruse.  They  seem  to  be  transcripts  from  the 
original,  and  of  the  two  the  octavo  is  the  more  complete. 
They  both  begin  February  2,  1644;  the  quarto  ends  May 
22,  and  the  octavo,  October  25,  the  same  year.  Their  chief 
value  consists  in  the  complete  corroboration  which  they  fur- 
nish to  the  printed  accounts  of  Lightfoot  and  Baillie,- — as 
will  be  seen  from  an  extract  inserted  in  the  Appendix ;  but 
they  would  be  well  worthy  of  publication  in  any  collected 
edition  of  Gillespie's  works — as  has  recently  been  done. 

In  tracing  the  controversies  by  which  both  Church  and 
kingdom  were  agitated  during  the  deliberations  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  it  has  been  my  endeavour  to  avoid,  as 
much  as  possible,  giving  a  controversial  aspect  to  my  own 
production.  My  duty  was,  to  relate  faithfully  what  was 
said,  written,  and  done,  by  the  eminent  men  of  that  period ; 
and,  in  discharging  that  duty,  I  have  often  felt  it  expedient 
to  transcribe  their  own  language,  as  the  most  impartial  way 
of  recording  their  sentiments  ;  and  when  occasionally  stat- 
ing my  own  opinions,  I  have  striven  to  do  so  as  fairly  and 
impartially  as  may  well  be  expected  from  one  who  does 
not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  that  he  feels  deeply  and  warmly 
interested  in  everything  that  relates  to  Presbyterian  prin- 
ciples and  character.  Certainly  I  have  no  wish  to  misre- 
present either  the  opinions  or  the  practice  of  any  body  of 
sincere  Christians, — least  of  all  would  I  censure  harshly  the 
errors  into  which  pious  and  earnest-hearted  men  were  driven 
by  Prelatic  persecution,  or  into  which  they  fell  in  the  sud- 
den revulsion  produced  by  its  overthrow,  and  in  the  ex- 
citement arising  from  unwonted  religious  liberty.  Let  me 
trust  that  Evangelical  Dissenters  will  give  credit  to  the  sin- 
cerity of  the  feelings  which  I  thus  avow.  There  is  no  plea- 
sure in  recording  the  errors  of  the  good,  and  the  follies  of 


PREFACE.  Vll 

the  wise ;  but  there  may  be  nmcn  advantage,  if  we  are 
thereby  taught  to  shun  the  error  and  the  folly,  and  to  imi- 
tate only  the  goodness  and  the  wisdom. 

The  plan  of  compression  within  the  narrowest  practi- 
cable limits,  which  I  have  adopted,  has  prevented  me  from 
recording  many  particulars  of  much  interest  and  importance ; 
but  should  time  and  health  be  spared  me,  I  may  at  some 
future  period  resume  the  task,  and  attempt  to  produce  a 
work  on  the  subject  at  once  more  minute  and  more  compre- 
hensive. In  the  meantime,  if  my  present  Work  shall  be 
found  to  have  vindicated  the  character  of  that  truly  vener- 
able body  of  Presbyterian  divines  from  the  unjust  asper- 
sions by  which  it  has  been  so  long  assailed,  and  to  have 
rendered  the  principles  which  they  held,  and  the  objects 
which  they  sought  to  accomplish,  more  clear  and  intelli- 
gible than  they  have  hitherto  been,  I  shall  be  amply  re- 
compensed,— especially  if,  in  pointing  out  the  errors  into 
which  contending  parties  fell,  and  the  way  m  wnicn  tnese 
errors  and  contentions  might  have  been  avoided,  I  shall 
have  succeeded  to  any  degree  in  directing  the  minds  of  all 
sincere  Christians  to  contemplate  the  necessity  and  the 
practicability  of  realising  now  the  great  idea  of  a  general 
Evangelical  Union,  far  more  extensive  and  complete  than 
could  have  been  either  hoped  for  or  attained  at  the  period 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly. 


Torphichex  Manse. 
May  184?- 


PREFATORY  NOTE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION. 


In  preparing  a  new  edition  of  the  History  of  the  Westminster 
Assembly,  I  have  both  given  it  a  careful  revision,  for  the 
purpose  of  correcting  inaccuracies  and  inserting  such  further 
information  as  renewed  inquiries  had  afforded ;  and  in  an 
additional  chapter  I  have  furnished  an  outline  of  the  theo- 
logical productions  of  that  learned  and  venerable  body, 
thereby  supplying  what  had  been  complained  of  as  defec- 
tive,— the  proof  that  their  labours  were  not  merely  contro- 
versial. I  have  also  enlarged  the  Appendix,  by  giving  brief 
biographical  sketches  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  to  the 
Assembly;  and  a  note  on  Philip  Nye,  the  leading  Inde- 
pendent divine,  investigating  the  question  how  far  he  is 
entitled  to  be  regarded  as  the  man  who  first  proclaimed  the 
great  principle  of  religious  liberty.  And  I  venture  to  en- 
tertain the  hope,  that  these  additions,  amounting  in  all  to 
about  fifty  pages,  will  be  found  to  have  increased  the  value 
of  the  work,  and  to  have  rendered  it  somewhat  more  worthy 
of  that  public  favour  with  which  it  has  already,  in  previous 
editions,  been  honoured. 


Edinburgh,  May  I806. 


viii 


NOTE  BY  THE  EDITOR. 

When  requested  to  edit  this  edition  of  Dr  Hetherington's 
History  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  I  was  asked  to  "break 
it  up  into  shorter  chapters.  This,  accordingly,  without  any 
abridgment  of  the  Work,  has  been  done. 

Corrections  and  additions,  rendered  necessary  by  the 
light  shed  upon  the  subject  by  the  publication  of  a  portion 
of  the  Original  Minutes  of  the  Assembly's  Proceedings, 
have  been  made. 

Alphabetical  Indices  to  names  and  subjects  have  been 
prepared.  A  list  of  the  additional  Scottish  Commissioners, 
and  the  dates  of  their  reception  by  the  Assembly,  have 
been  supplied ;  and  Notes,  relative  to  the  Committees  ap- 
pointed to  draw  up  "  the  first  draught  of  the  Confession  of 
Faith  "  and  Catechisms,  have  been  furnished. 

Dr  Hetherington,  in  common  with  many  others,  sup- 
posed that  the  Original  Minutes  of  the  Assembly  had  beer 
"  irrecoverably  lost."  He  refers  to  Dr  Thomas  Goodwin's 
volumes  of  Notes  of  the  Assembly's  Proceedings ;  and  he 
had  intended  consulting  them  in  Dr  Williams'  Library, 
London,  but  found  it  impracticable  at  the  time. 

Had  Hetherington  been  able  to  carry  out  his  intention, 
how  delighted  he  would  have  been  to  discover  that,  in- 
stead of  Dr  Goodwin's  Notes,  the  three  volumes  to  which 


X  NOTE   BY   THE   EDITOR. 

lie  referred,  contained  the  Original  Minutes  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  which  he  had  supposed  to  be  "  irre- 
coverably lost," — a  discovery  which  would  have  been  of 
great  service  to  him  in  composing  his  History. 

By  desire  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  a  portion  of  the  Minutes  has  been  published  by 
Professor  Mitchell,  D.D.,  of  St  Andrews,  and  Dr  Struthers, 
of  Prestonpans. 

The  thanks  of  all  the  Presbyterian  Churches  through- 
out the  world  are  due  to  these  gentlemen  for  their  valu- 
able labours ;  and,  it  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped,  that  they 
will  speedily  be  furnished  by  some  of  our  public-spirited 
Presbyterian  friends  in  Great  Britain  or  America,  with 
funds  to  enable  them  to  publish  the  remaining  Minutes. 


A«COf>,  by    KOTHESAT.  B-    W. 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER    I. 


INTRODUCTORY   HISTORICAL   SKETCH. 


PERIOD    I. 


FROM  DATE  OF  QUARREL  BETWEEN  HENRY  VIII.  AND  THE  POPE, 
TO  ACCESSION  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 


Importance  of  the  Westminster  Assembly 

Quarrel  between  Henry  viii.  and  the  Pope 

Cranmer's  Suggestion  . 
1531     Henry  styled  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church 

Effects  of  the  Power  thus  assumed     . 

Six  Articles  of  Religious  Agreement  . 

Reformation  promoted  by  Edward  VI. 

The  Liturgy  and  Book  of  Ordinations 
1550     Hooper  refuses  the  Episcopal  Vestments 

Articles  of  Religion 

"  Bloody  Mary  and  Persecution  " 

"  Frankfort  Troubles  " — Contests  about  Ceremonies 


Page 

1 

3 

4 

4 

5 

7 

9 

11 

11 

13 

14 

16 


PERIOD  II. 


THE  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH. 


1558 


1562 


Queen  Elizabeth— Act  of  Supremacy. 

Renewed  Contests  about  Vestments  and  Ceremonies 

Convocation — Close  of  Reforming  Period 


Xll  CONTENTS. 


General  View  of  the  Grounds  of  Controversy  between  the 
Court  Divines  and  the  Reforming  Party 

Despotic  Injunction  of  the  Queen 

Suspension  of  those  who  refused  to  Conform,  and  who 
wishing  greater  Purity,  were  now  called  Puritans 

Remonstrances  of  Foreign  Churches  ... 

1566  The  Puritans  begin  to  form  a  Separate  Body 
Chief  Differences  between  them  and  the  Church 

1567  Their  first  Communion  interrupted     . 
Parliament  attempts  to  interpose,  but  in  vain 
State  of  Religion  in  England  .... 
Associations  for  Worship,  Discipline,  "  Propkesyings" 
Cartwright  and  Whitgift  .... 

1572     First  Presbytery  constituted  in  England 

Grindal  interposes,  but  in  vain 

Puritan  Writings  prohibited    .... 

Rise  of  the  Brownists  ..... 

Whitgift's  Articles— High  Commission 
1588     Bancroft's  Theory  oijure  dlvino  Prelacy 

The  Martin  Mar-Prelate  Tracts 


Page 

23 
26 

27 
28 
29 
30 
32 
32 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
40 
40 
43 
45 
46 


Attempt  of  Parliament  to  interfere — Sufferings  of  Puritans  47 
Controversy  on  Sabbath-keeping  ....  48 
Growth  of  Arminianism  among  the  Prelatists  .  .        49 


PERIOD  III. 

FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  JAMES  I.  OF  ENGLAND  TO  THE  CALLING 
OF  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 


King  James — The  Millenary  Petition 

Hampton  Court  Conference.    . 

Bancroft  and  the  High  Commission    . 

Civil  Liberty  manifestly  endangered  . 
1616     Rise  of  the  Independents,  or  Congregalionnlists 
1618     The  King's  Book  of  Sports      . 

The  King's  Despotism  begins  to  rouse  Parliament 

Accession  of  Charles  i. 

Despotic  Principles  of  the  High  Church  Party 

The  Parliament  begins  to  defend   Liberty,  Civil  and  Re 
ligious         ..... 
1633     The  Book  of  Sports  revived     . 


50 
51 
54 
66 
57 
57 
60 
60 
61 

62 
63 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


Continued  Contest  between  the  King  and  Parliament, 
Laud's  cruel  Treatment  of  Leighton,  Burton,  Bastwick,  and 

Prynne  .  . 

Hampden  and  the  S  hip-Money  Tax   . 
The  Emigration  of  Hampden  and  Cromwell  prohibited 
Laud  reaches  the  climax  of  Prelatic  Usurpation 
Abortive  attempt  to  force  Prelacy  on  Scotland 

1640     The  Long  Parliament  called — its  vigorous  Measures 
Laud  and  the  Earl  of  Strafford  impeached    . 
Prelatic  Controversy — Smectymnuus 
Parliament  declares  its  own  Sittings  permanent 
Protestation  of  Parliament       .... 
The  Kiug  in  Scotland  ..... 
Remonstrance  of  the  House  of  Commons 
Impeachment  of  the  Bishops   .... 
The  Kiug  attempts  to  seize  the  five  Members,  and  then 
leaves  London       ..... 

1G42     The  Royal  Standard  raised  at  Nottingham    . 
Bill  for  the  Abolition  of  Prelacy 
Ordinance  calling  the  Assembly  of  Divines  . 
Outline  of  Scottish  Affairs       .... 
Reflections  suggested  by  the  preceding  Narrative    . 


Page 
64 

65 
66 
67 
68 
68 
71 
72 
74 
76 
76 
78 
80 
81 

81 
83 
85 
88 
92 
99 


CHAPTER  II. 


MEETING  OP  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 


1643     List  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines 

First  Meeting  of  the  Assembly — its  Theory 
General  Regulations  of  the  Assembly 
Baillie's  Account  of  its  Order  of  Procedure . 
Prelatic  Members  of  Assembly 
Fasts  and  Sermons  of  the  Assembly 
Intercourse  with  the  Church  of  Scotland     . 
Deliberations  respecting  a  League  or  Covenant 
The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant 
Remarks  concerning  it 


103 
107 
109 
111 
113 
114 
115 
115 
117 
117 


XIV 


CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PARTIES  IX  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 

Pfega 

Episcopalians  ......  129 

Presbyterians .......  130 

Independents  ......  131 

Erastians          .......  134 

Remarks  concerning  these  Parties    .             .            .  137 

The  Scottish  Commissioners  to  the  Assembly         .            .  139 

Characters  of  Henderson,  Gillespie,  Rutherford,  and  Baillie  140 

Numerous  Sects  in  England  .....  143 

Causes  of  these  numerous  Sects        .  144 

Effects  on  the  Assembly  and  the  Kingdom  .            .            .  148 

Political  Independents — Toleration  ....  149 


CHAPTER  IV. 


"HE  INDEPENDENT  CONTROVERSY. 


Order  to  frame  a  Directory  of  Worship 
Deliberations  concerning  Office-bearers  in  the  Church 
Concerning  the  Office  of  Apostles     . 
Concerning  Pastors  and  Teachers,  or  Doctors 
Concerning  Ruling  Elders     .... 
Concerning  Deacons  ..... 
1644     Suggestions  respecting  the  Supply  of  Vacant  Charges 
The  Subject  of  Ordination  introduced 
The  Struggle  between  the  Parties  begun    . 
Proposition  of  the  Independents  concerning  Ordination 
Consent  of  the  Congregation  to,  or  Election  of  the  Pastor 
Alterations  made  by  the  Parliament  in  the  doctrinal  part 

of  Ordination  successfully  resisted  by  the  Assembly 
Directory  for  Public  Worship 
Form  of  Church  Government  and  Discipline 
Opposition  made  by  the  Independents 
Their  "  Apologetical  Narration  " — Extracts 


152 
154 
156 
158 
159 
161 
163 
164 
168 
168 
171 

173 
174 
176 
176 
177 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAP  TEE  V. 

THE  INDEPENDENT  CONTROVERSY—  continued. 


Answers  to  the  "  Apologetical  Narrative  " — Antapologia 

Remarks  on  the  Independent  Controversy   . 

The  arguments  on  both  sides  stated 

Admission  of  a  close  Approximation 

"Many  Congregations  under  one  Presbytery"  debated 

Remarkable  Debate  between  Selden  and  Gillespie  . 

Nye's  Argument  against  Presbytery  censured 

Admissions  by  the  Independents 

Committee  of  Accommodation 

Proceedings  of  that  Committee 

Debate  on  Congregational  Ordination 

Suspension  from  Sacraments,  and  Excommunication 

Reasons  of  Dissent  by  the  Independents 

The  Assembly's  Answer         .... 

Reasons  of  Dissent,  and  Answers,  or  Grand  Debate 

Independents  requested  to  state  their  own  Model    . 

They  decline,  and  publish  "  A  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance" 

Answer  to  this  by  the  Assembly 

Committee  of  Accommodation  revived — Abandoned 

Remarks  on  this  Controversy  and  its  Consequences 


Page 
186 
189 
191 
196 
197 
199 
201 
202 
202 
203 
206 
207 
212 
212 
221 
222 
223 
224 
225 
226 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  ERASTTAN  CONTROVERSY. 

Preliminary  Remarks  on  the  Erastian  Theory 

Selden  s  Hint  respecting  Excommunication 

His  Argument  on  1  Cor.  v.  4 

Selden's  Argument  on  Matt,  xviii.  15-18 

Answered  by  Gillespie 

Whitelocke's  Argument  and  Suggestion  on  Divine  Right 


232 
236 
237 
238 
240 
211 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

Page 

1644  Firmness  of  the  Assembly— Successful  .  242 
Whiteloeke  and  the  jus  divinum  Claim  in  Parliament  244 

1645  Conduct  of  Parliament  on  the  Suspending  of  Ignorant  and 

Scandalous  Persons  from  the  Lord's  Table       .  .  247 

Selden's  Argument  on  that  subject  ....  248 

Whitelock's  Argument  .....  249 

Kemarks  on  these  Arguments  .....  252 

Ordinance  upon  Suspension,  etc. — Erastian  Clause  .  255 

Petitions  from  London  and  the  City  Ministers         .  .  257 

1646  Ordinance  for  the  Choice  of  Elders — Erastian  Clause  .  259 
Remonstrance  of  the  Scottish  Parliamentary  Commissioners  260 
Haughty  Conduct,  of  the  English  Parliament  .  .  261 
Petition  of  the  A  ssembly — How  received  .  .  .  265 
The  Parliament's  jus  divinum  Questions  .  .  .  266 
The  Assembly's  Deliverance  on  the  essential  Element  of  the 

Controversy — Firmness  of  the  Assembly         .  .  268 

The  Assembly  prepares  Answers  to  these  Questions  .  270 

The  jus  divinum  Treatise  by  the  City  Ministers       .  .  271 

Outline  of  Political  Events  .....  272 
The  King  retires  to  the   Scottish  Army — Altered  tone  of 

Parliament  ......  273 

Erastian  Clause  Eemoved  from  the  Ordinance  for  the  choice 

of  Elders  and  erection  of  Presbyteries  .  .  .  273 


CHAPTER  VIL 

THE  ERASTIAN  CONTROVERSY — Continued. 

The  King  in  the  Scottish  Army — Negotiations        .  .  275 

Vindication  of  Scotland  from  the  Accusation  of  having  sold 

the  King — True  state  of  the  matter       .  .  .  278 

1647    Removal  of  obstructions,  and  erection  of  Presbyteries  and 

Synods      .......  281 

Negotiations  with  the  King — Votes  of  Parliament  concern- 
ing Church  Government  and  Toleration           .            .  282 
Preparation  for  the  Confession  of  Faith        .           .  284 
Not  the  Slightest  Erastian  modification  admitted    .            .  285 
Presented  to  Parliament — Scripture  Proofs  required          .  287 


CONTENTS. 


XVll 


Page 
1648    How  far  Eatified  by  Parliament — What  alterations  suggested 

— What  topics  recommitted — Kemarks  .            .            .  288 

Literature  of  the  Erastian  Controversy        .            .            .  289 

Theories  of  different  shades  of  Erastianism .            .            .  292 

Coleman's  Sermon       ......  293 

Gillespie's  Brotherly  Examination    ....  295 

Controversy  between  Coleman  and  Gillespie           .            .  296 

Gillespie's  Aaron's  Eod  Blossoming             .            .            .  297 

Rutherford's  Divine  Bight  of  Church  Government             .  300 

Treatise  by  Apollonius           .....  301 

1  Concluding  Remarks  on  Erastianism            .           .  302 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


CONCLUSION  OF  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 


1647-8  The  Catechisms  composed 

Inquiry  concerning  the  Authorship  of  the  Catechisms 
Departure  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners    .  .  ♦. 

1649     Dissolution  of  the  Assembly  ..... 

1645-8  Ratification  of  the  Westminster  Assembly's  productions  by 
the  Church  of  Scotland,  with  Explanations 
Outline  of  Subsequent  Events  in  England    . 
Usurpations  of  the  Army  and  Cromwell 
The  King  in  the  Isle  of  Wight — Negotiations 
Death  of  Charles  I.     .  .... 

Dissolution  of  the  Long  Parliament  and  the  Westminster 


1658 


1662 


The  Engagement— Ejection  of  Presbyterians 

Committee  of  Triers   ...... 

The  Independents  in  Power — the  Savoy  Confession 
Death  of  Cromwell — Restoration  of  Charles  II. 
Prelacy  Restored — The  Savoy  Conference  . 
The  Act  of  Uniformity — Two  Thousand  Presbyterian  Minis- 
ters Ejected  on  St  Bartholomew's  Day  . 
b 


304 
306 
307 
310 

311 
313 
314 
315 
316 

318 
319 
319 
321 
322 
323 

324 


XV111 


CONTEXTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RETROSPECTIVE  VIEW  OF  THE  WHOLE  SUBJECT. 

Pago 

1662    Main  Object  of  the  "Westminster  Assembly  .            .            .  327 

Advantages  of  Religious  Uniformity             .                         .  328 

Effects  of  the  Assembly — On  Universities   .             .            .  331 

On  Theological  Literature     .....  332 

On  the  State  of  Education  in  England          .            .             .  333 

Sectarianism — State  of  the  Army      ....  334 

On  Religious  Toleration         .....  336 

Its  True  Nature  intimated     .....  337 

Liberty  of  Conscience             .....  338 

How  Misunderstood  by  both  Parties             .            .            .  339 
1654     Unlimited  Toleration  not  granted  by  the  Independents  when 

in  Power  .......  340 

Opinions  of  the  Early  Reformers — of  the  Church  of  Scotland 

— of  the  Westminster  Assembly,            .            .            .  341 

Fundamental  Principles  of  Faith  by  the  Independents           .  344 


CHAPTER  X. 


THEOLOGICAL  PRODUCTIONS  OF  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 


Church  Government  .... 

Directory  of  Public  Worship 

Confession  of  Faith   .... 

Objections  against  Confessions  answered    . 

"What  a  Confession  of  Faith  really  is 

Comprehensiveness  and  Accuracy  as  a  system 

Relation  to  Church  History  . 

Precision  of  Thought  and  Language 

Statement  of  Co-ordinate  Jurisdictions 

True  Liberty  of  Conscience . 

Plan  of  the  Confession 

The  Catechisms  .... 

Anecdote  of  Gillespie 


350 
351 
352 
355 
&56 
358 
359 
361 
363 
3(55 
367 
368 
370 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

Page 
Relation  of  the  Confession  to  the  idea  of  a  General  Protestant 

Union       ........  373 

Coincidences  between  the  period  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  and 

the  present  times             ......  375 

Protestant  Union  yet  Attainable      .....  379 

Conclusion      .........  380 


APPENDIX. 

I.  Religions  Uniformity  recommended  by  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners in  1640-41 — Their  Views         .  .  .        381 
II.  Extracts  from  Gillespie's  Manuscripts ;   and  Extracts  on 

Election  of  Ministers  .....        393 

III.  Ordinance  about  Suspension,  etc.      ....        398 

IV.  Ordinance  for  the  Choice  of  Elders  .  .  .  .399 
V.  Biographical  Notices  of  those  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners 

originally  appointed,  who  sat  in  the   Westminster  As- 
sembly, and  took  Part  in  its  Deliberations           .            .  399 

1.  Henderson        ......  399 

2.  Rutherford 404 

3.  Baillie .408 

4.  Gillespie 411 

5.  Warriston         ......  415 

6.  Lauderdale      ......  417 

VI.  Scottish  Commissioners  afterwards  appointed         .            .  440 

VII.  Philip  Nye  and  Religious  Liberty    ....        419 

VIII.  Notes    .......  429-441 

IX.  Eacsimiles  of  Title-pages  of  the  Original  Editions  of  the 
Confession    of    Faith,   Catechisms,   and    Directory    for 
Church  Government  ....  443-453 

X.  Indices  ......  460-478 


HISTORY 

OF 

THE    WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY. 

CHAPTER   I. 

INTRODUCTORY  HISTOEICAL  SKETCH. 

PERIOD   FIRST 1530-1558. 

The  remark  has  frequently  been  made,  accompanied  with 
expressions  of  surprise  and  regret,  that  no  separate  historical 
account  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines  has  yet 
been  written.  Every  person  who  has  directed  his  attention 
to  the  events  of  the  seventeenth  century,  whether  with 
regard  to  their  civil  or  their  religious  aspect,  has  felt  that 
it  was  impossible  fully  to  understand  either  the  one  or  the 
other  line  of  study,  without  taking  into  view  the  character 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  the  purpose  for  which  it 
met,  and  the  result  of  its  deliberations.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing this  universally  felt  necessity,  the  subject  has 
never  received  an  adequate  investigation,  and  consequently 
still  remains  in  such  obscurity  as  renders  it  exposed  to 
every  kind  of  misrepresentation.  Some  have  regarded  it 
as  comparatively  an  isolated  event,  not  very  influential  on 
those  around  it,  and  serving  chiefly  to  display,  in  a  com- 
bined form,  the  characters  of  the  men  and  measures  of 
those  times  ;  others  have  viewed  it  as  the  abortive  attempt 


2  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  a  parcel  of  narrow-minded  and  yet  ambitious  fanatics, 
serving  to  reveal  their  dangerous  pretensions,  and  then,  by 
its  failure,  exposing  them  to  deserved  ridicule.  The  mere 
student  of  civil  history  will  doubtless  see  little  in  it  to 
attract  his  notice,  engrossed,  as  his  attention  vail  be,  by 
the  schemes  of  politicians  and  the  din  of  arms  ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  mere  theologian  will  generally  be  little 
disposed  to  regard  any  thing  about  it,  except  its  productions. 
But  the  man  who  penetrates  a  little  deeper  into  the  nature 
of  those  unrevealed  but  powerful  influences  which  move  a 
nation's  mind,  and  mould  its  destinies,  will  be  ready  to 
direct  his  attention  more  profoundly  to  the  objects  and 
deliberations  of  an  assembly  which  met  at  a  moment  so 
critical,  and  was  composed  of  the  great  master-minds  of  the 
age ;  and  the  theologian  who  has  learned  to  view  religion 
as  the  vital  principle  of  human  nature,  equally  in  nations 
and  in  the  individual  man,  will  not  easily  admit  the  weak 
idea,  that  such  an  assembly  could  have  been  an  isolated 
event,  but  will  be  disposed  earnestly  to  inquire  what  led 
to  its  meeting,  and  what  important  consequences  followed. 
And  although  the  subject  has  not  hitherto  been  investi- 
gated with  such  a  view,  it  may,  we  trust,  be  possible  to 
prove,  that  it  was  the  most  important  event  in  the  century 
in  which  it  occurred  ;  and  that  it  has  exerted,  and  in  all 
probability  will  yet  exert,  a  far  more  wide  and  permanent 
influence  upon  both  the  civil  and  the  religious  history  of 
mankind  than  has  generally  been  even  imagined. 

Intimately  connected  as  the  Westminster  Assembly  was 
both  with  the  civil  and  the  religious  history  of  the  two 
kingdoms  of  England  and  Scotland,  it  will  be  absolutely 
necessary  to  give  a  preliminary  outline  of  the  leading  events 
in  both  countries,  from  the  time  of  the  Eeformation  till  the 
meeting  of  the  Assembly,  in  order  that  a  clear  conception 
may  be  obtained  of  the  cause  of  its  meeting,  the  circum 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  3 

stances  in  which  it  met,  and  the  object  which  it  was  in- 
tended to  accomplish.  We  shall  then  be  in  a  fit  condition 
to  investigate  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  itself,  to 
understand  their  true  character,  to  mark  their  direct  bear- 
ing, and  to  trace  their  more  remote  results. 

The  circumstances  that  led  to  the  disagreement  between 
Henry  VIII.  and  the  Pope  are  so  well  known,  that  it  is 
unnecessary  to  do  more  than  merely  allude  to  them. 
Whether  Henry  actually  began  to  entertain  conscientious 
scruples  respecting  the  lawfulness  of  his  marriage  with 
Katherine  of  Arragon,  his  brother  Arthur's  widow,  before 
he  became  enamoured  of  Anne  Boleyn,  or  whether  his  in- 
cipient affection  for  that  lady  induced  him  to  devise  a 
method  of  being  released  from  his  wife,  is  an  inquiry  of 
no  great  moment  in  itself,  except  as  to  its  bearing  on  the 
character  of  the  monarch.  Suffice  it  to  state,  that  the 
King  consulted  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  required 
him  to  procure  the  opinions  of  the  bishops  of  England  on 
the  subject.  All,  with  the  exception  of  Fisher,  Bishop  of 
Rochester,  declared  that  in  their  judgment  it  was  an  un- 
lawful marriage.  But  as  a  Dispensation  had  been  obtained 
from  the  Pope,  before  the  marriage  took  place,  it  became 
necessary  to  procure  a  Papal  recognition  of  the  intended 
divorce  ;  which  was  a  matter  of  no  little  difficulty,  both 
because  such  a  measure  would  seem  to  invalidate  a  previous 
Papal  Bull,  to  the  discredit  of  the  doctrine  of  infallibility, 
and  because  there  would  arise  a  serious  question  respect- 
ing the  legitimacy  of  the  Princess  Mary,  and  offence  might 
be  taken  by  the  King  of  Spain.  All  these  dangers  were 
clearly  seen  by  Cardinal  Wolsey ;  who,  accordingly,  with- 
out venturing  directly  to  oppose  the  King's  desires,  con- 
trived to  cause  delays,  to  procure  evasive  answers,  and  to 
protract  the  proceedings  by  every  method  which  fear  of  the 
issue  could  prompt  and  deep  craft  could  devise.    At  length 


4  HISTORY    OF   THE 

Cranmer,  till  then  a  comparatively  unknown  man,  sug- 
gested, that,  instead  of  a  long  and  fruitless  negotiation  at 
Rome,  it  would  be  better  to  consult  all  the  learned  men 
and  universities  of  Christendom,  to  ascertain  whether  the 
marriage  were  unlawful  in  itself,  by  virtue  of  any  Divine 
precept;  for  if  that  were  proved,  then  it  would  follow,  that 
the  Pope's  Dispensation  could  be  of  no  force  to  make  that 
lawful  which  God  has  declared  unlawful.1  When  the 
King  heard  of  this  suggestion,  he  immediately  adopted  it, 
sent  for  Cranmer,  received  him  into  favour,  and  placed 
such  confidence  in  his  honour,  integrity,  and  judgment, 
that  it  was  never  afterwards  thoroughly  shaken,  either  by 
the  artifices  of  enemies,  or  the  varying  moods  of  the  ca- 
pricious Sovereign  himself. 

Cranmer  prosecuted  the  scheme  which  he  had  suggested 
so  successfully,  that  he  procured,  both  from  the  English 
universities,  and  from  nearly  all  the  learned  men  in  Europe, 
answers  to  the  effect,  that  the  King's  marriage  Avas  contrary 
to  the  law  of  God.  These  answers  were  laid  before  the 
Parliament,  which  met  in  January  1531,  and  assented  to 
by  both  Houses,  as  also  by  the  Convocation  of  the  Clergy, 
which  was  met  at  the  same  time.  Still  the  Pope  had  not 
consented ;  and  the  hostility  between  him  and  Henry  was 
necessarily  increased  by  what  had  taken  place  regarding 
the  proposed  divorce.  Henry  was  not  disposed  to  pause 
now,  till  he  should  have  secured  his  power  over  the  clergy; 
and  as  they  were  all  implicated  in  some  of  Wolsey's  pro- 
ceedings, which  had  been  declared  to  have  involved  him  in 
a  praemunire,  they  were  held  to  be  amenable  to  all  its 
penalties.  Their  danger  rendered  them  submissive,  and  in 
the  Convocation  at  Canterbury,  a  petition  was  agreed  upon 
to  be  offered  to  the  King,  in  which  he  was  styled,  "  The 
Protector  and  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  and  the  Clergy 
1  Burnet's  History  of  the  Re  formation,  vol.  i.  p.  125. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  0 

of  England."  Gratified  with  this  title,  the  King  granted  a 
pardon  to  the  clergy ;  but  did  not,  as  they  had  probably 
expected,  permit  it  to  remain  an  empty  title.  In  May 
1532,  he  informed  the  House  of  Commons  that  he  had 
learned  that  all  the  prelates,  at  their  consecration,  swore 
an  oath  quite  contrary  to  that  which  they  swore  to  the 
Crown — so  that  it  seemed  they  were  the  Pope's  subjects 
rather  than  his ;  referring  it  to  their  care  to  take  such  order 
in  it  that  the  King  might  not  be  deluded.  The  prorogation 
of  the  Parliament  prevented  the  immediate  collision  be- 
tween the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  powers,  which  the 
investigation  of  that  point  would  have  caused ;  but  it  was 
now  abundantly  evident  on  what  the  King  had  bent  his 
mind.  The  question  respecting  the  Pope's  supremacy  was 
now  the  subject  of  inquiry  and  discussion  throughout  the 
kingdom  ;  and  at  length  it  was  formally  brought  before 
Parliament,  and  on  the  20th  of  March  1534-5,  a  Bill  was 
passed,  abolishing  Papal  supremacy  in  England,  and  de- 
claring the  King  to  be  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of 
England  ;  and  in  the  following  June,  a  circular  letter  was 
sent  by  the  King,  not  only  to  all  the  bishops,  but  also  to 
all  the  justices  of  the  peace,  requiring  the  universal  pro- 
mulgation of  the  decree  respecting  the  abolition  of  the 
Pope's  supremacy  and  the  recognition  of  his  own  ;  and  em- 
powering the  civil  functionaries  to  ascertain  whether  the 
clergy  did  their  duty  sincerely.1  So  delighted  was  King 
Henry  with  his  title  of  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church,  that 
he  caused  it  to  be  enacted  that  it  should  be  forever  joined 
to  the  other  titles  of  the  crown,  and  be  reckoned  one  of 
them  ;  and  even  earned,  a  seal  to  be  cwt  for  public  use  in 
his  new  ecclesiastical  office  ;  and  when  directing  a  visita- 
tion of  the  whole  clergy  of  England,  dated  the  18th  of 
September  1535,  added  these  words — "  Under  our  seal, 
1  Burnet's  Hist.  Ref.,  vol.  iii.  p.  144. 


6  HISTORY   OF   THE 

that  we  use  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  which  we  have  ordered 
to  be  hereunto  appended.1 

It  Anil  be  at  once  seen,  that  the  title  of  Supreme  Head 
of  the  Church,  and  the  power  in  ecclesiastical  matters 
which  arose  from  it,  were  claimed  by  Henry,  not  as  the 
necessary  means  for  promoting  reformation,  nor  from  any 
religious  conviction  that  the  Pope's  assumption  of  it  was 
in  itself  sinful ;  but  solely  from  the  desire  of  rescuing  him- 
self from  any  control,  and  for  the  purpose  of  possessing,  in 
his  own  person,  the  most  full  and  absolute  power  that 
could  be  imagined.  And  it  rendered  it  at  once  a  matter 
of  utter  impossibility  for  the  Church  of  England  to  prose- 
cute its  own  reformation  according  to  the  deliberate  judg- 
ment of  its  most  enlightened  members,  whatever  might  be 
their  opinion  of  the  requirements  of  the  Word  of  God. 
To  this  fatal  dogma  of  the  King's  supremacy  and  headship 
of  the  Church  of  England  may  be  directly  traced  nearly  all 
the  corruptions  of  that  Church,  and  nearly  all  the  subse- 
quent civil  calamities  of  the  British  Isles.  Eor  it  would 
not  be  difficult  to  prove,  that  there  can  be  no  security  for 
either  civil  or  religious  liberty  in  any  country  where  the 
supreme  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions  are  both  pos- 
sessed by  the  same  ruling  power.  It  matters  little  whether 
the  ruling  power  be  ecclesiastical,  holding  the  civil  subor- 
dinate to  it,  as  does  the  Papacy  ;  or  civil,  holding  the 
ecclesiastical  subordinate,  as  in  the  case  of  Henry  and  his 
successors  ;  for  in  either  case  the  result  is  a  despotism, 
under  which  the  people  must  sink  into  utter  degradation, 
or  against  which  they  are  provoked,  from  time  to  time,  to 
rise  in  all  the  dangerous  fierceness  of  revolutionary  con- 
vulsion. But  it  is  enough  merely  to  suggest  this  view  at 
present ;  it  will  demand  more  particular  examination  in 
future  stages  of  our  inquiries. 

1  Burnet's  Hist.  Ref  .  vol.  iii.  p.  151. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  7 

Almost  the  first  public  use  made  by  the  King  of  his 
acknowledged  supremacy  in  religion,  was  to  send  Cranmer, 
now  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  on  a  visitation  of  the  mon- 
asteries throughout  the  kingdom.  It  was  no  difficult 
matter  to  convict  these  Popish  institutions  of  such  crimes 
and  abominations  as  are  not  fit  to  be  mentioned,  "  equal," 
says  Burnet,  "  to  any  that  were  in  Sodom  ;"  so  that  their 
suppression  was  but  the  sweeping  away  of  a  great  moral 
nuisance,  too  loathsome  any  longer  to  be  endured.  It  served, 
at  the  same  time,  as  a  measure  by  which  the  King's  coffers 
were  replenished,  some  of  his  favourites  enriched,  and  the 
better  part  of  the  nation  gratified  by  the  removal  of  a 
system  of  enormities  which  had  been  long  regarded  with 
extreme  detestation.  About  the  same  time,  it  was  resolved 
that  the  Bible  should  be  translated  into  English,  and  pub- 
lished for  the  instruction  of  the  community  ;  though  this 
was  strenuously  resisted  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  clergy, 
and  carried  only  by  the  influence  of  Cranmer  and  the  Queen. 
The  fall  of  the  Queen,  which  took  place  soon  after,  threat- 
ened to  retard  the  progress  of  reformation,  and  the  Pope 
attempted  a  reconciliation  with  the  King.  But  Henry  had 
no  inclination  to  subject  himself  again  to  Papal  control; 
and,  following  Cranmer' s  advice,  he  proceeded  to  make 
further  changes.  In  the  year  1536,  the  Convocation  were 
induced  to  agree  to  certain  articles  of  religion,  which  were 
accordingly  promulgated  on  the  royal  authority.  In  these 
articles,  the  standards  of  faith  were  declared  to  be — the 
Bible,  the  Apostolic,  Nicene,  and  Athanasian  Creeds,  and 
the  decrees  of  the  first  four  general  Councils,  without  re- 
gard to  tradition  or  the  decrees  of  the  Church ;  and  the 
doctrine  of  justification  was  declared  to  "  signify  remission 
of  sins,  and  acceptation  into  the  favour  of  God,  that  is  to 
say,  a  perfect  renovation  in  Christ ;"  but  auricular  confes- 
sion was  held  to   be  necessary,  the  corporal   presence  of 


8  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Christ  in  the  sacrament  was  maintained,  doing  reverence 
to  images  and  praying  to  saints  were  approved  of,  and 
various  other  corruptions  and  mere  ceremonial  observ- 
ances were  left  untouched.1  This  limited  reformation  gave 
little  satisfaction  to  any,  one  party  thinking  it  too  much, 
and  the  other  too  little  j  yet  it  tended  to  encourage 
those  who  wished  reform,  with  the  hope  that  what  was 
thus  begun  would  be  gradually  and  thoroughly  accom- 
plished. 

[1539.]  In  the  year  1538,  the  English  translation  of  the 
Bible  was  published,  and  injunctions  were  given  to  all  the 
clergy  to  procure  these  Bibles,  one  for  each  church,  and  to 
encourage  all  persons  to  peruse  them  j  condemning,  at  the 
same  time,  the  worship  of  images,  and  permitting  the  prayers 
to  saints  to  be  omitted.  But  while  the  Reformers  were  re- 
joicing in  this  apparently  rapid  progress  of  the  good  work, 
their  hopes  were  suddenly  cast  to  the  ground,  and  their 
prospects  darkened.  The  very  next  year,  the  King  on  the 
pretext  of  putting  an  end  to  controversies  in  religion,  re- 
quired a  committee  to  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of 
drawing  up  articles  of  agreement,  to  which  all  might  con- 
sent. The  committee  could  not  agree,  and  the  subject 
was  brought  before  the  House  of  Lords  by  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  who  named  six  articles  for  discussion.  Notwith- 
standing the  opposition  of  Cranmer,  these  articles  were 
passed,  and  all  the  kingdom  commanded  to  receive  them, 
the  penalty  of  opposition  being  imprisonment,  forfeiture 
of  property,  or  death  as  heretics.  They  contained  the 
following  tenets : — The  real  presence  in  the  sacrament, 
communion  in  one  kind  only,  the  celibacy  of  the  priest- 
hood, that  vows  of  chastity  made  by  either  sex  should  be 
observed,  that  private  masses  should  be  continued,  and 
that  auricular  confession  was  necessary,  and  should  be 
1  Burnet's  Hist.  Kef.,  vol.  i.  pp.  333-338. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  9 

retained  in  the  Church.1  By  this  Act  it  was  rendered 
abundantly  evident,  that  little  of  Popery  had  been  removed 
hut  the  name ;  or  rather,  that  England  had  obtained, 
instead  of  an  ecclesiastical,  a  royal  Pope.  Yet,  with  remark- 
able inconsistency,  or  at  least  want  of  penetration,  the  King 
very  soon  after  consented  to  an  Act  permitting  private  per- 
sons to  purchase  Bibles,  and  keep  them  in  their  own  pos- 
session. The  short-sighted  despot  did  not  perceive  that  the 
private  use  of  the  Scriptures  would  soon  teach  his  people  the 
right  of  private  judgment  also  in  matters  of  religion,  which 
all  his  boasted  supremacy  would  not  long  be  able  to  control. 

The  fall  of  Cromwell,  caused  in  a  great  measure  by  the 
intrigues  of  the  Popish  party,  allowed  them  to  regain  con- 
siderable ascendency,  and  retarded  the  progress  of  reforma- 
tion, though  it  still  continued  slowly  to  gain  ground.  An 
attempt  was  made  by  the  Popish  bishops  to  procure  the 
suppression  of  the  Bible,  on  the  ostensible  ground  of  its 
being  an  inaccurate  translation.  This,  however,  they  did 
not  obtain ;  but  an  Act  was  made  "  about  religion,"  the 
effect  of  which  was  to  empower  the  King  to  confirm,  rescind, 
or  change  any  Act,  or  any  provision  in  any  Act,  that  treated 
of  religion.  A  more  complete  and  arbitrary  supremacy  in 
all  matters  of  religion,  than  was  now  possessed  by  Henry, 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  imagine.  And  the  effect  was 
correspondent  to  the  cause ;  for  the  King,  guided  alone  by 
his  own  fierce  and  capricious  will,  was  almost  equally 
hostile  to  both  parties,  Popish  and  Eeforming,  inflicting 
the  extreme  penalty  of  death  upon  either  with  indiscrimi- 
nate severity.  But  the  death  of  the  King  rescued  the 
nation  from  intolerable  oppression,  and  gave  opportunity 
for  the  more  earnest  and  successful  prosecution  of  the  great 
work  of  reformation  under  his  young  and  amiable  successor. 

[1547.]  No  sooner  had  a  suitable  arrangement  of  civil 
1  Burnet's  Hist.  Bef.,  vol.  i.  pp.  400,  401. 


10  HISTORY   OF   THE 

affairs  "been  effected  by  the  Eegency,  than  Cranmer,  sup- 
ported by  the  Protector  Somerset,  and  countenanced  by 
the  young  King  Edward  VI.,  resumed  the  important  duty 
of  prosecating  the  reformation  of  the  Church.  By  an  Act 
of  the  preceding  reign,  the  proclamation  of  the  King,  or  of 
his  counsellors  if  under  age,  was  of  sufficient  authority  to 
enable  them  to  proceed,  as  if  by  Act  of  Parliament,  in  cases 
not  otherwise  provided  for,  so  as  not  to  encroach  on  the 
just  liberties  of  the  subject,  or  to  interfere  with  other  acts 
or  proclamations.  They  accordingly  sent  out  visitors  over 
England,  which  was  for  that  purpose  divided  into  six 
circuits.  The  duty  of  those  visitors  was  to  inquire  into 
all  Church  matters,  to  redress  all  wrongs,  and  remove 
abuses,  and  particularly  to  ascertain  the  sufficiency  or  in- 
sufficiency of  the  clergy  throughout  the  country.  Along 
with  these  visitors,  they  sent  the  most  eminent  preachers 
that  could  be  found,  to  communicate  sound  and  full  in- 
struction in  the  true  principles  of  religion  to  both  clergy 
and  people.  And  to  remedy  the  deplorable  ignorance  which 
everywhere  prevailed  among  the  clergy,  some  were  appoint- 
ed to  compile  homilies,  explanatory  of  the  most  important 
doctrines  and  duties  of  Christianity.  Several  of  these 
homilies  contain  very  clear  and  forcible  statements  and 
elucidations  of  sacred  truth,  others  are  less  valuable,  and 
some  are  not  a  little  erroneous  in  several  respects.  They 
were,  however,  well  fitted  to  meet  the  necessities  of  an 
ignorant  clergy  and  an  uninstructed  people ;  but  it  could 
scarcely  have  been  dreamed  by  Cranmer,  that  the  method 
devised  by  him  for  the  remedy  of  a  disease  woidd  be  re- 
tained for  its  perpetuation, — that  because  he  provided 
sermons  and  prayers  for  those  who  could  neither  preach 
nor  pray,  that  would  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  precedent  of 
force  enough  to  prevent  learned  and  pious  men  from  pre- 
paring sermons  and  prayers  for  themselves. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  11 

[1548.]  The  next  reforming  step  was  an  Act  permitting 
the  communion  to  be  received  in  both  kinds.  Then  fol- 
lowed another,  prohibiting  private  masses.  A  catechism 
was  soon  afterwards  prepared  by  Cranmer.  And  proceed- 
ing to  investigate  the  offices,  or  ritual  of  the  Church,  it  was 
at  length  determined  that  a  new  Liturgy  should  be  pre- 
pared, as  the  best  method  of  getting  quit  of  the  superstitions 
by  which  that  in  present  use  was  disfigured.  This  Liturgy 
was  confirmed  by  Act  of  Parliament,  in  the  year  1548-9, 
and  its  use  commanded  on  the  ultimate  penalty  of  imprison- 
ment for  life.1  About  the  same  time,  there  were  several 
severe  proceedings  against  Anabaptists  and  other  sectaiies, 
one  of  whom,  Joan  of  Kent,  was  condemned  to  the  stake ; 
but  the  mild  and  gentle  young  King  could  not  be  induced 
to  sign  the  warrant  for  her  execution  without  the  urgent 
persuasions  of  Cranmer  himself,  who,  in  this  instance,  as 
also  in  those  of  Lambert,  and  Anne  Askew,  in  the  preced- 
ing reign,  forgot  the  spirit  of  that  gentle  and  gracious  re- 
ligion of  which  he  was  so  eminent  a  teacher  and  reformer.2 

[1550-1.]  The  Book  of  Ordinations  was  next  made 
and  ratified,  which  had  a  strong  tendency  to  give  a  charac- 
ter of  fixed  rigidity  to  the  Church  of  England.  The  evil  con- 
sequence of  undue  strictness  in  matters  of  mere  form  and 
ceremony  was  soon  apparent,  when  Hooper  refused  to  be 
consecrated  as  a  bishop  in  the  Episcopal  vestments.  This 
simple-minded  and  sincere  reformer  condemned  these  vest- 
ments as  human  inventions,  brought  in  by  tradition  or 
custom,  and  not  suitable  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Christian 
religion.3  Few  impartial  persons  will  doubt  that  he  was 
perfectly  in  the  right,  both  in  point  of  fact  and  in  propriety 
of  feeling ;  for  no  one  can  deny  the  human  origin  of  such 
matters,  and  few  will  regard  them  as  conferring  dignity  on 

1  Burnet's  Hist.  Eef.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  116,  127.  2  Ibid.,  vol.  ii.  p.  179 

3  Ibid.,  voL  ii.  p.  245,  et  seq. 


12  HIST0R7  OF  THE 

the  gospel,  so  glorious  in  its  divine  simplicity.  But  he 
was  to  learn  one  direct  consequence  of  the  Sovereign's 
supremacy,  namely,  that  there  was  to  be  an  order  of  the 
clergy  decked  with  courtly  adornments,  and  in  that  respect 
at  least  "  conformed  to  the  world,"  contrary  to  the  apos- 
tolic precept.  A  great  and  widespread  controversy  arose 
on  this  subject.  Correspondence  was  held  with  foreign 
churches  and  divines,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  their 
opinion  respecting  the  lawfulness  of  obeying  the  civil 
magistrate's  order  to  use  such  vestments  in  the  worship  of 
God.  Various  opinions  were  given,  many  of  the  best  and 
wisest  men  being  extremely  grieved  that  dangerous  dis- 
putes should  arise  about  matters  not  in  their  own  nature 
of  vital  importance.  Bucer  recommended  compliance ;  but 
wished  these  vestments  disused,  as  connected  with  super- 
stition, and  a  more  complete  reformation  established.  At 
length  a  compromise  was  effected.  Hooper  was  required 
to  wear  the  Episcopal  vestments  when  he  was  consecrated, 
and  when  he  preached  bef <  >re  the  King,  or  in  a  cathedral  j 
but  was  permitted  to  lay  them  aside  on  other  occasions. 
This  slight  matter  was  a  sufficient  indication,  that  the 
reformation  was  to  be  stopped  whenever  it  had  reached  as 
far  as  the  King  and  Court  thought  proper ;  and  that  those 
who  wished  for  further  reformation,  and  aimed  at  again 
realising  primitive  simplicity  and  purity,  would  be  con- 
strained to  pause,  and  painfully  to  submit  to  what  they 
could  not  remedy.  It  might  have  been  regarded  as  of 
little  consequence  what  vestments  were  worn  in  public 
worship ;  but  it  was  a  matter  of  grave  and  serious  import 
to  find,  that  conscientious  feelings  in  affairs  of  religion 
were  to  be  overborne  by  the  dictate  of  the  oivil  magistrate. 
From  this  time  forward  there  began  to  be  a  party  in  Eng- 
land who  longed  for  a  more  complete  reformation  than  had 
been  or  could  be  obtained,  although  it  was  not  till  a  con- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  13 

siderably  later  period  that  this  party  attracted  public  at- 
tention under  a  distinctive  name. 

[1552.]  In  the  year  1552,  the  alterations  which  had 
been  made  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  by  the  reform- 
ers during  the  course  of  the  preceding  year,  were  ratified  by 
Act  of  Parliament,  and  ordered  to  be  universally  employed, 
under  the  penalties  by  which  the  previous  Liturgy  had 
been  enforced.  In  the  same  year  the  Articles  of  Religion 
were  prepared,  chiefly  by  Cranmer  and  Eidley,  and  pub- 
lished by  the  King's  authority,  a  short  time  before  his 
lamented  death.1  A  book  was  also  drawn  up  for  giving 
rules  to  the  ecclesiastical  courts  in  all  matters  of  govern 
ment  and  discipline ;  but  this  was  never  ratified,  as  the 
King's  decease  took  place  before  it  was  fully  prepared. 
This  was,  perhaps,  the  greatest  misfortune  that  befel  the 
Church  of  England  in  consequence  of  the  premature  death 
of  Edward,  as  it  was  thereby  left  totally  without  govern- 
ment or  discipline,  such  as,  though  limited  by  the  acknow- 
leged  regal  supremacy,  might  yet  have  beeD,  in  the  first 
instance,  administered  by  its  own  courts.  Hence  it  became 
impossible  for  the  Church  of  England  to  exercise  any  direct 
influence  in  checking  immorality,  reforming  abuses,  or  even 
in  preserving  its  own  most  sacred  ordinances  from  profana- 
tion. Even  Burnet  laments  its  want  of  the  power  to  exer- 
cise discipline,  and  suggests  the  desirableness  that  the 
power  of  excommunication  might  yet  be  brought  into  the 
Church.2  Such,  however,  was  the  inevitable  consequence 
of  making  the  King  the  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church, 
rendering  it  necessarily  impossible  for  the  Church  to  reform 
itself  beyond  what  he  or  his  state  advisers  might  choose  to 
permit. 

[1553.]  The  truth  of  this  was  immediately  made  ap- 
parent on  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  in  the  year  1553. 

1  Burnet's  Hist.  Eef.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  308,  310.        2  j^d.,  Vol.  ii.  p.  326. 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE 

An  early  act  of  her  sovereignty  was  the  issuing  of  a  pro- 
clamation, in  which  she  declared  her  adherence  to  the  re- 
ligion that  she  had  professed  from  her  infancy,  disclaiming 
the  intention  of  compelling  her  subjects,  till  public  order 
should  be  taken  in  the  matter  by  common  consent ;  and,  in 
the  meantime,  straitly  charging  that  none  should  preach, 
or  expound  Scripture,  or  print  any  books  or  plays,  without 
her  special  license.  The  deprived  Popish  bishops  were 
speedily  restored  to  their  sees,  and  the  Eeformed  bishops, 
some  sent  to  prison  at  once,  and  others  thrust  out  of  the 
House  of  Lords,  because  they  refused  to  reverence  the  mass 
at  its  opening.  The  laws  passed  by  King  Edward  con- 
cerning religion  were  repealed,  and  a  negotiation  commenced 
for  procuring  a  reconciliation  with  the  Pope.  The  mass 
was  everywhere  resumed,  the  laws  against  heresy  revived, 
and  every  step  taken  for  bringing  the  nation  once  more 
under  the  degrading  thraldom  of  Popery,  with  all  possible 
expedition.  All  this  was  done  directly  by  the  authority 
of  the  Queen,  as  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of  England : 
for  this  title  she  took  care  to  retain  and  enforce  at  the  com- 
mencement of  her  reign,  though  it  was  afterwards  disused. 
Indeed,  she  could  not  so  readily  have  accomplished  her 
purpose  without  the  power  which  this  title  was  admitted 
to  confer ;  so  fatally  was  it  productive  of  evil,  so  soon  had 
it  ceased  to  be  available  for  good,  even  when  held  by  the 
pious  Edward. 

But  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  relate  the  events  that 
successively  followed,  and  to  sketch  even  the  outlines  of 
the  tierce  persecution  which  characterised  the  reign  of  a 
queen  so  well  known  by  the  fearfully  emphatic  title  of 
*'  The  Bloody  Mary."  Life  alone  was  wanting  to  her  to 
have  completely  overthrown  the  Reformation  in  England, 
and  to  have  placed  again  the  kingdom  beneath  the  Bonds)' 
yoke.     And  it  deserves  to  be  carefully  remarked,  that  thi- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  15 

<dread  consummation  was  so  nearly  accomplished  almost 
entirely  by  two  conjunct  influences — by  the  Queen's  eccle- 
siastical supremacy,  and  by  the  wealth  and  consequent 
power  of  the  prelates.  The  tendency  of  the  latter  element 
had  been  foreseen  by  some,  as  appears  from  a  letter  written 
to  the  Protector  Somerset  by  Sir  Philip  Hobby ;  in  which, 
after  suggesting  the  wisdom  of  appointing  the  godly  bishops 
an  honest  and  competent  living,  and  taking  from  them  the 
rest  of  those  worldly  possessions  and  dignities  which  tend 
to  prevent  the  right  discharge  of  their  office,  he  adds,  "  The 
Papists  say,  They  doubt  not  but  my  lords  the  bishops, 
being  a  great  number  of  stout  and  well-learned  men,  will 
well  enough  weigh  against  their  adversaries,  and  maintain 
still  their  whole  estate  ;  which  coming  to  pass,  they  have 
good  hope  that  in  time  these  princely  pillars  will  well 
enough  resist  this  fury,  and  bring  all  things  again  into  the 
old  order." l  This  shrewd  prediction  was  well-nigh  ful- 
filled in  "  Bloody  Mary's "  days ;  an  approximation  was 
made  towards  it  again  under  the  management  of  Laud ; 
and  it  is  possible  that  a  similar  peril  may  once  more  arise. 
Keference  has  been  already  made  to  the  opposition 
wThich  Hooper  offered  to  the  Episcopal  vestments  and  other 
Tinimportant  and  superstitious  ceremonies,  as  probably  ex- 
hibiting the  very  origin  of  what  afterwards  became  the  great 
Puritan  party  in  England.  Another  event  must  also  be 
mentioned,  which  certainly  very  much  increased,  and  has 
by  many  been  thought  to  have  first  caused  that  unpropi- 
tious  schism.  During  the  persecution  in  the  reign  of  Mary, 
many  Protestants,  both  lay  and  clerical,  sought  safety  by 
flight  to  the  Continent.  Of  these  a  considerable  body  took 
up  their  residence  at  Frankfort,  while  others  went  to 
Strasburg,  Zurich,  and  Basle.  The  Frankfort  exiles  at 
.first  entered  into  communion  with  a  congregation  of  French 
1  Burnet's  Hist.  Kef.,  vol.  iii.  p.  280. 


16  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Protestants,  on  the  agreement  that  they  should  subscribe 
the  French  Confession  of  Faith,  and  not  insist  upon  re- 
taining the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  the  English  Liturgy. 
For  a  time  all  went  on  in  peace  and  harmony,  under  three 
pastors,  chosen  by  the  congregation,  of  whom  John  Knox 
was  one  ;  but  the  English  having  invited  some  of  their 
countrymen  at  Strasburg  and  Zurich  to  come  and  join 
them,  they  replied,  that  they  could  not  do  so  unless  they 
would  conform  strictly  and  entirely  to  the  religious  service 
appointed  by  King  Edward.  The  Frankfort  congregation 
refused  to  do  so ;  stating,  that  if  the  Strasburg  divines 
had  no  other  views  but  to  reduce  the  congregation  to  King 
Edward's  form,  and  to  establish  Popish  ceremonies,  they 
had  better  stay  away.  The  Frankfort  brethren  consulted 
Calvin,  and  other  leading  continental  reformers,  who  all 
censured  the  English  Liturgy,  thought  it  more  becoming 
godly  ministers  of  Christ  to  aim  at  something  better  and 
purer,  and  expressed  surprise  that  they  were  so  fond  of 
"Popish  dregs."  The  controversy  might  probably  have 
gone  no  further,  but  for  the  inopportune  arrival  at  Frank- 
fort of  Dr  Cox,  who  had  been  tutor  to  King  Edward,  and 
possessed  great  influence  among  his  countrymen.  He  at 
once  broke  through  the  whole  previous  agreement,  inter- 
rupted the  usual  service,  by  answering  aloud  after  the 
minister,  and,  by  private  intriguing,  got  the  majority  to 
consent  to  his  aggressive  innovations.  The  injured  party 
applied  to  the  magistrates,  who  gave  order  that  the  original 
agreement  should  be  observed,  threatening  to  shut  up  the 
place  of  worship  if  this  command  were  disobeyed.  With 
a  baseness  which  has  few  equals,  Cox  and  his  party  went 
privately  to  the  magistrates,  and  accused  Knox  of  treason 
against  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  his  son  Philip,  and  Queen 
Mary  of  England ;  founding  this  charge  on  some  expressions 
in  his  small  treatise,  entitled  "  Admonition  to  England." 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  17 

The  magistrates  were  in  great  perplexit}*- ;  for  though 
they  utterly  disapproved  of  the  conduct  of  Cox  and  the  in- 
formers, they  were  afraid  to  offend  the  Emperor's  council. 
In  this  dilemma  they  advised  John  Knox  to  withdraw 
from  Frankfort,  for  his  own  safety,  and  for  the  sake  of 
peace.  He  consented,  and  withdrew  amidst  the  complaints 
and  tears  of  his  attached  friends.  Following  up  his  dis- 
graceful victory,  Cox  falsely  represented  to  the  magistrates 
that  the  English  Liturgy  was  now  universally  acceptable 
to  the  congregation,  and  procured  an  order  for  its  unlimited 
use.  He  then  abrogated  the  code  of  discipline,  procured 
the  appointment  of  a  bishop,  and  rejoiced  in  having  now 
"  the  face  of  an  English  Church."  Thus,  by  intolerance, 
treachery,  and  despotism,  they  succeeded  in  overthrowing 
a  Church  whose  scriptural  simplicity  and  purity  they  might 
have  rejoiced  to  imitate,  and  in  setting  up  human  inven- 
tions, in  which  pride  and  selfishness  might  glory  ;  giving, 
likewise,  an  ominous  intimation  of  the  spirit  likely  to  pre- 
vail in  such  a  Church  as  theirs,  should  it  regain  the  ascend- 
ency, and  become  established  in  England.  For  in  this 
instance  they  had  not  to  plead,  as  in  the  case  of  Hooper, 
respect  for  the  civil  authority  by  which  vestments  and  cere- 
monies were  enjoined,  the  Frankfort  magistrates  having 
actually  discountenanced  them  ;  but  it  was  with  them  as 
it  ever  is  when  man  mingles  his  own  devices  with  God's 
appointments, — to  his  own  vain  fancies  he  clings  with 
desperate  and  fierce  tenacity,  while  he  lays  hold  weakly 
and  loosely  on  the  unchanging  laws  and  principles  of 
Divine  revelation.1 

1  M'Crie's  Life  of  Knox,  pp.  86,  87  ;  Neale's  History  of  the  Puritans, 
toI.  i.  pp.  76-82. 


18  HISTORY   OF   THE 


PERIOD   SECOND 1558-1603. 

[1558.]  Elizabeth,  upon  her  accession  to  the  throne, 
found  herself  in  a  situation  of  considerable  difficulty, — 
threatened  with  foreign  wars,  and  her  subjects  divided, 
anxious,  and  alarmed  on  the  all-important  subject  of  re- 
ligion. Her  wisest  counsellors  advised  her  first  to  settle 
the  relations  of  the  country  with  foreign  states,  and  then 
to  proceed  with  what  religious  reformation  might  be  neces- 
sary. There  was  also  another  reason  for  this  course : 
Elizabeth,  on  her  accession  to  the  throne,  sent  intimation 
of  that  event  to  the  Pope,  and  waited  an  answer  from 
Rome  before  declaring  her  purposes  with  regard  to  religion. 
That  answer  declared  her  illegitimate,  and  commanded  her 
to  abandon  the  throne,  and  submit  to  the  will  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  This  insolence  determined  her  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  Protestant  cause.  To  prevent  disputes  in  the 
meantime,  a  proclamation  was  issued,  prohibiting  all  preach- 
ing, and  requiring  that  nothing  should  be  done  in  public 
worship  but  the  reading  of  the  Gospel  and  Epistle  for  the 
day,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  Creed,  and  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, till  proper  arrangements  should  be  made  and  further 
instructions  given.  Parliament  met  in  January  1559,  and 
proceeded  with  alacrity  to  the  discharge  of  its  duties.  The 
Act  of  Supremacy,  which  had  fallen  into  abeyance  during 
the  latter  period  of  Mary's  reign,  was  re-enacted,  restoring 
to  the  Crown  complete  supremacy  in  all  causes,  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  as  it  had  been  in  the  times  of  Henry  VIII. 
and  Edward  VI.1    To  this  Bill  several  others  were  annexed, 

1  In  the  Queen's  injunctions,  subsequently  issued,  au  explanation  was 
given  of  the  oath  of  supremacy;  in  which  her  Majesty  declared  that  she 
did  not  pretend  to  any  authority  for  the  ministering  of  Divine  service  in 
the  Church,  and  that  all  that  she  claimed  was  that  which  at  all  times 
belonged  to  the  imperial  Crown  of  Englaud ; — that  she  had  the  sover- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  19 

reviving  various  Acts  of  the  reign  of  Henry,  and  repealing 
those  of  Mary ;  so  that,  by  this  one  enactment,  the  exter- 
nal policy  of  the  Church  was  restored  to  almost  the  very 
same  condition  in  which  it  had  been  at  the  death  of  King 
Edward.  One  proviso  in  this  Act,  added  for  the  purpose 
of  enabling  the  Queen  to  execute  her  supremacy,  em- 
powered such  persons  as  should  be  commissioned  by  her 
Majesty  to  reform  and  order  ecclesiastical  matters.  This 
gave  rise  to  the  Court  of  High  Commission,  by  which  after- 
wards so  many  acts  of  cruelty  and  despotism  were  perpe- 
trated, both  in  England  and  in  Scotland  ;  especially  in  the 
latter  country,  when  Prelacy  was  forced  upon  it  by  the 
treacherous  tyranny  of  King  James. 

Some  of  the  reformed  divines  were  next  appointed  to 
revise  King  Edward's  Liturgy,  and  to  see  whether  any  such 
changes  could  be  made  in  it  as  would  tend  to  render  it 
more  likely  to  include  some  whose  opinions  were  yet  short 
of  a  thorough  reformation.  In  particular,  it  was  proposed 
to  have  the  language  of  the  communion  service  so  modified 
that  it  might  not  necessarily  exclude  the  belief  of  the  cor- 
poral presence.  After  several  alterations,  all  leaning  rather 
to  Popery  than  to  Protestantism,  had  been  made,  the  re- 
vised Book  of  Common  Prayer  was  ratified  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  uniformity  in  worship  according  to  it  enjoined. 
The  Popish  bishops  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  supremacy, 
and  were,  in  consequence,  deprived  of  their  offices  and 
powers.  This  enabled  the  Queen  to  supply  their  places 
with  men  better  affected  to  reformation ;  which  was  accord- 
ingly done,  though  not  without  difficulty,  the  very  best 

eignty  and  rule  over  all  manner  of  persons,  under  God,  so  that  no  foreign 
power  had  rule  over  them.  If  the  oath  of  supremacy  had  implied  no 
more  than  the  plain  meaniug  of  these  words,  it  would  scarcely  ha vo  >*j6n 
disputed  by  any;  but  it  would  have  been  ineffectual  for  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  intended,  and  it  would  not  have  sanctioned  much  that  was 
•done  under  its  authority. 


20  HISTORY   OF   THE 

men  being  reluctant  to  undertake  situations  of  such  respon- 
sibility, and  many  being  decidedly  opposed  to  the  cere- 
monies, rites,  and  vestments  which  were  required,  and  which 
they  regarded  as  remnants  of  superstition,  and  inconsistent 
with  Christian  simplicity. 

The  reforming  divines  soon  became  aware  that  in  these 
points  they  had  to  encounter  her  Majesty's  opposition. 
The  Queen  was  naturally  vain,  and  therefore  fond  of  pomp 
and  magnificence  in  everything  ;  nor  did  her  reverence  for 
religion  teach  her  to  abstain  from  presuming  to  seek  the 
gratification  of  her  personal  tastes  and  prejudices  in  matters 
too  sacred  for  mortal  creature  to  tamper  with.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  they  prevailed  with  her  to  insert  in 
her  injunctions  a  command  for  the  removal  of  all  images 
out  of  churches  ;  but  they  could  not  induce  her  to  abandon 
the  use  of  a  crucifix  in  her  own  chapel. 

The  controversy  concerning  vestments,  and  rites,  and 
ceremonies  continued,  with  increased  asperity,  on  both 
sides.  All  the  court  divines,  as  they  may  be  termed, 
headed  by  Archbishop  Parker,  supported  the  Queen's  desire 
for  retaining  as  much  show  and  pomp  in  religious  matters 
as  might  be  possible  ;  while  Jewell,  Grindal,  Sampson, 
Fox  the  martyrologist,  and  all  the  most  distinguished  for 
piety  and  liberal-mindedness,  did  their  utmost  to  procure  a 
more  complete  reformation  ;  and  for  this  purpose  main- 
tained a  close  correspondence  with  the  most  eminent  of 
the  continental  reformers.1  Jewell,  in  particular,  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost  against  these  vain  frivolities.  "Some," 
said  he,  "were  so  much  set  on  the  matter  of  the  habits,  as 
if  the  Christian  religion  consisted  in  garments ;  but  we." 
1  The  leading  men  of  the  first  race  of  Puritans  were.  Bishops  Jewellr 
Grindal.  Horn,  Sandys,  Pilkington,  Parkhurst,  and  Guest;  also  Miles 
Coverdale.Fox.  Dr  Humphreys,  Mr  Sampson,  and  many  others  of  scarcely 
inferior  reputation.  Even  Parker  at  first  opposed  the  Episcopal  vestments, 
and  was  consecrated  without  them. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  21 

added  lie,  "  are  not  called  to  the  consultations  concerning 
that  scenical  apparel ;  he  could  set  no  value  on  these  fop- 
peries. Some  were  crying  up  a  golden  mediocrity  ;  he  was 
afraid  it  would  prove  a  leaden  one."1  In  short,  it  is  not 
too  much  to  say,  that  all  the  best,  wisest,  and  most  pious 
and  learned  divines  of  the  Church  of  England — all  the 
true  reformers — longed  and  strove  for  a  more  complete  re- 
formation, lamented  that  it  continued  but  a  half-reformed 
Church,  and  were  the  real  forefathers  of  the  Puritans.2 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1562,  a  meeting  of  the 
Convocation  was  held,  in  which  the  subject  of  further  re- 
formation was  vigorously  discussed  on  both  sides.  Some 
alterations  were  made  in  the  articles  of  religion,  originally 
drawn  up  in  King  Edward's  reign.  These  were  at  first 
Forty-Two  in  number ;  but  by  remitting  some  and  combin- 
ing others,  they  were  reduced  to  the  Thirty-Xine  which  have 
ever  since  formed  the  standard  of  faith  in  the  Church  of 
England.  It  cannot  be  said  that  they  were  in  all  respects 
improved  by  these  alterations,  as  any  one  may  see  by  com- 
paring them.  But  when  it  was  proposed  that  there  should 
be  some  alterations  in  the  Prayer-Book,  a  very  warm  debate 
ensued.  Six  alterations  were  proposed,  to  the  following 
purport : — The  abrogation  of  all  holidays,  except  Sabbaths, 
and  those  relating  to  Christ, — that  in  prayer  the  minister 
should  turn  his  face  to  the  peopT  3,  so  that  they  might  hear 
and  be  edified, — that  the  ceremony  of  the  cross  in  baptism 
might  be  omitted, — that  the  sick  and  aged  might  not  be 
compelled  to  kneel  at  the  communion, — that  the  partial 
use  of  the  surplice  might  be  sufficient, — and  that  the  use 
of  organs  be  laid  aside.3  The  main  argument  used  against 
these  proposed  improvements  was,  that  they  were  contrary 

1  Burnet's  Hist.  Bef.,  vol.  iii.  p.  424. 

2  In  proof  of  this,  see  Life  of  Knox,  Note  B, 

3  Burnet,  vol.  iii.  p.  443. 


22  HISTORY   OF   THE 

to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  which  was  ratified  by  Act 
of  Parliament,  so  that  no  alteration  of  anything  contained 
in  that  book  could  be  permitted.  When  the  vote  came  to 
be  taken  on  these  propositions,  forty-three  voted  for  them, 
and  thirty -five  against;  but  when  the  proxies  were  counted, 
the  balance  was  turned ;  the  final  state  of  the  vote  being 
fifty-eight  for,  and  fifty -nine  against.  Thus  it  was  deter- 
mined, by  the  majority  of  a  single  vote,  and  that  the  proxy 
of  an  absent  person,  who  did  not  hear  the  reasoning,  that 
the  Prayer-Book  should  remain  unimproved,  that  there 
should  be  no  further  reformation,  that  there  should  be  no 
relief  granted  to  those  whose  conscience  felt  aggrieved  by 
the  admixture  of  human  inventions  in  the  worship  of  God, 
bo  that  the  Church  of  England  was  thenceforth  to  remain, 
like  one  of  her  own  grand  cathedrals,  a  stately  mass  of 
petrified  religion. 

A  Book  of  Discipline  was  also  prepared  by  the  same 
Convocation.  Whether  it  was  the  reformation  of  the  eccle- 
siastical laws  proposed  formerly  by  Cranmer,  does  not 
appear  ;  but  it  did  not  receive  the  approbation  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  and  sunk  into  complete  oblivion.  Perhaps  the 
reason  why  it  received  so  little  countenance  in  high  quarters, 
is  explained  in  a  letter  from  Cox,  now  Bishop  of  Ely,  to 
Gualter  of  Zurich :  "  When  I  consider  the  sins  that  do 
everywhere  abound,  and  the  neglect  and  contempt  of  the 
Word  of  God,  I  am  struck  with  horror,  and  tremble  to 
think  what  God  will  do  with  us.  We  have  some  discipline 
among  us  with  relation  to  men's  lives,  such  as  it  is ;  but  if 
any  man  would  go  about  to  persuade  our  nobility  to  submit 
their  necks  to  that  yoke,  he  may  as  well  venture  to  pull 
the  hair  out  of  a  lion's  beard."1  Several  other  points  tend- 
ing towards  reformation  were  also  proposed,  but  in  vain ; 
nothing  more  could  be  accomplished  ;  so  that  it  may  be 
1  Burnet's  Hist.  Eef.,  vol.  ill.  p.  464 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  23 

fairly  said,  that  with  the  Convocation  of  1562  ended  the 
Reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  before  much  more 
than  half  its  work  had  been  done.  And  it  ■will  be  admitted 
by  all  who  are  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  condition 
of  the  people  throughout  the  country  districts  of  the  king- 
dom, that  the  Eeformation  proper  of  the  English  nation  is 
yet  to  begin. 

Erom  the  time  of  the  Convocation  in  1562,  the  disagree- 
ment between  the  court  divines  and  those  who  wished  for 
further  reformation,  became  gradually  more  and  more  de- 
cided. It  may  be  expedient  briefly  to  examine  the  views 
entertained  by  these  two  great  opposing  parties.  The  main 
question  on  which  they  were  divided  may  be  thus  stated : 
"Whether  it  were  lawful  and  expedient  to  retain  in  the 
external  aspect  of  religion  a  close  resemblance  to  what  had 
prevailed  in  the  times  of  Popery,  or  not  1  The  court  divines 
argued,  that  this  process  would  lead  the  people  more  easily 
to  the  reception  of  the  real  doctrinal  changes,  when  they 
saw  outward  appearances  so  little  altered,  so  that  this 
method  seemed  to  be  recommended  by  expediency.  The 
reformers  replied,  that  this  tended  to  perpetuate  in  the 
people  their  inclination  to  their  former  superstitions,  led 
them  to  think  there  was,  after  all,  little  difference  between 
the  Reformed  and  the  Papal  Churches,  arid,  consequently, 
that  if  it  made  them  quit  Popery  the  more  readily  at  pre- 
sent, it  would  leave  them  at  least  equally  ready  to  return 
to  it  should  an  opportunity  offer  ;  and  for  this  reason  they 
thought  it  best  to  leave  as  few  traces  of  Popery  remaining 
as  possible.  It  was  urged,  by  the  court  party,  that  every 
sovereign  had  authority  to  correct  all  abuses  of  doctrine 
and  worship  within  his  own  dominions  :  this,  they  asserted, 
was  the  true  meaning  of  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  and  conse- 
quently the  source  of  the  Reformation  in  England.  The 
true  reformers  admitted  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  in  the  sense 


24  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  the  Queen's  explanation  given  in  the  injunctions ;  but 
could  not  admit  that  the  conscience  and  the  religion  of  the 
whole  nation  were  subject  to  the  arbitrary  disposal  of  the 
Sovereign.  The  court  party  recognised  the  Church  of  Rome 
as  a  true  Church,  though  corrupt  in  some  points  of  doctrine 
and  government ;  and  this  view  it  was  thought  necessary 
to  maintain,  for  without  this  the  English  bishops  could 
not  trace  their  succession  from  the  apostles.  But  the  de- 
cided reformers  affirmed  the  Pope  to  be  antichrist,  and  the 
Church  of  Rome  to  be  no  true  Church ;  nor  would  they 
risk  the  validity  of  their  ordinations  on  the  idea  of  a  suc- 
cession through  such  a  channel.  Xeither  party  denied 
that  the  Bible  was  a  perfect  rule  of  faith ;  but  the  court 
party  did  not  admit  it  to  be  a  standard  of  Church  govern- 
ment and  discipline,  asserting  that  it  had  been  left  to  the 
judgment  of  the  civil  magistrate  in  Christian  countries, 
to  accommodate  the  government  of  the  Church  to  the  policy 
of  the  State.  The  reformers  maintained  the  Scriptures  to 
be  the  standard  of  Church  government  and  discipline,  as 
well  as  doctrine ;  to  the  extent,  at  the  very  least,  that 
nothing  should  be  imposed  as  necessary  which  was  not 
expressly  contained  in.  or  derived  from,  them  by  necessary 
consequence ;  adding,  that  if  any  discretionary  power  in 
minor  matters  were  necessary,  it  must  be  vested,  not  in 
the  civil  magistrate,  but  in  the  spiritual  office-bearers  of 
the  Church  itself.  The  court  reformers  held  that  the 
practice  of  the  primitive  Church  for  the  four  or  five  earliest 
centuries  was  a  proper  standard  of  Church  government  and 
discipline,  even  better  suited  to  the  dignity  of  a  national 
establishment  than  the  times  of  the  apostles;  and  that, 
therefore,  nothing  more  was  needed  than  merely  to  remove 
the  more  modern  innovations  of  Popery.  The  true  re- 
formers wished  to  keep  close  to  the  Scripture  model,  and 
to  admit  neither  office-bearers,  ceremonies,  nor  ordinances, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  25 

but  such  as  were  therein  appointed  or  sanctioned.  The 
court  party  affirmed,  that  things  in  their  own  nature  indif- 
ferent, such  as  rites,  ceremonies,  and  vestments,  might  be 
appointed  and  made  necessary  by  the  command  of  the  civil 
magistrate  ;  and  that  then  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  all 
subjects  to  obey.  But  the  reformers  maintained,  that  what 
Christ  had  left  indifferent  no  human  laws  ought  to  make 
necessary ;  and  besides,  that  such  rites  and  ceremonies  as 
had  been  abused  to  idolatry,  and  tended  to  lead  men  back 
to  Popery  and  superstition,  were  no  longer  indifferent,  but 
were  to  be  rejected  as  unlawful.  Finally,  the  court  party 
held  that  there  must  be  a  standard  of  uniformity,  which 
standard  was  the  Queen's  supremacy,  and  the  laws  of  the 
land.  The  reformers  regarded  the  Bible  as  the  only  stand- 
ard, but  thought  compliance  was  due  to  the  decrees  of 
provincial  and  national  synods,  which  might  be  approved 
and  enforced  by  civil  authority.  In  this  point,  the  view 
entertained  by  the  reformers  might  have  been  carried  to 
the  extent  of  oppression ;  but  it  never  could  have  been 
very  direct  and  immediate,  and  was  subject  to  so  many 
checks,  that  it  amounted  to  little  more  than  a  remote 
possibility.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  perfectly  evident  that 
the  true  principles  of  religious  liberty  and  toleration  were 
not  understood  by  either  party ;  and  it  may  be  fairly  ques- 
tioned, whether,  even  in  the  present  day,  these  principles 
are  rightly  understood. 

Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  direct  cause  of  the  conflict 
between  the  court  party  of  the  English  reformers,  and  their 
brethren  who  desired  a  more  complete  reformation,  and  of 
the  leading  arguments  used  on  both  sides.  It  cannot  fail 
to  strike  every  attentive  reader,  that  precisely  the  same 
conflict  is  again  renewed,  both  in  England  and  Scotland, 
and  in  all  its  leading  principles.  So  close  indeed  is  the 
resemblance,  that  it  is  difficult  to  peruse  the  writings  of 


26  HISTORY   OF   THE 

those  times  without  insensibily  beginning  to  think  we  are 
reading  some  of  the  controversial  works  of  the  present  day. 
And,  perhaps,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  full  understanding  of 
the  real  nature  and  bearing  of  the  present  controversies, 
no  better  plan  could  be  devised  than  to  prosecute  a  careful 
study  of  the  writings  of  the  court  divines,  and  the  Puritans 
of  the  Elizabethan  age. 

But  to  resume.  It  seems  to  have  been  expected  by 
the  court  party  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Convocation, 
and  the  Acts  of  Parliament,  injunctions,  and  proclamations, 
would  speedily  produce  an  entire  conformity.  In  this  ex- 
pectation they  were  disappointed.  The  regular  parochial 
clergy,  both  in  town  and  country,  not  only  disliked  the 
vestments  themselves,  but  perceived  that,  in  general,  the 
people  bore  towards  these  relics  of  a  persecuting  and  oppres- 
sive system,  at  least  an  equal  aversion.  Some,  indeed,  wore 
them  occasionally,  in  obedience  to  the  law,  but  more  fre- 
quently officiated  without  them  ;  and  although  the  bishops, 
most  of  whom,  though  at  first  opposed,  had  become  reconciled 
to  the  "  scenic  apparel,"  cited  such  persons  into  their  courts, 
and  admonished  them,  yet  this  had  little  effect,  as  they 
had  not  yet  proceeded  to  suspension  and  deprivation.  At 
length,  information  of  these  irregularities  was  given  to  the 
Queen.  Her  Majesty  was  highly  displeased,  especially  on 
the  ground  that  so  little  regard  was  paid  to  her  laws,  and 
gave  strict  command  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  "  to 
take  effectual  methods  that  an  exact  order  and  uniformity 
be  maintained  in  all  external  rites  and  ceremonies,  as  by 
law  and  good  usages  are  provided  for."1 

This  severe  and  peremptory  command  immediately  roused 
the  bishops  to  activity,  and,  in  particular,  stimulated  Arch- 
bishop Parker  to  such  a  degree  of  fierce  and  unrelenting 
sternness,  as  seemed  completely  contrary  to  all  his  former 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Parker,  p.  155. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  27 

life  and  character.  He  did  his  utmost  to  urge  forward 
Grindal,  Bishop  of  London,  to  compel  the  ministers  within 
his  diocese  to  conform,  though  he  well  knew  that  the  opi- 
nions of  that  pious  prelate  were  not  only  averse  from  every 
thing  like  oppression,  but  were  opposed,  in  particular,  to 
the  sacerdotal  vestments.  Parker  framed  some  articles  to 
enforce  the  habits,  and  requested  the  Queen  to  give  them 
the  authority  of  her  sanction.  But  the  pride  of  Elizabeth 
could  not  endure  that  a  subject  should  frame  articles  to 
enforce  her  decrees,  and,  instead  of  ratifying  them,  she 
issued  a  proclamation,  requiring  immediate  uniformity  in 
the  habits,  on  pain  of  prohibition  from  preaching,  and  de- 
privation from  office. 

And  now  the  storm  burst  forth  in  earnest.  The  whole 
ministers  of  London  were  summoned  to  Lambeth,  and  the 
question  put  to  them,  Whether  they  would  conform  to  the 
apparel  established  by  law,  and  subscribe  their  admission 
on  the  spot  *?  Those  who  should  refuse  were  to  be  sus- 
pended immediately,  and  after  three  months  deprived  of 
their  livings.  Threats,  persuasions,  and  the  dread  of  po- 
verty, induced  sixty-one  out  of  one  hundred  to  subscribe  ; 
thirty-seven  absolutely  refused,  and  were  immediately  sus- 
pended, — and  those  thirty-seven,  as  their  oppressor  admit- 
ted, were  the  best  and  ablest  preachers  in  the  city.1  Many 
churches  were  at  once  shut  up,  the  ruling  party  disregard- 
ing the  loss  of  religious  privileges  to  the  congregations,  in 
their  zeal  to  enforce  conformity  in  matters  which  they 
themselves  admitted  to  be  in  their  own  nature  indifferent. 
After  a  short  interval,  many  of  the  most  pious  and  able 
men  were  ejected  from  the  churches,  and  cast  upon  the 
world  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution,  even  forbid  to  preach 
to  others  that  Gospel  which  had  been  to  their  own  souls 
c,4ad  tidings  of  great  joy.  Surely  it  had  been  a  strange 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Parker,  p.  215. 


28  HISTORY   OF   THE 

and  a  portentous  thing  to  see  such  men  as  Miles  Cover- 
dale,  the  translator  of  the  Bible,  in  his  feeble  but  most 
venerable  age,  and  Fox,  the  martyrologist,  whose  writings 
had  done  so  much  for  the  overthrow  of  Popery,  and  the 
support  of  the  reformed  faith,  driven  from  their  homes  and 
weeping  flocks,  and  exposed  to  reproach  and  poverty,  be- 
cause they  would  not  consent  to  disfigure  their  persons  with 
the  gaudy  vestments  characteristic  of  Eomish  superstition. 
In  vain  did  the  oppressed  Puritans, — for  we  may  now 
fairly  use  that  distinctive  appellation, — apply  to  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  and  such  other  noblemen 
as  were  known  to  be  favourable  to  them,  imploring  these 
distinguished  men  to  do  their  utmost  to  procure  some  miti- 
gation of  such  oppressive  measures.  Xo  mitigation  could 
be  obtained.  To  conform  or  to  suffer  were  the  only  alter- 
natives ;  and  they  nobly  chose  the  latter  rather  than  violate 
conscience. 

These  severe  measures  adopted  by  the  court  party,  and 
prosecuted  with  such  unrelenting  rigour  against  their  better 
brethren,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  reformed  churches 
in  other  countries.  The  continental  divines  wrote  fre- 
quently to  England  on  the  subject,  but  without  effect. 
The  Church  of  Scotland,  which  had  been  reformed  and  re- 
organized on  a  truly  scriptural  model,  by  the  blessing  of 
God  on  the  strenuous  exertions  of  John  Knox,  also  address- 
ed an  earnest  and  affectionate  remonstrance  to  the  English 
prelates,  imploring  them  to  treat  their  faithful  and  suffering 
brethren  with  greater  tenderness,  disapproving,  at  the  same 
time,  of  their  preposterous  attachment  to  the  superstitious 
trappings  of  Rcnie.1  But  all  was  in  vain  :  brotherly  kind- 
ness and  Christian  charity  must  equally  be  sacrificed  to 
gratify  the  Queen's  taste  for  idle  pageantry,  and  to  cover 
the  mean  and  self-condemned  compliance  of  her  courtly 
1  M'Crie's  Life  of  Knox,  p.  295. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  29 

prelates.  The  ejected  Puritan  ministers  found  extreme  dif- 
ficulty in  obtaining  opportunities  for  preaching  ;  and  some 
remained  entirely  silent.  Many  pamphlets,  were,  however, 
written  by  them,  which  tended  to  keep  alive  and  spread  their 
opinions,  and  which  were  eagerly  read  by  the  people.  This 
drew  from  the  Star  Chamber  a  decree,  strictly  prohibiting 
the  publication  of  all  such  writings,  under  heavy  penalties. 
[1566.]  Thus,  commanded  to  conform  even  against 
the  dictates  of  conscience,  ejected  from  their  churches  and 
forbidden  to  preach  anywhere  else,  and  deprived  of  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  the  Puritans  were  driven  to  that  ex- 
treme point  where  endurance  ceases  and  active  resistance 
begins.  Accordingly,  they  met,  and  gravely  and  solemnly 
deliberated,  Whether  it  were  not  now  both  lawful  and  ne- 
cessary to  separate  from  the  Established  Church  1  After 
much  earnest  consultation,  they  came  to  the  solemn  and 
important  conclusion,  That  since  they  could  not  have  the 
Word  of  God  preached,  nor  the  sacraments  administered, 
without  "idolatrous  gear,"  as  they  termed  the  vestments 
and  ceremonies,  and  since  there  had  been  a  separate  con- 
gregation in  London,  and  another  in  Geneva,  in  Queen 
Mary's  time,  in  which  there  was  a  book  and  order  of  preach- 
ing, administration  of  sacraments  and  discipline,  free  from 
the  superstitions  of  the  English  service,  it  was  their  duty, 
in  the  present  circumstances,  to  separate  from  the  public 
churches,  and  to  assemble,  as  they  had  opportunity,  in 
private  houses  or  elsewhere,  to  worship  God  in  a  manner 
that  might  not  offend  against  the  light  of  their  consciences.1 
This  most  important  event  took  place  in  the  summer  of  the 
year  1566,  and  from  that  time  onward  the  Puritan  party 
may  be  regarded  as  forming  a  body  distinct  from  the  Church 
of  England,  although  they  were  the  true  successors  of  the 
first  and  greatest  reforming  fathers  of  that  Church. 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Parker,  p.  241. 


30  HISTORY   OF   THE 

It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  suppose,  that  the  only 
subject  in  dispute  between  the  Puritans  and  their  antagon- 
ists was  that  respecting  clerical  vestments.  That  formed, 
indeed,  a  very  prominent  point  in  the  controversy,  because 
it  was  so  apparent,  and  so  easily  brought  under  the  terms 
of  a  royal  proclamation.  But  there  were  many,  and  these 
still  more  important  matters,  which  they  wished  to  have 
reformed.  Of  these,  the  most  prominent  were  the  follow- 
ing. They  regarded  the  assumed  superiority  of  bishops 
over  presbyters,  as  a  higher  order,  and  the  claim,  on  their 
part,  of  the  sole  right  of  ordination,  discipline,  and  govern- 
ment, as  unscriptural  in  itself,  and  tending  both  to  secularize 
them,  and  to  produce  an  intolerable  despotism.  Along  with 
this,  they  complained  of  the  whole  array  of  cathedral  office- 
bearers as  of  the  same  character,  and  equally  unwarranted. 
They  lamented  the  want  of  discipline,  in  consequence  of 
which  it  was  impossible  to  maintain  the  purity  of  the  most 
sacred  ordinances.  Regarding  set  forms  of  prayer  as  pro- 
perly intended  to  meet  the  necessities  of  a  time  of  ignorance, 
they  did  not  dispute  their  lawfulness,  while  they  wished  a. 
greater  liberty  in  prayer,  where  such  help  was  not  required  ; 
and  they  disapproved  also  of  too  many  repetitions,  of 
responses,  and  of  several  exceptionable  expressions,  par- 
ticularly in  the  marriage  and  funeral  services.  They  disap- 
proved of  the  reading  of  the  apocryphal  books  in  the  church ; 
and  while  they  regarded  the  homilies  as  in  themselves 
valuable,  they  held  that  no  man  should  be  ordained  to  the 
ministry  who  was  not  himself  able  to  preach,  and  to  ex- 
pound the  Scriptures.  While  they  complained  of  plural- 
ities, non-residence,  and  an  unpreaching  clergy,  they  viewed 
these  as  caused  chiefly  by  patronage  exercised  by  the  Queen, 
bishops,  and  lay-patrons,  and  held  that  it  ought  to  be 
abolished,  and  ministers  to  be  appointed  by  the  election  of 
the  people.     They  condemned,  on  the  one  hand,  the  keeping 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  31 

of  church-festivals  and  saints'  days,  and  on  the  other,  the 
open  and  flagrant  violation  of  the  Lord's  day,  as  equally 
contrary  to  Scripture.  Cathedral  worship,  chanted  prayers, 
and  instrumental  music,  they  also  condemned,  as  tending 
rather  to  amuse  than  to  edify.  And  they  declared  their 
great  reluctance  to  comply  with  certain  rites  and  ceremonies 
which  were  strictly  enjoined,  and  which  they  regarded  as 
superstitious  or  unmeaning,  such  as  the  sign  of  the  cross  in 
"baptism,  baptism  by  midwives,  the  exclusion  of  parents 
and  the  employment  of  godfathers  and  godmothers,  the  rite 
of  confirmation,  kneeling  at  the  communion,  as  implying 
transubstantiation,  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus,  the  ring 
in  marriage,  and  certain  foolish  words  used  in  the  ceremony, 
and  the  wearing  of  the  surplice  and  other  ceremonies  used 
in  Divine  service. 

When  so  many,  and  such  important  topics  were  all 
oqually  in  dispute,  and  not  the  slightest  redress  could  be 
obtained,  but  conformity  in  every  particular  was  enforced 
with  the  most  oppressive  and  unrelaxing  rigour,  it  was  not 
strange  that  the  persecuted  Puritans  should  determine  to 
separate  themselves  from  a  Church  which  they  regarded  as 
but  half  reformed,  and  which  sternly  refused  to  advance  to 
a  more  pure  and  perfect  reformation,  according,  not  to  the 
will  of  princes,  but  to  the  Word  of  God.  And  the  time 
may  come,  when  the  Church  of  England  will  bitterly  bewail 
the  insane  conduct  of  those  who,  in  that  reforming  period, 
took  up  and  pursued  a  course  which  crushed  the  life-spring 
out  of  its  heart,  and  swathed  up  the  cold  and  paralyzed 
remains,  to  lie  in  state,  a  decent  but  a  dead  formality. 

[1567.]  The  chief  leaders  of  the  separation,  according 
to  Fuller,  were  the  Eev.  Messrs  Colman,  Button,  Haling- 
ham,  Benson,  White,  Rowland,  and  Hawkins,  all  of  whom 
held  benefices  within  the  diocese  of  London.  No  sooner 
was  the  Queen  informed  that  the  Puritans  had  begun  to 


32  HISTORY   OF   THE 

form  separate  assemblies  for  worship,  than  she  commanded 
her  commissioners  to  take  effectual  measmes  to  keep  the 
laity  to  their  parish  churches  ;  and  to  let  them  know,  that 
if  they  frequented  conventicles,  or  broke  the  ecclesiastical 
laws,  they  should,  for  the  first  offence,  be  deprived  of  the 
freedom  of  the  city,  and  then  abide  what  further  punish- 
ment she  would  direct.  But  the  requirements  of  conscience 
are  stronger  than  a  sovereign's  threats.  They  continued  to 
hold  their  private  meetings  ;  and,  on  the  19th  of  June 
1567,  they  agreed  to  have  a  sermon  preached  and  the  com- 
munion dispensed  at  Plumbers'  Hall,  which  they  engaged 
for  that  day.1  The  day  came,  and  they  assembled  to  wor- 
ship the  God  of  peace  ;  but  their  peaceful  worship  was 
rudely  interrupted  by  the  entrance  of  the  armed  officers  of 
the  civil  power,  who  seized  upon  the  chief,  dispersed  the 
rest,  and  dragged  their  victims  to  prison.  Next  day  they 
were  brought  before  the  Bishop  of  London  and  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  city,  charged  with  the  heinous  offence  of 
forsaking  the  Church  which  persecuted  them,  and  setting 
up  separate  assemblies  for  worship.  They  defended  their 
conduct  ably;  but  because  they  would  not  yield,  they  were, 
to  the  number  of  twenty-four  men  and  seven  women,  sent 
to  Bridewell,  where  they  endured  the  hardships  of  more 
than  a  year's  imprisonment. 

[1571.]  A  Parliament  was  held  in  1571,  in  which  there 
were  some  attempts  made  to  procure  a  further  reformation. 
One  member,  Mr  Strickland,  proposed  to  bring  in  a  Bill 
for  that  purpose,  asserting  that  the  Prayer-Book,  with  some 
superstitious  remains  of  Popery  in  the  Church,  might  be 
altered  without  any  danger  to  religion.  Her  Majesty  was 
so  displeased,  that  she  sent  for  him  to  the  council,  reproved 
him  sharply,  and  forbade  his  attendance  in  Parliament ; 
but  this  caused  such  an  alarm  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Grindal,  pp.  115,  and  135,  136. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  33 

as  a  dangerous  invasion  of  their  privileges,  that  she  found 
it  convenient  to  remove  her  prohibition.  An  Act  was  pass- 
ed, ratifying  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles,  which  had  been 
framed  by  the  Convocation  of  1562;  and  one  clause  in 
that  Act  admitted  the  validity  of  ordination  by  presbyters 
alone,  without  a  bishop.1  This  clause  was  greatly  disliked 
by  the  bishops,  and  has  been  repeatedly  condemned  by 
their  successors,  but  remains  still  unrepealed.  The  House 
of  Commons  were  desirous  also  that  articles  of  discipline 
should  be  framed  and  enacted ;  but  when  this  was  dis- 
countenanced by  the  bishops,  they  presented  an  address  to 
the  Queen,  representing  the  grievous  injuries  sustained  by 
the  Church  and  "kingdom  for  want  of  true  and  efficient 
discipline,  supplicating  her  Majesty  that  proper  laws  might 
be  provided  and  enacted  for  the  reformation  of  these  abuses. 
But  the  Queen  dissolved  the  Parliament  without  answering 
this  supplication. 

Although  little  was  done  in  the  Parliament  to  relieve 
the  oppressed  Puritans,  some  steps  were  taken  by  the  Con- 
vocation which  tended  to  increase  their  oppression.  A 
canon  of  discipline  was  framed,  empowering  the  bishops  to 
call  in  all  their  licenses  for  preaching,  and  to  issue  new 
licenses  to  those  only  whose  qualifications  gained  their  ap- 
probation ;  and  among  the  qualifications  specified,  subscrip- 
tion to  all  the  points  of  which  the  Puritans  complained 
was  particularly  mentioned.  These  canons  were  not  sanc- 
tioned by  royal  authority  ;  but  the  bishops,  knowing  well 
the  Queen's  inclinations,  did  not  hesitate  to  enforce  them 

1  In  none  of  the  MS.  copies  of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles,  either  as 
passed  by  the  Convocation  of  1562,  or  as  ratified  by  the  Parliament  of 
1571,  is  the  clause  in  the  20th  article  to  be  found,  by  which  the  Church 
of  England  claims  the  power  "  to  decree  rites  and  ceremonies."  It  must 
have  been  surreptitiously  introduced  afterwards  by  some  of  the  Prelatic 
party,  without  civil  or  ecclesiastical  authority. — See  Historical  and  Critical 
Essays  on  the  Thirty  Nine  Articles,  pp.  277-279 

C 


34  HISTORY   OF   THE 

with  great  rigour.  Numbers  of  the  Puritan  divines  were 
immediately  deprived  of  their  licenses  to  preach,  because 
they  refused  to  subscribe  canons  not  yet  legalized ;  and  it 
became  apparent  that  a  formidable  crisis  was  at  hand. 

At  the  very  time  that  the  bishops  were  thus  silencing 
the  persons  whom  they  themselves  admitted  to  be  the  best 
preachers  in  the  kingdom,  the  state  of  religion  throughout 
the  country  was  truly  deplorable.  Of  this  Strype,  no  Puri- 
tan, presents  the  following  outline  : — "  The  churchmen 
heaped  up  many  benefices  upon  themselves,  and  resided 
upon  none,  neglecting  their  cures  ;  many  of  them  alienated 
their  lands,  made  unreasonable  leases,  and  wastes  of  their 
woods  ;  granted  reversions  and  advowsons  to  their  wives 
and  children,  or  to  others  for  their  use.  Churches  ran 
greatly  into  dilapidations  and  decays  ;  and  were  kept  nasty 
and  filthy,  and  indecent  for  God's  worship.  Among  the 
laity  there  was  little  devotion.  The  Lord's  day  greatly 
profaned,  and  little  observed.  The  common  prayers  not 
frequented.  Some  lived  without  any  service  of  God  at  all. 
Many  were  mere  heathens  and  atheists.  The  Queen's  own 
court  a  harbour  for  epicures  and  atheists,  and  a  kind  of 
lawless  place,  because  it  stood  in  no  parish.  Which  things 
made  good  men  fear  some  sad  judgments  impending  over 
the  nation."1 

Perceiving  that  there  was  no  prospect  whatever  of  any 
further  reformation  in  religious  matters  proceeding  from 
either  the  Sovereign  or  the  Convocation,  and  lamenting  the 
wretched  ignorance  and  immorality  which  prevailed  in  the 
kingdom,  the  Puritans  now  resolved  to  exert  themselves  to 
the  utmost  of  their  means  and  opportunities  for  their  own 
instruction,  and  that  of  their  perishing  countrymen.  And 
as  Dr  Scambler,  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  was  less  intolerant 
than  many  of  his  order,  the  ministers  within  his  diocese, 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Parke.-,  p.  395. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  35 

particularly  those  of  Northampton,  with  his  approbation 
and  that  of  the  Mayor  of  the  town,  formed  an  association 
for  promoting  the  purity  of  worship  and  the  maintenance 
of  discipline.  The  regulations  of  this  association  were  very 
temperate,  involving  no  departure  from  any  of  the  estab- 
lished modes  of  worship,  nor  any  rigid  disciplinary  arrange- 
ments. And  as  they  were  aware  of  the  extreme  inability 
to  preach  instructively,  which  characterised  very  many  of 
the  clergy,  they  endeavoured  also  to  provide  a  remedy  for 
this  evil.  For  this  purpose  they  instituted  what  they 
termed  "  prophesy  in  gs,"  taking  the  designation  from  1  Cor. 
xiv.  31,  "Ye  may  all  prophesy  one  by  one,  that  all  may 
learn,  and  all  may  be  comforted."  In  these  prophesyings 
one  presided,  and  a  text  previously  selected  was  explained 
by  one  of  the  ministers  to  whom  it  had  been  assigned. 
After  his  exposition,  each  in  turn  gave  his  view  of  the  pass- 
age \  and  the  whole  exercise  was  summed  up  by  the  pre- 
sident or  moderator  for  the  day,  who  concluded  by  exhort- 
ing all  to  persevere  in  the  discharge  of  their  sacred  duties.1 
This  scheme,  it  is  evident,  was  admirably  calculated  to 
increase  the  scriptural  knowledge,  and  promote  the  useful- 
ness of  the  clergymen  who  engaged  in  it ;  and  it  deserved 
the  cordial  approbation  of  all  who  were  desirous  to  promote 
the  religious  welfare  of  the  community.  But  it  was  re- 
garded with  jealousy  by  the  bishops,  and  ere  long  encoun- 
tered the  keen  hostility  of  Elizabeth  herself. 

[1572.]  When  the  Parliament  met  in  1572,  an  attempt 
was  made  by  the  House  of  Commons  to  mitigate  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Puritans,  and  they  passed  two  Bills  for  that 
purpose.  This  gave  such  offence  to  the  Queen,  that  she 
sharply  reproved  them  for  interfering  in  such  matters,  and 
commanded  them  to  deliver  up  the  Bills.  One  of  the 
members  boldly  complained  of  this  conduct,  as  trenching 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Grindal.  pp.  175. 176. 


36  HISTORY   OF   THE 

upon  the  liberty  of  Parliament,  and  for  his  boldness  was 
sent  to  the  Tower.  The  Puritans,  who  had  reason  to  ex- 
pect some  countenance  from  the  Parliament,  prepared  a  full 
statement  of  their  grievances  and  their  desires,  in  a  treatise 
entitled,  "  An  Admonition  to  the  Parliament."  But  while 
the  Parliament  was  not  permitted  to  grant  any  redress,  the 
authors  of  the  Admonition  were  cast  into  prison,  and  treated 
with  great  severity.  AVhitgift  was  appointed  to  answer 
the  Admonition,  and  Cartwright  answered  Whitgift,  which 
led  to  a  lengthened  controversy  between  these  learned  and 
able  men.  Each,  and  still  more  eagerly  the  partizans  of 
each,  claimed  the  victory  ;  but  the  controversy  did  not 
terminate  with  the  writings  of  these  antagonists,  nor  is  it 
yet  terminated.  It  is  waged  in  the  present  day  with  equal 
keenness,  and  not  inferior  ability  j  it  may  be  added,  with 
no  novelty  in  its  leading  principles,  and  very  little  in  its 
arguments.  Cartwright  maintained,  that  the  Scriptures- 
were  not  only  the  sole  standard  of  doctrine,  but  also  of 
discipline  and  government,  and  that  the  Church  of  Christ 
in  all  ages  was  to  be  regulated  by  them.  "NVhitgift  held,, 
that  the  Scriptures  were  a  rule  of  faith  ;  but  not  designed 
to  be  a  standard  of  discipline  and  government, — that  this 
was  changeable,  and  might  be  adapted  to  the  civil  govern- 
ineDt  of  any  country, — and  that  the  times  of  the  apostles- 
could  not  be  the  best  model,  but  rather  the  first  four  cen- 
turies of  the  Church,  during  which  she  had  reached  a 
matured  development.  In  what  do  these  views  essentially 
differ  from  the  advocates  and  opponents  of  Patristic  theology 
in  the  present  day  ]  Till  men  agree  in  some  leading  prin- 
ciples by  which  any  great  controversy  must  be  ruled,  it  is 
vain  to  expect  that  it  can  ever  be  brought  to  a  satisfactory 
conclusion ;  yet  those  who  appeal  to  Scripture  authority 
alone,  must  surely  be  held  to  be  following  the  most  proper 
and  authoritative  method  in  discussions  of  that  nature. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLE.  37 

All  hope  of  legislative  assistance  in  prosecuting  further 
reformation  being  cut  off  by  the  Queen's  arbitrary  procedure, 
the  Puritans  resolved  to  take  another  step,  still  more  daring 
and  decisive  than  any  on  which  they  had  previously  ven- 
tured. Several  of  the  ministers  of  London  and  its  vicinity 
met  together  and  determined  to  form  themselves  into  a 
presbytery,  to  be  held  at  Wandsworth,  a  village  on  the 
banks  of  the  Thames,  about  five  miles  from  the  city.  On 
the  20th  of  November  1572,  about  fifteen  ministers  met, 
eleven  elders  were  chosen  to  form  members  of  the  body-; 
their  offices  were  described  in  a  register,  entitled,  "  The 
Orders  of  Wandsworth  ; "  and  this  was  the  first  fully  con- 
stituted Presbyterian  Church  in  England.1  The  intelli- 
gence of  this  event  soon  reached  the  bishops  ;  the  Court 
of  High  Commission  took  alarm  ;  the  Queen  issued  a  pro- 
clamation for  enforcing  the  Act  of  Uniformity ;  but  the 
Presbytery  of  Wands  worth  for  a  time  eluded  the  fury  of 
their  enemies,  and  other  presbyteries  were  formed  in  neigh- 
bouring counties. 

There  was  now  little  possibility  of  reconciliation  be- 
tween the  High  Church  and  the  Puritan  parties ;  for  the 
unbending  determination  of  the  former  not  to  grant  the 
slightest  relief  to  the  sufferings  of  their  brethren,  nor  the 
least  accommodation  to  their  aggrieved  consciences,  had 
driven  them  from  mere  nonconformity  into  the  adoption  of 
a  different  form  of  Church  polity,  possessing  in  itself  the 
elements  of  perpetuity  and  growth.  Puritanism  had  thence- 
forward not  only  a  vital  principle,  but  also  systematic  or- 
ganization, enabling  it  to  live  on,  and  increase  in  spite  of 
any  amount  of  persecution  ;  for  a  system  dies  not  with  the 
individuals  that  held  it.  but  draws  into  itself  the  fresh  life 
of  succeeding  generations. 

Having  thus  traced  the  rise  of  Puritanism,  and  sppti  its 
1  Neal,  vol  i.  p.  198;  Collier,  vol.  ii.  p.  .54 1 


38  HISTORY    OF    THE 

systematic  organization,  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  follow 
its  progress  so  minutely  in  what  remains  of  this  introduc- 
tory outline.  "We  shall  content  ourselves  with  toucldng 
briefly  on  the  main  events  which  mark  the  growing  de- 
velopment of  the  leading  principles  characteristic  of  the 
two  contending  parties. 

The  sufferings  of  the  Puritans  continued  unabated  dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  the  life  of  Archbishop  Parker  ;  many 
of  them  being  silenced,  imprisoned,  banished,  and  other- 
wise oppressed  by  that  relentless  prelate.  In  vain  did  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  several  influential  noblemen,  re- 
peatedly interpose  in  their  behalf ;  they  were  detested  by 
the  Queen,  and  Parker  was  ready  to  gratify  her  Majesty 
without  scruple,  and  to  any  extent.  In  particular,  he 
strove  to  suppress  the  "  prophesyings,"  declaring  that  they 
were  nests  of  Puritanism ;  and  by  his  complaints  he  suc- 
ceeded in  directing  against  them  the  vengeance  of  the  des- 
potic Sovereign.  He  did  not,  however,  live  to  direct  the 
storm  which  he  had  raised,  but  died  in  May  1576,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Grindal. 

Grindal,  aware  of  the  opposition  to  the  exercises  or 
prophesyings  which  had  been  raised  by  his  predecessor,  at- 
tempted to  regulate  them  so  that  no  offence  might  be  taken, 
or  at  least  that  they  might  be  the  more  easily  defended. 
But  the  Queen  had  formed  her  resolution,  from  which  she 
could  not  be  moved  by  the  most  respectful  and  elaborate 
arguments,  and  the  most  humble  entreaties  of  the  afflicted 
Archbishop.  She  "  declared  herself  offended  at  the  num- 
bers of  preachers,  and  also  at  the  exercises,  and  warned 
him  to  redress  both,  urging  that  it  was  good  for  the  Church 
to  have  few  preachers,  and  that  three  or  four  might  suffice 
for  a  county  ;  and  that  the  reading  of  the  homilies  to  the 
people  was  enough.  In  short,  she  required  him  to  do 
these  Iwo  things, — to  abridge  the  number  of  preachers,  and 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  39 

to  put  down  the  religious  exercises."1  This  peremptory 
command  both  grieved  and  alarmed  Grindal,  who  knew 
the  excessive  ignorance  which  prevailed  both  among  the 
preachers  and  the  people,  and  was  anxious  to  promote 
whatever  tended  to  the  increase  of  religious  knowledge  and 
purity.  He  wrote  to  her  Majesty  a  long  and  earnest  letter, 
entering  fully  into  the  subject,  pleading  the  importance  of 
preaching  as  the  divinely  appointed  method  of  communi- 
cating religious  instruction  to  the  people, — showing  how 
admirably  these  exercises  were  fitted  to  improve  the  minis- 
ters who  joined  in  them,  and  consequently  to  qualify  them 
for  the  discharge  of  their  chief  function  j  and  after  implor- 
ing her  not  to  suppress  so  valuable  an  institution,  and 
stating  his  readiness  to  resign  his  office  if  that  were  her 
pleasure,  declared  that  he  could  not,  without  offence  to  the 
majesty  of  God,  send  out  injunctions  for  suppressing  the 
exercises.  To  this  solemn  appeal  the  Queen's  answer  was 
— an  order  for  the  imprisonment  of  Grindal  in  his  house, 
and  his  suspension  from  his  function  for  six  months  ;  and 
an  immediate  suppression  of  the  prophesyings  by  the 
authority  of  a  royal  proclamation.  Such  were  the  fruits  of 
tho  Crown's  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  when  possessed  by  a 
despotic  monarch.  It  may  be  added,  that  Grindal  had  the 
firmness  to  maintain  his  integrity  for  eight  years,  during 
which  his  suspension  continued,  and  his  archiepiscopal 
functions  were  generally  performed  by  a  commission;  but  at 
length  he  yielded  so  far  as  to  suppress  the  exercises  within 
his  own  jurisdiction,  though  he  would  not  issue  injunc- 
tions to  that  effect  to  the  bishops.  Unhappily  it  was  not 
necessary  ;  they  were  in  general  but  too  ready  to  obey  the 
arbitrary  commands  of  their  haughty  and  despotic  Sovereign. 
[1580.]  A  few  years  afterwards  another  development 
of  regal  and  prelatic  tyranny  appeared,  in  an  Act  passed 
1  Strype's  Life  of  Grindal,  p.  221 


40  HISTORY   OF   THE 

by  the  Parliament  of  1580,  prohibiting  the  publication  of 
books  or  pamphlets  assailing  the  opinions  of  the  Prelates, 
and  defending  those  of  the  Puritans.  In  the  same  session 
of  Parliament  another  Act  was  passed,  one  portion  of  which 
empowered  the  infliction  of  heavj7  fines  and  imprisonment 
upon  those  who  absented  themselves  from  "  church,  chapel, 
or  other  place  where  common  prayer  is  said,  according  to 
the  Act  of  Uniformity."  The  apparatus  of  persecution 
was  now  nearly  complete  ;  and  the  pernicious  character  of 
the  Crown's  ecclesiastical  supremacy  was  sufficiently  evi- 
dent in  at  least  its  main  aspect,  although  it  subsequently 
reached  a  far  more  terrible  degree  of  persecuting  intolerance. 
These  harsh  and  oppressive  measures  had,  however,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  an  effect  the  very  reverse  of 
that  which  their  authors  intended.  Some  of  timid  and 
wavering  minds  might  be  terrified  and  subdued  j  but  the 
bolder  and  more  high-principled  men  became  only  the  more 
determined  in  proportion  to  the  severity  and  intolerance  of 
the  treatment  which  they  had  to  encounter.  In  their 
indignation  they  began  to  entertain  feelings  and  opinions 
from  which  they  would  have  shrunk,  had  they  not  been 
driven  to  extremities.  Ceasing  to  complain  of  Popish  vest- 
ments and  ceremonies,  and  to  supplicate  a  further  reforma- 
tion, some  began  to  question  whether  the  Church  of  England 
ought  to  be  regarded  as  a  true  Church,  and  her  ministers 
true  Christian  ministers.  They  not  only  renounced  com- 
munion with  her  in  her  forms  of  prayer  and  her  ceremonies, 
but  also  in  the  dispensation  of  word  and  ordinance. 

The  leader  of  these  men  of  extreme  views  was  Eobert 
Brown,  a  person  who  held  a  charge  in  the  diocese  of  Nor- 
wich, whose  family  connections  gave  him  considerable  influ- 
ence, and  procured  him  protection,  he  being  nearly  related 
to  Lord  Treasurer  Cecil.  Brown  appears  to  have  been  a 
man  of  hot  and   impetuous    temper;    rash   and  variable, 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  41 

except  when  opposed,  and  then  headstrong  and  overbearing. 
Throwing  himself  headlong  into  the  Puritan  controversy, 
he  traversed  the  country  from  place  to  place,  pouring  out 
the  most  fierce  and  bitter  invectives  against  the  whole 
Prelatic  party,  and  also  against  all  who  could  not  concur 
with  him  in  the  rude  violence  of  his  mode  of  warfare. 
After  repeated  imprisonments,  and  many  attempts  to  form 
a  new  party,  he  at  last  partially  succeeded  in  collecting  a 
small  body  of  like-minded  adherents  ;  but  was  soon  after- 
wards compelled  to  leave  the  kingdom,  and  to  withdraw  to 
Holland  with  a  portion  of  his  followers.  There  he  formed 
a  Church  according  to  his  own  fancy ;  but  it  was  soon  torn 
to  pieces  with  internal  dissension,  and  Brown  returned 
again  to  England,  and  exhibiting  one  of  those  recoils  by 
no  means  rare  with  men  of  vehement  temperament,  he 
renounced  his  principles  of  separation,  conformed  to  that 
worship  which  he  had  so  violently  assailed,  and  became 
rector  of  a  parish  in  Northamptonshire.  The  remainder  of 
his  life  was  by  no  means  distinguished  by  correctness  of 
deportment  or  purity  of  manners ;  and  at  length  he  termi- 
nated his  unhonoured  days  in  the  county  jail,  in  the  eighty- 
first  year  of  his  age.1  From  this  person  the  first  form  of 
what  has  since  been  termed  the  Independent,  or  Congrega- 
tional system  of  Church  government,  appears  to  have  had 
its  origin,  the  great  majority  of  the  Puritans  either  retaining 
their  connection  with  the  Church  of  England  in  a  species 
of  constrained  half-conformity,  or  associating  on  the  Pres- 
byterian model.  Brown  not  only  renounced  communion 
with  the  Church  of  England,  but  also  with  all  others  of 
the  Eeformed  Churches  who  would  not  adopt  the  model 
which  he  had  constructed.  The  main  principles  of  that 
model  were,  that  every  Church  ought  to  be  confined  within 
a  single  congregation ;  that  its  government  should  be  the 
1  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp.  245-247;  Fuller,  vol  iii  pp.  61-65. 


42  HISTORY   OF   THE 

most  complete  democracy  ;  and  that  there  was  no  distinc- 
tion in  point  of  order  between  the  office-bearers  and  the 
ordinary  members,  so  that  a  vote  of  the  congregation  was 
enough  to  constitute  any  man  an  office-bearer,  and  to 
entitle  him  to  preach  and  to  administer  the  sacraments. 
Those  who  adopted  these  opinions,  and  formed  Congrega- 
tional Churches  on  the  same  model,  were  at  first  termed 
Brown ists,  and  were  regarded  by  the  main  body  of  the 
Puritans  with  nearly  as  much  dislike  as  they  were  by  the 
Prelatists. 

In  stating  that  the  Independent,  or  Congregational 
system  of  Church  government  may  be  said  to  have  originated 
with  Eobert  Brown,  it  is  not  meant  that  those  who  at  pre- 
sent adhere  to  that  form  of  ecclesiastical  polity  are  Brownists, 
as  that  term  was  applied  at  first ;  but  merely  that  Brown 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  actually,  in  the  forma- 
tion of  a  Church,  embodied  that  idea,  and  that  too  in  a 
much  more  rigid  and  repulsive  form  than  it  subsequently 
assumed,  when  again  taken  up  and  reconstructed  by  wiser 
and  better  men.  But  it  is  of  importance  to  mark  begin- 
nings, especially  when  these  teach  lessons  of  great  practical 
value.  One  of  these  may  be  here  very  easily  learned.  The 
extreme  pertinacity  with  which  the  Queen  and  her  obse- 
quious servants  the  bishops  strove  to  enforce  entire  confor- 
mity, produced  an  antagonist  principle,  whose  very  essence 
was  direct  antipathy  to  their  eager  wish,  rendering  it  for 
ever  impossible  that  their  purpose  could  be  accomplished. 
Another  remark  may  be  made :  the  system  devised  by 
Brown  was,  in  its  first  appearance,  altogether  as  intolerant, 
both  in  principle  and  in  practice,  as  that  of  its  opponent, 
Prelacy  ;  but  in  the  stern  strife  which  afterwards  ensued 
between  these  equally  intolerant  antagonists,  they  so  far 
neutralized  each  other,  as  to  give  occasion  to  the  gradual, 
though   even   yet   incomplete,  development  of  the   great 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  43 

principle  of  religious  toleration, — a  principle  utterly  un- 
known to  any  party  at  the  time,  even  while  its  rainbow-form 
was  beginning  to  bend  its  gentle  radiance  across  the  thunder- 
gloom  of  their  contention. 

[1583.]  The  death  of  Archbishop  Grindal  gave  the 
Queen  an  opportunity  of  promoting  to  that  influential 
station  which  he  had  held,  a  person  more  according  to  her 
own  mind,  who  would  feel  no  compunction  in  proceeding  to 
extremities  against  the  Puritans.  Her  choice  was  easily 
made.  Whitgift  had  already  distinguished  himself  by  his 
controversial  writings  against  Cartwright,  and  was  well 
prepared  to  enforce  by  power  what  he  had  failed  to  accom- 
plish by  argument.  Scarcely  was  Whitgift  placed  in  his 
seat  of  power,  when  he  began  to  show  how  that  power 
would  be  used.  He  drew  up  and  published  three  articles, 
requiring  that  none  be  permitted  to  preach,  or  execute  any 
part  of  the  ecclesiastical  function,  unless  he  should  subscribe 
them.  These  articles  were  to  the  following  effect : — 1st, 
The  Queen's  supremacy  over  all  persons,  and  in  all  causes, 
civil  and  ecclesiastical.  2d,  That  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  and  of  Ordination  contained  nothing  contrary  to  the 
Word  of  God ;  and  that  they  will  use  it,  and  no  other. 
3d,  Implicit  subscription  of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles.1  The 
Puritans  would  readily  have  acknowledged  the  Queen's 
supremacy  over  all  persons,  and  in  all  causes  civil,  but  not 
in  causes  ecclesiastical ;  the  second  article  they  could  not 
subscribe  j  the  third  they  were  ready  to  subscribe  with 
little  difficulty.  But  they  were  all  rigidly  enforced ;  and 
in  a  short  time  several  hundred  of  the  best  ministers  in 
England  were  suspended  for  not  subscribing.  jSTot  thinking 
even  this  sufficient,  Whitgift  applied  to  the  Queen  to  in- 
stitute a  new  High  Commission,  that  he  might  be  enabled  to 
wield  a  direct  and  irresistible  power.  She  readily  consented, 
1  Keal,  vol.  i.  pp.  260-263  •.  Fuller,  vol  iii.  p.  6*. 


44  HISTORY   OF   THE 

and  even  gave  to  it  an  additional  element  of  despotism, 
empowering  the  commissioners  to  impose  an  oath  ex  officio, 
— by  means  of  which  persons  accused  were  bound,  on  their 
oath,  to  answer  questions  against  themselves,  and  thus 
become  their  own  accusers,  or  to  be  punished,  by  fine  or 
imprisonment,  for  refusing  to  take  such  an  oath,  or  to  crimi- 
nate themselves.  The  Prelatic  inquisition  was  now  complete 
in  its  apparatus,  and  Whitgift  was  well  qualified  to  act  as 
the  grand  inquisitor. 

[1584.]  The  work  of  oppression  went  on  now  rapidly. 
Mercy  to  preachers  or  people  there  was  none.  Elizabeth's 
wisest  statesmen  stood  aghast,  when  they  beheld  t  he  deso- 
lating effect  of  "Whitgift's  measures ;  but  they  interposed 
in  vain.  Cecil,  Burleigh,  and  Walsingham,  had  less  influ- 
ence with  the  Queen  than  "Whitgift ;  because  their  advice 
was  but  accordant  with  the  dictates  of  prudence  and  Chris- 
tianity— his  with  those  of  vanity  and  despotism.  When 
Parliament  met,  the  House  of  Commons  attempted  to  stem 
the  tide  of  persecution  ;  and  having  received  several  peti- 
tions from  the  Puritans,  they  prepared  various  Bills  to 
abridge  the  power  of  the  bishops,  to  reform  abuses,  and  to 
promote  discipline.  But,  with  considerable  dexterity,  Whit- 
gift  suggested  to  the  Queen,  that  if  the  Parliament  were  to 
pass  any  such  measures,  they  could  not  be  repealed  by  any 
other  authority  ;  whereas,  whatsoever  she  should  herself,  or 
by  the  Convocation,  enact,  her  own  authority  could  at  any 
time  repeal.1  Elizabeth  welcomed  the  suggestion.  She 
reprimanded  the  Commons  for  interfering  with  ecclesiasti- 
cal matters,  which  was  touching  her  prerogative,  and  they 
were  compelled  to  yield. 

[1586.]  The  Puritans,  thus  driven  from  all  legislative 
remedy,  yet  regarded  it  as  their  duty,  in  their  character  of 
Christian  teachers,  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  for 
1  Life  of  Whitgift,  p.  198. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  45 

their  own  improvement,  and  for  the  instruction  and  refor- 
mation of  the  ignorant  and  neglected  people.  They  accord- 
ingly formed  a  Book  of  Discipline,  for  their  own  direction 
in  the  discharge  of  their  ministerial  and  pastoral  duties ; 
and  this  book  was  subscribed  by  above  five  hundred  of 
the  most  eminently  pious  and  faithful  ministers  in  the  king- 
dom.' This  body  was  far  too  numerous  and  important  to 
be  easily  or  wantonly  crushed ;  and  yet,  as  Neal  informs 
us,  it  constituted,  in  reality,  but  a  small  portion  of  those 
over  whom  the  terrors  of  suspension  at  that  period  hung, 
amounting  to  no  less  than  a  third  part  of  the  ministers  of 
England. 

[1588.]  A  new  principle  was  now  promulgated  for 
the  support  of  Prelatic  power,  of  a  more  formidable  nature 
than  any  that  had  hitherto  appeared,  and  destined  to  pro- 
duce the  most  disastrous  results.  Dr  Bancroft,  the  Arch- 
bishop's chaplain,  in  a  sermon  which  he  preached  at  Paul's 
Cross,  January  12,  1588,  maintained  that  bishops  were  a 
distinct  order  from  priests  and  presbyters,  and  had  authority 
over  them  jure  divino,  and  directly  from  God.2  This  bold 
assertion  created  an  immense  ferment  throughout  the 
kingdom.  The  Puritans  saw  well,  that,  if  acted  upon,  this 
principle  would  increase  their  oppression  to  an  incalculable 
degree,  inasmuch  as  it  must  subject  them  to  an  accusation 
of  heresy,  in  addition  to  that  of  resistance  to  the  Queen's 
supremacy.  The  greater  part  of  even  the  Prelatic  party 
themselves  were  startled  with  the  novelty  of  the  doctrine  ; 
for  none  of  the  English  Eeformers  had  ever  regarded  the 
order  of  bishops  as  anything  else  but  a  human  institution, 
appointed  for  the  more  orderly  government  of  the  Church, 
and  they  were  not  prepared  at  once  to  condemn  as  heretical 

1  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp.  314,  315. 

«  Life  of  Whitgift,  p.  292  ;  Collier,  vol.  ii.  p.  609 ;  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp. 
321-323. 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE 

all  Churches  where  that  institution  did  not  exist.  Whit- 
gift  himself,  perceiving  the  use  which  might  "be  made 
of  such  a  tenet,  said,  that  the  Doctor's  sermon  had  done 
much  good — though,  for  his  own  part,  he  rather  wished 
than  believed  it  to  be  true.  On  the  other  hand,  the  legal 
assertors  of  the  Queen's  supremacy  assailed  this  theory, 
as  subversive  of  her  Majesty's  prerogative ;  for,  as  they 
reasoned,  if  the  bishops  are  not  under-governors  to  her 
Majesty  of  the  clergy,  but  superior  governors  over  their 
brethren,  by  God's  ordinance,  it  will  then  follow  that  her 
Majesty  is  not  supreme  governor  over  her  clergy.  Ban- 
croft answered,  that  this  inference  was  not  a  necessary  con- 
sequence of  his  doctrine  ;  because  the  sovereign's  authority 
may,  and  very  often  does,  corroborate  that  which  is  prim- 
arily from  the  law  of  God.  This  evasive  reply  seems  to 
have  satisfied  the  Queen,  aided,  perhaps,  by  her  own  know- 
ledge of  its  direct  purpose,  and  of  the  character  of  her 
bishops,  who  longed  for  the  extirpation  of  Puritanism,  but 
had  no  desire  to  encounter  her  leonine  wrath.  The  terrific 
power  of  this  despotic  principle  did  not,  indeed,  appear 
till  after  the  lapse  of  two  generations — when,  wielded  by 
Laud,  it  convulsed  the  kingdom,  and  overthrew  the  mon- 
archy. Its  portentous  reappearance  in  modern  times  may 
well  excite  alarm  ;  embodying,  as  it  does,  the  very  essence 
of  despotism,  civil  and  religious,  and  possessing  an  energy 
that  nothing  human  can  control  without  a  struggle,  wide, 
wasting,  and  deadly — too  fearful  even  to  be  imagined. 

[1589.]  The  struggle  assumed  a  less  serious  aspect 
for  a  short  time,  in  consequence  of  the  publication  of  the 
famous  Martin  Mar-Prelate  Tracts.  Some  of  the  Puritan 
party  had  procured  a  printing-press — the  liberty  of  the 
press  having  been  taken  away  previously — and  commenced 
a  series  of  pamphlets,  containing  attacks  of  wit,  ridicule, 
mockery,  and  keen  vituperation  against  the  bishops  and 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  47 

their  supporters.  Many  of  these  tracts  displayed  very  con- 
siderable power  of  sarcasm  and  invective  ;  and  as  they  were 
written  intentionally  for  the  mass  of  the  nation,  they  were 
composed  in  a  style  not  merely  plain,  but  affectedly  rude 
and  vulgar.  They  were  not,  however,  to  be  despised. 
Amidst  much  coarse  vituperation,  they  contained  state- 
ments of  facts  which  could  not  be  disputed,  set  forth  with 
such  home-thrusting  vigour,  as  caused  every  direct  and 
strong-aimed  blow  to  tell  upon  the  assailed  prelates.  Great 
was  the  indignation  and  dismay  of  the  bishops  and  their 
friends,  and  every  exertion  was  made  to  detect  and  seize 
the  hidden  armoury  of  this  unseen  assailant.  For  a  con- 
siderable time  these  efforts  were  unsuccessful,  and  the  Pre- 
latic  party  were  constrained  to  attempt  their  own  defence 
in  literary  warfare.  But  although  they  displayed  consider- 
able talent  and  activity  in  this  attempt,  they  were  not 
able  to  match  their  unknown  antagonists,  whose  writings 
produced  a  deep  and  wide-spread  impression  on  the  public 
mind.  At  length  the  Martin  Mar-Prelate  press  was  seized, 
with  several  unfinished  tracts,  and  that  aspect  of  the  struggle 
terminated,  but  not  till  the  Prelatic  cause  had  sustained 
very  considerable  injury. 

In  the  year  1591  the  Parliament  again  met,  and  the 
House  of  Commons  once  more  attempted  to  rescue  the 
suffering  Puritans,  by  instituting  an  inquiry  into  the  con- 
duct of  the  High  Commission,  in  imposing  oaths  and  sub- 
scriptions not  sanctioned  by  law.  The  Queen  was  highly 
incensed,  commanding  them  not  to  meddle  with  matters  of 
state  or  causes  ecclesiastical,  and  threw  several  of  the  mem- 
bers, and  even  the  Attorney-General,  into  prison.  The  Par- 
liament, with  a  tameness  unworthy  of  the  spirit  of  free- 
born  Englishmen,  not  merely  yielded,  but  passed  an  Act 
for  the  suppression  of  Conventicles,  by  which  was  meant 
all  religious  meetings,  except  such  as  the  Queen  and  the 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Bishops  were  pleased  to  permit,  on  pain  of  perpetual  ban- 
ishment. The  principle  of  this  Act  was  of  the  most  des- 
potic nature,  converting  any  difference  from  the  religion  of 
the  Sovereign  into  a  crime  against  the  State,  and  rendering 
the  mere  want  of  conformity  equivalent  to  a  proof  of  direct 
opposition.  Great  numbers  were  subjected  to  the  most 
grievous  sufferings  through  this  enactment.  Some  went 
into  voluntary  exile,  to  escape  the  horrors  of  imprisonment; 
some  endured  a  lengthened  captivity,  and  then  were  ban- 
ished ;  and  some,  chiefly  of  the  Brownists,  were  condemned 
to  death,  and  on  the  scaffold  declared  their  loyalty  to  their 
Sovereign,  while  they  ceased  not  to  testify  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  Prelates. 

[1595.]  The  controversy  between  the  High  Church- 
men and  the  Puritans  obtained  the  full  development  of  all 
its  main  principles  in  the  year  1595.  At  this  time  Dr 
Bound  published  a  treatise  on  the  Sabbath  j  in  which  he 
maintained  its  perpetual  sanctity,  as  a  day  of  rest  equally 
from  business  and  recreation,  that  it  might  be  devoted 
wholly  to  the  worship  of  God.1  All  the  Puritans  assented 
to  this  doctrine,  while  the  Prelatists  accused  it  as  both  an 
undue  restraint  of  Christian  liberty  and  an  improper  exalt- 
ing of  the  Sabbath  above  the  other  festivals  appointed  by 
the  Church.  About  the  same  time,  a  controversy  arose  in 
Cambridge  respecting  those  doctrinal  points  which  form 
the  leading  distinctions  between  the  Arminian  and  the 
Calvinistic  systems  of  theology.  Till  this  period  there  had 
existed  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  any  of  the  English 
divines  that  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  were  decidedly  and 
intentionally  Calvinistic.  Indeed  they  could  have  no  other 
opinion  j  because  they  were  perfectly  aware  how  much  in- 
fluence the  writings  of  Calvin  exercised  over  the  minds  of 
those  by  whom  these  Articles  were  framed.  After  the 
1  Fuller,  vol.  iii.  pp.  143-146. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  49 

controversy  had  prevailed  in  the  university  a  short  time,  an 
appeal  was  made  to  AYhitgift,  who,  with  the  aid  of  other 
learned  divines,  prepared  nine  propositions,  commonly 
called  the  Lambeth  Articles,  to  which  all  the  scholars  in 
the  university  were  strictly  enjoined  to  conform  their  judg- 
ments.1 These  Lambeth  Articles  were  more  strictly  Cal- 
vinistic  than  Calvin  himself  would  have  desired ;  and  cer- 
tainly prove  that,  in  its  early  period,  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  anything  but  Arminian,  whatever  it  may  have 
since  become.  But  though  "Whitgift  was  himself  still  a 
thorough  Calvinist,  considerable  numbers  of  the  Prelatic 
party  were  veering  towards  Arminianism  ;  so  that,  partly  on 
that  account,  and  partly  on  account  of  their  more  strict 
observance  of  the  Sabbath  sanctity,  the  Puritans  were  now 
led  to  a  more  important  field  of  conflict  than  that  on  which 
they  had  hitherto  striven  against  their  antagonists;  and 
instead  of  contending  about  vestments  and  ceremonies, 
they  now  strove  respecting  great  and  important  doctrines, 
and  began  to  be  termed  Doctrinal  Puritans.  This  led  to 
two  directly  opposite  results.  It  caused  the  Prelatists  to 
swerve  more  and  more  widely  from  those  doctrines  which 
the  Puritans  maintained ;  and  it  impelled  the  Puritans  to 
prosecute  a  profound  study  of  those  points,  which  had 
thus  become  the  elements  of  controversy.  This  may  account 
for  the  remarkable  power  and  accuracy  with  which  the 
Puritan  divines  of  that  and  the  succeeding  generation  state 
and  explain  the  most  solemn  and  profound  truths  of  the 
Christian  revelation. 

At  length  what  may  be  termed  a  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties ensued.  The  Queen  was  now  evidently  sinking  under 
the  infirmities  of  age,  and  both  parties  began  to  speculate 
upon  the  probable  measures  which  might  be  adopted  by 
her  successor,  James  VI.  of  Scotland.  The  Puritans  hoped 
1  Puller,  vol.  iii.  pp.  147-150. 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE 

that  his  Presbyterian  education  might  predispose  him  to  be 
favourable  to  their  views ;  and  the  Prelatic  party  were 
unwilling  to  exasperate,  by  continued  severity,  those  who 
might  possibly,  ere  long,  be  the  ruling  body  in  the  Church. 
Both  parties  paused,  at  least  in  action ;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  their  feelings  of  mutual  jealousy 
and  dislike  were  abated.  Nor  was  it  consistent  with  the 
usual  policy,  or  king-craft  of  James,  to  declare  his  senti- 
ments and  intentions,  but  rather  to  hold  out  plausible 
grounds  of  expectation  to  both  parties, — thereby  to  secure 
the  support  of  both,  or  at  least  to  disarm  the  direct  hos- 
tility of  either. 


PERIOD  THIRD. 1603-1643. 

[1603.]  Queen  Elizabeth  died  on  the  24th  day  of 
March  1603,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  her  age,  and  forty- 
fifth  of  her  reign.  In  the  following  month,  James  left  his 
native  land,  commencing  his  journey  to  London  to  take 
possession  of  the  English  throne,  to  which  he  was  now  the 
direct  heir.  On  his  progress  southward,  the  Puritan  min- 
isters availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  lay  before 
him  what  is  commonly  termed  the  Millenary  Petition. 
This  name  it  did  not  receive  because  it  was  signed  by  one 
thousand  ministers,  for  the  actual  number  was  seven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  ;  but  because,  in  the  preamble,  it  is  said  by 
the  petitioners,  "  That  they,  to  the  number  of  more  than  a 
thousand  ministers,  groaned  under  the  burden  of  human 
rites  and  ceremonies,  and  cast  themselves  at  his  Majesty's 
feet  for  relief."  That  their  number  was  not  overstated  is 
evident  from  the  fact,  that  the  petition  was  subscribed  by 
the  ministers  of  no  more  than  twenty-five  counties,  chiefly 
those  of  the  northern,  westland,  and  midland  parts  of  the 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  51 

kingdom ;  so  that  probably  not  more  than  one-half  of  the 
Puritan  ministers  had  an  opportunity  of  signing  their  mil- 
lenary petition.1 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Prelatic  party  were  at  least 
equally  strenuous  in  their  endeavours  to  secure  his  Ma- 
jesty's favour ;  and,  as  might  be  expected  from  their  prac- 
tised courtier-arts  and  ready  obsequiousness,  were  more  suc- 
cessful. But  as  James  had  given  a  friendly  reception  to 
both  parties,  and  as  he  was  vain  of  his  own  acquirements 
in  theology,  and  of  his  skill  in  polemical  discussions,  which 
he  wished  to  exhibit  to  his  new  subjects,  he  thought  proper 
to  appoint  a  conference  between  the  two  parties,  to  be  con- 
ducted in  his  own  presence,  as  final  judge  in  all  such 
matters.  This  gave  occasion  to  the  famous  Hampton  Court 
Conference,  an  account  of  which  was  afterwards  published 
by  Dr  Barlow,  Dean  of  Chester,  one  of  the  disputants  on 
the  Prelatic  side.  The  Puritans  complained  that  Barlow 
gave  a  partial  account  of  this  conference,  representing  the 
Prelatic  arguments  in  the  best  manner  of  which  they  could 
admit,  and  weakening  and  abridging  those  of  the  opposite 
party.  Even  from  the  outline  given  by  Fuller  and  Collier 
this  is  evident ;  and  yet  so  futile  are  the  arguments  of  the 
King  and  the  Prelates,  that  one  is  ashamed  to  read  them, 
as  reproduced  by  their  own  historians.  In  Barlow's  own 
treatise,  which  is  now  lying  before  me.  the  mean  and  abject 
servility  of  manner,  and  the  gross  and  fulsome  flattery  of 
language,  employed  by  the  Prelates  towards  James,  are  such 
as  to  cause  the  cheek  of  every  person  of  generous  and  manly 
nature  to  burn  with  indignant  scorn.  A  very  brief  account 
of  this  conference  is  all  that  can  be  given  here. 

The  place  appointed  for  this  conference  was  the  draw- 
ing-room at  Hampton  Court.     On  the  High  Church  side 
1  Fuller,  vol.  iii.  p.  172 ;  Collier,  vol.  ii.  p.  672 ;  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp.  371, 


52  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  disputants  were — the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Whit- 
gift  ;  bishops, — Bancroft  of  London,  Matthew  of  Durham, 
Bilson  of  Winchester,  Babington  of  Worcester,  Rudd  of 
St  David's,  Watson  of  Chichester,  Robinson  of  Carlisle, 
and  Dove  of  Peterborough ;  deans, — Andrews  of  the  Chapel, 
Overal  of  St  Paul's,  Barlow  of  Chester,  and  Bridges  of 
Salisbury ;  and  Dr  Field  and  Dr  King.  On  the  part  of 
the  Puritans  there  were  only  four  ministers, — Dr  Reynolds 
and  Dr  Sparks,  professors  of  divinity  in  Oxford  ;  and  Mr 
Chadderton  and  Mr  Knewstubbs  of  Cambridge.  The  first 
day  was  a  conference  between  the  King  and  the  Prelates, 
in  which  his  Majesty  praised  the  Church  of  England,  and 
expressed  his  wish  for  satisfaction  on  a  few  points  in  the 
Prayer-Book,  respecting  excommunication,  and  about  pro- 
viding ministers  for  Ireland.  By  this  an  opportunity  was 
given  to  the  King  and  the  Prelates  to  form  a  mutual  under- 
standing before  they  encountered  their  opponents.  On  the 
second  day,  Dr  Reynolds  stated,  in  the  name  of  the  Puritans, 
and  in  the  briefest  possible  form,  the  points  on  which  the 
controversy  chiefly  turned,  humbly  requesting, — "  1.  That 
the  doctrine  of  the  Church  might  be  preserved  in  purity, 
according  to  God's  Word.  2.  That  good  pastors  might  be 
planted  in  all  Churches,  to  preach  the  same.  3.  That  the 
Church  Government  might  be  sincerely  ministered,  accord- 
to  God's  Word.  4.  That  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
might  be  fitted  to  more  increase  of  piety."1 

Had  these  points  been  fairly  discussed,  the  whole  con- 
troversy might  have  been  investigated,  and  some  approxima- 
tion might  have  been  made  towards  an  agreement,  or  at 
least  a  pacific  arrangement,  between  the  contending  parties. 
But  the  King  interrupted,  reviled,  and  stormed ;  the  cour- 
tiers laughed  and  mocked ;  and  the  Prelates,  by  insinuations, 
interruptions,  flatteries  addressed  to  the  King,  and  sneers 
1  Hampton  Court  Conference,  p.  23. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  53 

directed  against  the  Puritans,  succeeded  in  preventing  such 
a  discussion  as  would  have  brought  out  the  great  principles 
of  the  controversy,  and  in  assisting  to  overbear  the  Puritans 
with  insult  and  ridicule.  The  King  repeated  his  favourite 
maxim, — "  No  bishop,  no  king  ; "  and,  at  the  close  of  the 
day,  asked  Dr  Eeynolds  if  he  had  anything  else  to  offer.  He, 
perceiving  the  futility  of  continuing  such  a  discussion,  an- 
swered, "  No  more,  please  your  Majesty."  "Then,"  said 
the  King,  "  if  this  be  all  your  party  have  to  say,  I  will 
make  them  conform,  or  I  will  harrie  (spoil)  them  out  o; 
the  land,  or  else  do  worse." 

The  greater  part  of  the  third  day's  conference  was  occu- 
pied by  the  King  and  the  Prelates  in  matters  relating  to  the 
High  Commission,  the  oath  ex  officio,  and  the  slight  altera- 
tions proposed  in  the  Prayer-Book.  Of  all  these  the  King 
expressed  his  approbation  :  and  then  the  Puritan  divines 
were  again  called  in  to  this  mock  conference.  They  now 
knew  that  no  alterations  such  as  they  had  desired  would 
be  obtained  ;  and,  therefore,  they  contented  themselves 
with  supplicating  some  concessions  in  point  of  conformity, 
in  behalf  of  those  ministers  who  could  not  in  conscience 
submit  to  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church.  The 
King  sternly  declared  that  they  must  conform,  and  that 
quickly  too,  or  they  should  hear  of  it.  Thus  ended  the 
Hampton  Court  Conference,  "which,"  says  Dr  Warner, 
"  convinced  the  Puritans  that  they  were  mistaken  in  de- 
pending on  the  King's  protection  ;  which  convinced  the 
King  that  they  were  not  to  be  won  by  a  few  insignificant 
concessions  ;  and  which,  if  it  did  not  convince  the  privy 
council  and  the  bishops  that  they  had  got  a  Solomon  for 
their  king,  yet  they  spoke  of  him  as  though  it  did."1  Even 
this  does  not  fully  express  the  extravagant  strain  of  adula- 
tion in  which  they  spoke.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
1  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  iii.  p.  482. 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE 

(Whitgift)  •'  said  that  undoubtedly  his  Majesty  spake  by 
the  special  assistance  of  God's  Spirit."  Bancroft,  Bishop 
of  London,  "  upon  his  knee  protested,  that  his  heart  melted 
within  him  with  joy,  and  made  haste  to  acknowledge  to 
Almighty  God  the  singular  mercy  we  have  received  at  His 
hands,  in  giving  us  such  a  king,  as  since  Christ  His  time  the 
like  he  thought  hath  not  been."1  Little  wonder  that  the 
vain  and  pedantic  monarch  was  delighted  with  his  bishops. 

[1604.]  In  the  Convocation  which  met  in  1604,  Ban- 
croft presided,  Whitgift  having  died  a  short  time  previously. 
Soon  after  they  met,  Bancroft  laid  before  them  a  Book  of 
Canons,  collected  out  of  the  articles,  injunctions,  and  syno- 
dical  Acts  passed  in  the  reigns  of  Edward  and  Elizabeth, 
to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  forty-one.  To  these 
canons  both  Houses  of  Convocation  assented,  and  they 
were  ratified  by  the  King's  letters  patent,  but  not  confirmed 
by  Act  of  Parliament,  so  that,  though  binding  on  the  clergy, 
they  have  not  the  force  of  statute  laws.  Of  these  canons, 
about  three  dozen  are  expressly  directed  against  the  Puritan 
opinions,  rendering  their  junction  with  the  Church  impos- 
sible without  sacrifice  of  conscience  ;  and  one  of  them 
requires  that  no  person  be  ordained,  or  suffered  to  preach 
or  catechise,  unless  he  first  subscribe  willingly,  and  exanimo, 
the  three  articles  already  mentioned  as  Whitgift's  articles. 

Bancroft  was  promoted  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Canter- 
bury, vacant  by  Whitgift's  decease,  and  immediately  proved 
how  well  qualified  he  was  to  discharge  the  function  of 
grand  inquisitor.  He  enforced  subscription  to  canons  and 
articles  with  the  utmost  rigour,  silencing  or  deposing  those 
Puritan  ministers  who  refused  to  comply.  Considerable 
numbers  were  thus  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress,  and 
some  were  driven  into  foreign  countries  to  escape  from  per- 
secution in  their  own.  And  that  the  Archbishop's  perse- 
1  Hampton  Court  Conference,  pp.  93,  94. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  55 

cuting  zeal  might  obtain  as  full  a  sanction  as  could  be  given 
to  it  by  a  partial  and  one-sided  process,  the  King  summoned 
the  twelve  judges  to  the  Star-Chamber,  and,  in  answer  to 
thrto  interrogative  propositions,  obtained  as  their  legal 
opinions,  That  the  King,  having  the  supreme  ecclesiastical 
power,  could,  without  Parliament,  make  orders  and  con- 
stitutions for  Church  government  j  that  the  High  Commis- 
sion might  enforce  them,  ex  officio,  without  libel ;  and  that 
subjects  might  not  frame  petitions  for  relief  without  being 
guilty  of  an  offence  finable  at  discretion,  and  very  near  to 
treason  and  felony.1 

This  strange  opinion  ascribed  to  the  King  power  in 
ecclesiastical  matters  of  the  most  arbitrary  and  despotic 
kind,  without  limitation  or  redress  ;  and  as  the  enforcement 
of  it  necessarily  required  the  exercise  of  civil  power  in  the 
infliction  of  punishment,  it  deprived  one  large  class  of  sub- 
jects of  all  liberty,  civil  and  sacred,  and  if  allowed  in  one 
class,  might  naturally  introduce  an  equal  exercise  of  des- 
potism over  every  other.  This  may  be  regarded  as  perhaps 
the  first  distinct  intimation  to  the  kingdom  at  large  of  the 
peril  in  which  civil  liberty  was  placed  by  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  the  Sovereign  and  the  Prelates  in  religious 
affairs  ;  and  it  is  not  undeserving  of  notice,  that  it  was 
founded  on  the  opinion  of  civil  judges,  who,  in  their  inter- 
pretation of  law,  were  the  subverters  of  the  constitution, 
and  the  destroyers  of  both  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

By  means  of  the  authority  thus  acquired,  the  Prelates 
urged  on  their  persecuting  career  with  double  eagerness 
and  severity  ;  and  the  Puritans  became,  in  consequence,  so 
much  the  more  determined  in  their  adherence  to  their  prin- 
ciples. Not  merely  suffering,  but  calumny  of  the  grossest 
kind,  was  their  portion  ;  and  ambitious  churchmen  found 
that  the  readiest  road  to  preferment  in  the  Church  was  to 
1  Ncal.  vol.  i.  pp.  416,  417. 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE 

pour  forth  violent  invectives  and  dark  aspersions  against 
the  detested  Puritans.  As  an  answer  to  these  reproaches, 
and  to  vindicate  their  character,  the  Puritans  published  a 
treatise  entitled  "  English  Puritanism,"  which  Dr  Ames 
(better  known  by  his  Latinised  name,  Amesius)  translated 
into  Latin  for  the  information  of  foreign  Churches.  It 
contains  a  very  full  and  impartial  statement  of  the  peculiar 
opinions  of  the  much  calumniated  Puritans  ;  and  ought  to 
be  enough  to  vindicate  them  in  the  judgment  of  every  can- 
did and  intelligent  person. 

[1610.]  The  violent  proceedings  of  the  Prelatic  party, 
and  the  dangerous  nature  of  the  principles  avowed  by  them, 
began  to  arouse  the  kingdom  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  to 
which  all  liberty  was  exposed ;  and  the  Parliament  pre- 
pared to  interpose,  and  to  seek  redress  of  grievances  which 
were  becoming  intolerable.  But  the  King  met  all  their 
remonstrances  and  petitions  for  redress  with  the  most  lofty 
assertions  of  his  royal  prerogative,  in  the  exercise  of  which 
he  held  himself  to  be  accountable  to  God  alone,  affirming 
it  to  be  sedition  in  a  subject  to  dispute  what  a  king  might 
do  in  the  height  of  his  power.  The  Parliament  repeated 
the  assertion  of  their  own  rights,  accused  the  High  Com- 
mission of  illegal  and  tyrannical  conduct,  and  advocated  a 
more  mild  and  merciful  course  of  procedure  towards  the 
Puritans.  Offended  with  the  awakening  spirit  of  freedom 
thus  displayed,  the  King,  by  the  advice  of  Bancroft,  dis- 
solved the  Parliament,  resolving  to  govern,  if  possible, 
without  Parliaments  in  future.  This  arbitrary  conduct  on 
the  part  of  James  aroused,  in  the  mind  of  England,  a  deep 
and  vigilant  jealousy  with  regard  to  their  Sovereign's  inten- 
tions, which  rested  not  till,  in  the  reign  of  his  son,  it  broke 
forth  in  its  strength,  and  overthrew  the  monarchy. 

[1616.]  When  the  Puritans  found,  not  only  no  hope 
of  redress,  but  a  constantly  increasing   severity  of  treat- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  57 

ment,  many  of  them,  as  has  been  stated,  fled  to  the 
Continent,  and  there  continued  to  discharge  their  sacred 
duties  as  they  could  find  opportunity.  Embittered  some- 
what by  the  persecution  which  they  had  suffered,  and  con- 
strained to  minister  in  congregations  not  united  in  any 
common  body,  several  of  them  began  to  adopt  the  opinions 
at  first  taught  by  Brown,  to  the  extent,  at  least,  of  regard- 
ing the  Congregational  or  Independent  as  the  best  system 
of  Church  government,  though  not,  like  him,  to  the  extent 
of  denying  the  lawfulness  of  any  other.  Of  these  Mr 
Henry  Jacob  was  one,  who,  having  fled  to  Holland,  be- 
came acquainted  with  Mr  Eobinson,  pastor  of  a  Con- 
gregational Church  at  Leyden,  and  embraced  his  system. 
Returning  to  England  in  the  year  1616,  Mr  Jacob  imparted 
his  views  to  several  others  of  the  suffering  Puritans,  who, 
considering  that  there  was  now  no  prospect  of  a  thorough 
national  reformation,  resolved  to  separate  themselves  en- 
tirely from  the  Church  of  England,  to  unite  in  Church 
fellowship,  and  to  maintain  the  ordinances  of  Christ  in 
what  they  had  come  to  regard  as  the  purest  form.  They 
met,  and  in  the  most  solemn  manner  declared  their  faith, 
pledged  themselves  in  a  mutual  covenant  to  each  other  and 
to  God,  to  walk  together  in  all  His  ordinances,  as  He  had 
already  revealed,  or  should  reveal  them,  chose  Mr  Jacob  to 
be  their  pastor,  elected  deacons,  and  thus  formed  the  first 
congregation  of  English  Independents.  Such  and  so  small 
was  the  beginning  of  a  body  which  afterwards  became  so 
powerful,  and  influenced  so  strongly  the  movements  of  the 
revolutionary  period.1 

[1618.]  The  strongly  contrasted  tendencies  of  the  two 

contending  parties,  Prelatists  and  Puritans,  were  rendered 

very  apparent  in  the  year  1618,  by  the  publication  of  the 

King's   Book  of   Sports.      This   book  was  drawn  up  by 

1  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp.  4G1,  462 


58  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Bishop  Moreton,  at  the  King's  direction,  and  dated  from 
Greenwich,  May  24,  1618.1  The  pretext  for  producing 
such  a  book  was,  that  the  strictness  of  the  Puritans  in 
keeping  Sabbath-day  alienated  the  people,  and  left  them 
exposed  to  the  temptations  of  the  Jesuits,  who  took  occa- 
sion to  seduce  them  back  to  Popery.  To  prevent  this,  his 
Majesty  proposed,  not  that  the  people  should  be  more  caro- 
fully  instructed  in  religion,  but  that,  after  Divine  service, 
they  should  be  indulged  in  such  recreations  as  dancing, 
archery,  leaping,  May-games,  Whitsunales,  morrice-dances, 
setting  up  of  May-poles,  and  such  like  amusements.  That 
the  people  should  meditate  on  their  religious  duties,  and 
prepare  to  practise  the  instructions  given  them  in  God's 
Word,  did  not  seem  to  his  Majesty  at  all  a  desirable 
matter, — it  might  have  led  them  to  favour  Puritanism. 
Queen  Elizabeth  disapproved  of  preaching,  lest  it  should 
teach,  the  people  to  think,  and  perhaps  to  inquire  into 
matters  of  State.  King  James  aimed  at  the  same  result  by 
making  their  only  leisure  day,  when  they  might  possibly 
attempt  the  dangerous  practice  of  cultivating  their  minds, 
a  day  of  mere  recreation.  The  reason  is  obvious.  Think- 
ing men  cannot  be  slaves ;  and  both  these  sovereigns  were 
desirous  of  establishing  a  complete  despotism.  Religious 
men  must  think,  and  think  solemnly  and  loftily  ;  therefore, 
to  prevent  this,  religion  must  give  place  to  giddy  mirth, 
and  God's  hallowed  day  must  be  profaned  by  every  kind 
of  idle  recreation.  And  what  must  be  said  of  the  High 
Church  party,  who  lent  their  aid  in  this  fearful  desecra- 
tion and  despotic  scheme  1  Were  they  the  friends  of  pure 
and  holy  religion,  of  rational  improvement,  of  public  free- 
dom '] 

This  Book  of  Sports,  however,  was  at  first  ordered  to 
be  read  merely  in  the  parish  churches  of  Lancashire ;  but 
1  Fuller,  vol.  iii.  pp.  270-278 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  59 

one  author  asserts  that  it  would  have  been  speedily  ex- 
tended over  the  kingdom,  but  for  the  decisive  refusal  of 
Abbot,  who  had  recently  succeeded  Bancroft  in  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Canterbury.  But  though  a  partial  enforce- 
ment of  this  desecrating  production  was  all  that  it  could, 
at  that  time,  obtain,  its  promulgation  gave  serious  ground 
of  dissatisfaction  and  dread  to  all  the  more  decidedly  pious 
persons  in  the  kingdom,  both  Puritans  and  Churchmen, 
and  tended  not  a  little  to  confirm  the  growing  jealousy  of 
High  Church  measures. 

The  "  king-craft,"  of  which  James  considered  himself  so 
great  a  master,  was  perpetually  leading  him  astray,  and  in- 
volving him  in  dangerous  political  errors,  which,  blending 
with  the  religious  struggles  that  had  so  long  prevailed, 
both  increased  the  numbers  and  gave  intensity  to  the  feel- 
ings of  those  who  regarded  with  jealousy  the  arbitrary 
measures  of  the  Court.  In  one  of  his  wise  speeches,  the 
King  gave  a  large  explanation  of  his  views  with  regard  to 
Puritanism ;  from  which  it  appeared,  that  he  considered 
all  to  be  Puritans  who  dared  to  oppose  his  absolute  pre- 
rogative, and  to  maintain  the  rights  and  liberties  established 
by  law.1  At  the  same  time  he  discountenanced  that  system 
of  theology  generally  termed  Calvinism,  though  he  had 
previously  professed  to  hold  it,  and  had  sent  divines  to  the 
Synod  of  Dort,  where  the  opposite  system,  Arminianism, 
was  condemned.  But  perceiving  that  the  Puritans  were 
Calvinists,  he  turned  the  sunshine  of  his  favour  towards 
those  of  the  clergy  who  had  begun  to  support  Arminian 
tenets.  In  this  manner  he  most  unwisely  brought  about 
a  combination  of  two  false  and  dangerous  principles  on  the 
one  side,  and  of  two  true  and  salutary  principles  on  the 
other; — the  combination  of  despotism  in  the  State  and 
unsound  theology  in  the  Church,  against  the  combination 
1  Kapin,  vol.  ii.  pp.  192,  193. 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  political  liberty  and  religious  purity.  The  alliances 
formed  on  both  sides  were  natural,  for  there  is  a  strong 
and  essential  relationship  between  the  component  elements 
of  each ;  and  yet  this  very  combination  was  the  cause  of 
many  peculiarities  in  the  struggle  which  afterwards  arose,, 
and  of  the  various  aspects  which  it  wore,  as  the  one  or  the 
other,  political  or  religious,  obtained  the  ascendency. 

The  combination  thus  begun  in  theory  was  soon  forced 
into  actual  existence,  when,  in  1G20,  the  King,  offended 
with  the  Parliament  for  mentioning  the  subject  of  griev- 
ances instead  of  bestowing  money,  commanded  them  to 
forbear  intermeddling  with  his  government ;  and  upon 
their  recording  in  their  journals  a  remonstrance  and  pro- 
testation in  defence  of  their  ancient  and  undoubted  rights 
and  privileges,  he,  in  a  storm  of  fury,  tore  out  the  pro- 
testation with  his  own  hand,  dissolved  the  Parliament,  and 
issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  his  subjects  to  talk  of 
State  affairs.1  This  was  despotism  undisguised,  and  the 
heart  of  England  understood  and  felt  it.  The  element  of 
resistance  to  political  tyrany  began  to  work  in  the  minds 
of  men,  many  of  whom  had  but  little  regarded  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Puritans  under  an  equal  tyranny  of  an  eccle- 
siastical kind.  But  the  storm  was  delayed,  partly  by  the 
natural  timidity  of  James,  who  was  incapable  of  boldly 
executing  what  he  tyrannically  conceived,  and  partly  also 
in  consequence  of  his  death,  and  the  pause  which  naturally 
ensued  at  the  commencement  of  a  new  reign,  till  its  prin- 
ciples should  be  ascertained. 

[1625.]  Charles  I.,  at  his  ascension  to  the  throne  in 
1625,  found  the  kingdom  in  a  truly  deplorable  condiiion 
— on  the  point  of  being  convulsed  with  internal  dissension, 
despised  by  foreign  countries,  and  its  treasury  totally  ex- 
hausted. It  would  have  required  a  wise  and  prudent  king,, 
1  Eapin,  vol.  ii.  p.  212. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  61 

■and  sage  and  able  counsellors,  to  have  rescued  the  nation 
from  such  imminent  and  formidable  perils.  But  Charles 
was  narrow-minded  and  obstinate,  impatient  of  advice 
•except  when  it  coincided  with  his  own  notions,  bigoted  in 
religious  matters,  entertaining  the  most  despotic  ideas  of 
his  royal  prerogative,  and  so  full  of  dissimulation,  that 
neither  his  word  nor  the  most  solemn  treaties  could  bind 
bim,  as  subsequent  events  amply  proved  ;  and  his  most 
trusted  counsellors  were  his  father's  recent  courtier-race  of 
sycophants  and  oppressors.  His  marriage  to  Henrietta, 
daughter  of  the  French  king,  and  a  zealous  Papist,  caused 
an  additional  ground  of  jealousy,  lest  persons  of  that  reli- 
gious persuasion  should  obtain  undue  and  pernicious  influ- 
ence ;  and  many  events  tended  to  strengthen  that  appre- 
hension. Instead  of  relaxing  the  severe  and  persecuting 
measures  under  which  the  Puritans  had  so  long  groaned, 
Charles,  instigated  by  Laud,  Bishop  of  London,  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  continued  to  oppress  that  body 
of  excellent  men  with  increasing  severity. 

A  contest  arose  between  Charles  and  his  first  Parlia- 
ment, chiefly  on  account  of  their  remonstrances  respecting 
the  dangerous  increase  of  Popery,  and  their  determination 
to  proceed  with  the  impeachment  of  his  favourite,  the  pro- 
fligate Duke  of  Buckingham.  To  stop  these  measures,  the 
King  suddenly  dissolved  the  Parliament ;  and  as  he  had 
not  obtained  the  supplies  which  he  desired,  he  proceeded 
to  raise  money  by  forced  loans,  ship-money,  and  other 
arbitrary  and  illegal  exactions.1  These  violent  encroach- 
ments upon  liberty  and  property  increased  the  spirit  of 
disaffection  which  was  already  strong,  compelling  all  who 
valued  freedom  to  perceive  that  some  decided  stand  must 
be  made,  unless  they  were  prepared  to  sink  into  the  degra- 
dation of  utter  slavery. 

1  Rushworth,  vol.  i.  p.  192  ;  Whitelocke,  p.  2. 


62 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[1628.]  During  the  interval  which  elapsed  before  the 
calling  of  the  next  Parliament,  the  clergy  were  employed 
to  inculcate  with  all  possible  earnestness  the  doctrines  of 
passive  obedience  and  non-resistance,  and  to  prove  that  the 
absolute  submission  of  subjects  to  the  royal  will  and  plea- 
sure was  authoritatively  taught  in  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Eagerly  did  the  courtly  divines  comply  with  these  direc- 
tions, vieing  with  each  other  who  should  most  strenuously 
promote  the  cause  of  despotism.  In  this  inglorious  strife 
Sibthorp  and  Manwaring  were  peculiarly  distinguished, 
broadly  asserting  that  the  King  is  not  bound  to  observe 
the  laws  of  the  realm — that  the  authority  of  Parliament  is 
not  necessary  for  the  imposing  of  taxes — and  that  those 
who  refuse  obedience  trangress  the  laws  of  God,  insult  the 
King's  supreme  authority,  and  are  guilty  of  impiety,  dis- 
loyalty, and  rebellion.  When  the  Parliament  again  met 
in  1628,  they  proceeded  against  Manwaring  for  inculcat- 
ing tenets  destructive  of  the  laws  and  liberties  of  the  king- 
dom, and  sentenced  him  to  fine  and  imprisonment  till  he 
should  make  his  submission.  He  submitted  accordingly  ; 
but  the  King  soon  afterwards  rewarded  his  services  in  the 
cause  of  tyranny,  by  raising  him  first  to  a  deanery,  and 
subsequently  to  the  bishopric  of  St  David's.  The  other 
advocates  of  passive  obedience  also  received  promotion ; 
and  the  nation  was  constrained  to  perceive  what  were 
the  principles  by  which  the  King  intended  to  govern. 
The  controversy  between  High  Churchmen  and  Puritans, 
which  had  so  long  divided  the  kingdom,  was  thus  forced 
to  assume  the  character  of  one  in  defence  of  civil  liberty. 
For  it  was  clearly  seen  that  the  High  Church  party,  who 
had  all  along  enjoyed  exclusively  the  favour  of  the  reign- 
ing monarch,  were  willing  to  procure  and  perpetuate  that 
favour  by  supporting  the  royal  prerogative  in  its  most 
arbitrary  pretensions,  sacrificing  without  scruple  equally 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  BH 

the  rights  of  conscience  and  the  civil  liberties  of  the  king- 
dom. 

The  contest  continued  in  both  its  converging  lines. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  King  strove  to  obtain  supplies  with- 
out redressing  grievances,  employing  already  that  dissimu- 
lation which  afterwards  caused  his  ruin,  and  assenting  to 
a  bill  or  petition  of  right,  the  provisions  of  which  he  never 
fulfilled.  On  the  other,  Laud,  who,  on  the  death  of  Buck- 
ingham, obtained  an  undivided  ascendency  over  Charles, 
prohibited  doctrinal  controversy  respecting  the  Arminian 
tenets,  and  commanded  the  suppression  of  afternoon  lec- 
tures, which  were  generally  conducted  by  those  Puritan 
divines  who  could  not  conform  to  the  reading  of  the 
Liturgy  in  the  forenoon  service.  This  cunning  prelate 
was  well  aware  that  controversy  on  doctrinal  subjects  cul- 
tivates the  power  of  thought,  and  that  lecturing  cultivates 
knowledge ;  he  knew  also,  that  men  who  have  been  trained 
to  think,  and  whose  minds  have  acquired  a  store  of  sound 
religious  knowledge,  are  incapable  of  becoming  the  slaves 
of  either  tyranny  or  superstition.  And  as  the  full  develop- 
ment of  his  measures  required  the  people  of  England  to 
become  superstitious  slaves,  it  was  necessary  to  suppress 
everything  which  had  a  counteracting  tendency.  The 
same  sort  of  instinctive  perception  of  the  readiest  method 
of  promoting  mental  and  moral  degradation  led  Laud  to 
persuade  the  King  to  revive  the  Book  of  Sports.  This 
was  accordingly  done  in  the  year  1633,  in  the  name  of  that 
Sovereign  whom  the  Church  of  England  still  delights  to 
style  "  The  Martyr,"  though  it  would  not  be  easy  to  tell  of 
what  cause  he  was  the  martyr,  unless  it  were  of  Prelatic 
profanity,  superstition,  and  despotism.  It  was  not  over  one 
county  that  the  Book  of  Sports  was  now  to  be  set  up  in 
opposition  to  the  Word  of  God  ;  the  bishops  were  directed 
to  enforce  the  publication  of  it  from  the  pulpit  through  aD 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  parish  churches  of  their  respective  dioceses.  This 
caused  great  distress  of  mind  to  all  the  pious  clergymen. 
Some  refused  to  read  it,  and  were  suspended  in  consequence  ; 
others  read  it,  and  immediately  after  having  done  so, 
read  also  the  Fourth  Commandment,  "  Eemember  the 
Sabbath-day  to  keep  it  holy;"  adding,  "this  the  law  of 
God,  the  other  is  the  injunction  of  man."  And  notwith- 
standing the  employment  of  both  power  and  guile,  the 
people  generally  refused  to  turn  God's  appointed  times  of 
holy  rest  into  periods  of  heathen  saturnalia. 

In  the  meantime,  the  tide  of  political  conflict  was  ad- 
vancing broad  and  deep.  And  as  it  had  been  caused  at 
first  by  the  course  of  persecution  on  account  of  religion, 
when  the  Parliament  sought  from  time  to  time  to  interpose 
in  behalf  of  the  suffering  Puritans,  it  continued  to  retain  its 
religious  character.  Very  strong  and  earnest  language  was 
used  by  several  leading  members  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
condemning  equally  the  Arminian  doctrines  and  the  tyran- 
nical proceedings  of  the  Prelatic  party ;  and  with  similar 
directness  and  energy  did  they  assail  the  illegal  methods 
adopted  by  the  King  to  raise  money,  and  the  oppressive 
conduct  of  the  persons  employed  in  that  service.  The 
King  finding  the  Commons  determined  to  defend  their  re- 
ligious and  civil  liberties,  and  to  refuse  subsidies  till  the 
grievances  of  which  they  complained  should  be  redressed, 
sent  them  orders  to  adjourn.  This  arbitrary  command 
they  refused  to  obey,  till  they  should  have  prepared  a  re- 
monstrance against  the  levying  of  tonnage  and  poundage, 
and  accordingly  proceeded  to  frame  their  remonstrance 
and  protestation.  This  document  declared,  in  substance, 
that  whosoever  should  introduce  innovations  in  religion, 
or  advise  taking  of  tonnage  or  poundage  not  yet  granted 
by  Parliament,  or  submit  to  such  illegal  impositions,  should 
he  held  as  betrayers  of.  and  enemies  to,  the  liberties  of 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  65 

England.1  The  Speaker  refused  to  put  these  propositions  to 
the  vote,  and  attempted  to  leave  the  chair ;  but  he  was  forced 
back  to  it,  and  held  there  till  they  were  read  and  carried  by 
acclamation.  The  Commons  then  adjourned ;  and  four  of 
the  leading  members,  Eliot,  Hollis,  Valentine,  and  Cariton, 
were  committed  to  the  Tower,  where  Eliot  was  detained 
till  he  died,  the  others  being  released  upon  payment  of 
heavy  fines.  Charles  having  now  learned  that  the  Parlia- 
ment would  not  submit  to  be  made  a  passive  instrument 
in  his  hands  to  accomplish  what  he  might  please,  de- 
termined to  assume  the  whole  powers  of  the  Legislature, 
disregarding  the  form,  as  well  as  violating  the  spirit  of 
the  Constitution,  and  realising  the  absolute  despotism 
so  fervently  advocated  by  his  sycophantic  clergy.  He 
ventured  even  to  avow  his  desperate  intention  by  a  pro- 
clamation, in  which  he  forbade  the  very  mention  of 
another  Parliament.  He  had  yet  to  learn,  that  to  shut 
up  a  strong  feeling  in  the  heart,  is  to  increase  its  sup- 
pressed strength,  and  to  give  it  entire  possession  of  the 
inner  being. 

As  if  for  the  very  purpose  of  imparting  additional  in- 
tensity to  the  growing  indignation  of  the  kingdom,  Laud, 
now  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  proceeded  with  equal  eager- 
ness in  imposing  fresh  ceremonies  of  the  most  absurd  char- 
acter upon  the  Church,  and  in  the  infliction  of  excessive 
cruelties  upon  the  Puritans.  These  Popish  ceremonies 
drove  numbers  into  Nonconformity ;  and  the  barbarities 
perpetrated  upon  those  who  dared  to  complain  or  to  refuse 
compliance,  provoked  the  nation  almost  beyond  endurance. 
Alexander  Leighton  was  condemned  to  have  his  ears  cut 
off,  and  his  nose  slit,  to  be  branded  on  the  cheek,  to  stand 
in  that  condition  in  the  pillory,  and  then  to  be  cast  into 
prison  till  he  should  pay  a  fine  utterly  beyond  his  means, 
1  Eusbworth,  voL  i.  p.  65U,  et  seq 
E 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE 

— a  sentence  equivalent  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Burton, 
Hast  wick,1  and  Prynne  suffered  similar  cruelties.  And 
great  numbers  were  reduced  to  entire  destitution,  because 
they  dared  to  write  or  speak  against  Laud's  Popish  cere- 
monies, or  against  the  Prelatic  system  of  Church  govern- 
ment. Numbers  forsook  the  country,  and  retired  some  to 
the  Netherlands,  others  to  the  settlements  recently  formed 
in  America.  Xever,  probably,  was  there  a  period  in  which 
the  principles  of  religious  and  civil  liberty,  and  the  feelings 
of  human  nature,  were  more  shocked  and  outraged.  But  a 
course  of  crime  is  also  a  course  of  infatuation.  At  the  very 
time  when  the  cruel  tortures  of  these  wronged  and  oppressed 
sufferers  were  awakening  the  most  intense  sympathy  in  the 
nation,  the  King  adopted  a  measure  which  roused  a  cor- 
responding degree  of  political  indignation.  Finding  it 
difficult  to  procure  supplies  as  readily  as  his  necessities 
required,  he  devised  the  plan  of  assessing  not  only  the 
maritime,  but  also  the  inland  counties  for  sums  of  money, 
for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  building  ships  of  war.  This 
tax.  as  even  Clarendon  admits,  was  intended  not  only  for  the 
support  of  the  navy,  but  "  for  a  spring  and  magazine  that 
should  have  no  bottom,  and  for  an  everlasting  supply  for 
all  occasions."  This  was  clearly  perceived,  and  imme- 
diately opposed  by  the  bold  and  wise  assertors  of  national 
liberty.  The  celebrated  Hampden  refused  to  pay  his  share 
of  the  tax,  and  determined  to  bring  the  legality  of  levying 
such  an  impost  to  a  public  trial.  About  the  close  of  the 
year  1639,  the  cause  was  tried  before  the  twelve  judges  in 
the  Exchequer  Chamber.  The  judges  hesitated.  They 
perceived  clearly  that  the  law  was  in  favour  of  Hampden ; 
but  they  held  their  situations  during  the  royal  pleasure, 
and  seven   decided   that   the    tax   was    legal,    while   one 

i  In  passing:  sentence  on  Bastwick.  the  bishops  denied  that  they  held 
their  jurisdiction  from  the  King. —  Wiutdocke.  p.  '22 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  67 

doubted,  and  four  condemned  it.1  His  Majesty  gained  the 
decision ;  but  Hampden  and  freedom  gained  the  cause,  in 
the  strong  feeling  which  was  roused  throughout  the  entire 
kingdom. 

Another  act  of  infatuation  speedily  followed.  For  a 
time  the  suffering  Puritans  alone  had  sought  refuge  from 
oppression  in  a  voluntary  exile ;  but  now  the  defenders  of 
civil  liberty  began  to  adopt  the  same  course.  At  length 
even  Hampden,  and  his  cousin  Oliver  Cromwell,  discour- 
aged with  their  long  and  hitherto  fruitless  struggle,  resolved 
also  to  seek  in  the  New  World  that  liberty  which  seemed 
to  have  forsaken  its  ancient  English  home.2  But  an  order 
was  published,  forbidding  any  to  leave  the  kingdom  with- 
out permission  from  the  Privy  Council.  They  remained, 
returned  to  the  field  of  danger  and  of  duty,  and  resumed  a 
contest  which  presented  now  no  medium  between  complete 
freedom  and  absolute  slavery, — no  retreat,  no  cessation,  no 
alternative  but  victory  or  death.  Thus,  by  this  act  of 
despotic  infatuation,  Charles  gave  to  his  most  formidable 
antagonists  the  terrible  energies  of  desperate  necessity,  and 
sealed  his  own  dark  and  hapless  doom. 

There  was  still  another  element  introduced  about  this 
time,  as  if  to  render  the  dreadful  combination  perfect  for 
evil.  Although  Laud  did  not  attempt  to  deny  the  King's 
supremacy  in  all  matters  ecclesiastical,  yet  the  principle 
first  promulgated  by  Bancroft — the  divine  authority  of  the 
Episcopal  order — had  taken  possession  of  his  narrow  and 
restless  mind,  and  impelled  him  to  endeavour  partially  to 
realise  it,  though  its  full  and  ultimate  bearing  lay  far  be- 
yond his  reach  even  to  imagine.  He  not  only  drew  the 
half  of  the  Chancery  business  into  the  hands  of  persons 
nominated  to  their  offices  by  the  Prelates,  but  also  pre- 
vailed upon  the  King  to  allow  the  bishops  to  hold  their 
!  Whitelocke,  p.  24.  2  Neal,  vol.  i.  p.  618. 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ecclesiastical  courts  in  their  own  names,  and  by  their  own 
seals,  without  the  King's  letters  patent  under  the  Great 
Seal.  This  was  a  direct  infringement  of  the  royal  prero- 
gative j  and  to  this  he  succeeded  in  adding  another  as  glar- 
ing, namely,  the  power  of  the  bishops  to  frame  new  articles 
of  visitation,  without  the  King's  authority,  and  to  adminis- 
ter an  oath  of  inquiry  concerning  them.1  In  this  manner 
the  Prelates  became  possessed  of  extensive  jurisdiction, 
both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  not  only  independent  of  Crown 
and  Parliament,  but  based  upon  the  assumption  of  a  divine 
right,  which  rendered  them  entirely  irresponsible,  and  be- 
yond the  control  of  human  law.  Had  not  the  spirit  of 
liberty,  civil  and  religious,  been  at  that  time  vigilant  and 
strong,  these  Prelatic  usurpations  must  have  soon  reduced 
England  to  a  state  of  the  most  abject  slavery.  And  al- 
though the  fearful  recoil  caused  the  death  of  both  the  wil}- 
Prelate  and  the  misled  King,  it  is  greatly  to  be  feared  that 
the  Laudean  principle  is  not  yet  dead,  though  it  has  long 
been  dormant, — that  it  may  yet  awake  in  portentous 
strength, — and  that  it  may  put  forth  a  power,  and  give 
rise  to  a  struggle,  of  tremendous  magnitude,  before  it  be 
itself  destroyed. 

At  length  the  King  reached  the  turning  point  of  his 
wild  and  reckless  course.  Instigated  by  his  evil  genius, — 
Laud,  he  strove  to  impose  upon  the  Presbyterian  Church 
and  people  of  Scotland  the  whole  mass  of  Prelatic  rites  and 
ceremonies,  for  the  sake  of  which  he  had  already  driven 
England  to  the  extreme  point  of  endurance.  But  that 
point  had  been  long  previously  reached  in  Scotland,  and 
the  attempt  provoked  an  instantaneous  and  determined 
resistance.  A  large  portion  of  the  nobility,  nearly  all  the 
middle  class,  the  whole  of  the  ministers,  and  almost  the 
entire  body  of  the  people,  united  in  a  solemn  national  cove- 
1  Neal,  vol.  i.  pp.  584.  585. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  69 

nant  in  defence  of  their  religious  liberties,  resolved  to  peril 
life,  and  all  that  life  holds  dearest,  rather  than  submit  to 
the  threatened  violation  of  conscience.  The  King  raised 
an  army  to  subdue  them  by  force,  but  shrunk  from  the 
perilous  encounter,  and  framed  an  evasive  truce.  This 
abortive  attempt  exhausted  his  treasury,  and  compelled 
him  reluctantly  to  call  a  Parliament,  from  which  he  hoped 
to  procure  supplies.  The  Parliament  met  on  the  13th  of 
April  1640,  after  an  interval  of  twelve  years;  but  the 
spirit  of  liberty  was  now  stronger  in  the  bosom  of  its  mem- 
bers than  it  had  formerly  been,  and  still  less  disposed  to 
prostrate  itself  before  the  royal  prerogative.  His  Majesty 
demanded  supplies,  and  promised  then  to  grant  time  to 
take  their  grievances  into  consideration.  The  Commons 
began  with  applying  for  the  redress  of  grievances,  and  re- 
fused to  proceed  with  the  grant  of  a  subsidy  till  these 
should  be  redressed.  Disappointed  and  enraged,  the  King 
dissolved  the  Parliament,  and  threw  the  leading  members 
into  prison.  But  as  his  need  of  money  was  urgent,  he 
commenced  exacting  it  more  oppressively  than  ever,  by 
forced  loans,  by  ship-money,  by  granting  monopolies,  and 
by  every  artifice  which  want  could  suggest  and  tyranny 
employ.  And,  as  if  conscious  that  Episcopacy  was  the 
cause  of  the  Sovereign's  distress,  the  Convocation  winch 
met  at  the  same  time,  continued  sitting  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  Parliament,  contrary  to  law  and  custom,  and  granted 
a  considerable  sum  of  money  to  his  Majesty,  to  enable  hin\, 
to  prosecute  the  "  Episcopal  war."  This  appeared  a  dam 
gerous  precedent,  fraught  with  peril  to  the  liberties  of  the 
kingdom,  since,  on  the  one  hand,  the  King  could  augment 
the  revenues  of  the  clergy,  and  on  the  other,  they  could 
replenish  his  coffers,  be  his  purposes  what  they  might, 
without  legislative  authority,  and  thereby  give  him  the 
means  of  completing  his  despotic  encroachments.     Seven- 


70  HISTORY   OF    THE 

teen  canons  were  also  published  by  this  Convocation,  in 
the  sixth  of  which  all  clergymen  are  required  to  take  an 
oath,  expressing  approbation  of  the  doctrine,  discipline, 
and  government  of  the  Church  of  England,  one  clause  of 
which  says,  "  ISbr  will  I  ever  give  my  consent  to  alter  the 
government  of  this  Church,  by  archbishops,  bishops,  deans, 
archdeacons,  etc.,  as  it  stands  now  established."1  From 
this  clause  it  obtained  the  name  of  "  the  et  cetera  oath" 
and  became  an  additional  element  of  strife  between  the 
Prelatists  and  the  Puritans,  driving  many  ministers  into 
the  latter  body,  because  they  could  not  consent  to  swear 
adherence  to  they  knew  not  what. 

Charles  having  again  obtained  a  sufficient  sum  of  money 
to  enable  him  to  maintain  an  army,  broke  off  all  pacific 
relations  with  his  Scottish  subjects,  and  marched  north- 
wards to  subdue  them  by  force.  But  they  were  not  unpre- 
pared for  such  an  event.  The  long  course  of  intriguing; 
dissimulation  which  they  had  detected  and  baffled,  during 
the  previous  stages  of  their  transactions  with  his  Majesty, 
had  led  them  to  the  conclusion,  that  he  would  observe  the 
terms  of  the  most  solemn  treaty  no  longer  than  till  he 
could  violate  them  with  safety.  They  had  therefore  retained 
their  military  officers  in  pay,  and  were  in  a  condition  to  raise 
an  army  at  a  moment's  notice.  There  had  been  also  begun  a 
private  correspondence  between  them  and  the  leading  Eng- 
lish patriots  ;  and  they  had  received  assurance,  that  if  they 
should  advance  into  England  itself,  they  would  be  welcomed 
as  deliverers.  They  accordingly  crossed  the  border,  defeated 
a  strong  party  which  opposed  their  passage  of  the  Tyne  at 
Xewburn,  took  possession  of  Newcastle,  and  advanced  into 
England.  Alarmed  with  their  progress,  and  finding  it 
impossible  to  raise  and  maintain  a  sufficient  force  to  resist 
them,  in  the  disaffected  state  of  his  English  subjects,  the 
1  Neal,  vol.  i.  p.  830. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  71 

King  appointed  commissioners  to  treat  with  the  Scots  at 
Eipon.  This  led  to  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for  two  months, 
commencing  October  the  26th,  during  which  the  Scottish 
army  were  to  be  maintained  at  his  Majesty's  expense ;  the 
remaining  negotiations  for  peace  were  transferred  from 
Eipon  to  London. 

It  had  again  become  necessary  to  call  a  Parliament,  for 
the  adjustment  of  the  important  matters  in  dispute  ;  and 
great  exertions  were  made  on  both  sides  in  the  election  of 
members.  But  the  heart  of  England  was  now  fairly 
warmed,  and  its  strong  spirit  roused.  By  far  the  majority 
of  the  elections  were  decided  in  favour  of  the  defenders  of 
liberty ;  and  as  all  knew  that  the  crisis  had  come,  all  were 
thoroughly  prepared  for  the  struggle.  In  that  Parliament 
was  collected  not  only  the  flower  of  living  Englishmen, 
but  it  may  be  fearlessly  said,  that  no  age  or  nation  has  ever 
produced  men  of  greater  eminence,  in  abilities  and  character, 
than  were  the  leaders  of  that  celebrated  Assembly.  To 
mention  the  names  of  Pym,  Hampden,  Cromwell,  Selden, 
is  to  mention  men  of  almost  unequalled  distinction,  in 
sagacity,  patriotism,  strength  of  mind,  and  extent  of  learn 
ing ;  and  those  who  held  but  a  secondary  position,  were, 
nevertheless,  men  who  were  possessed  of  talents  and  energy 
enough  to  have  earned  high  renown,  in  any  period  less 
prodigal  of  human  power.  Such  was  that  House  of  Com- 
mons, afterwards  so  famous  under  the  name  of  the  Long 
Parliament. 

Scarcely  had  this  Parliament  met,  on  the  3d  of  Govern 
ber  1640,  when  ample  proof  was  given  that  its  members 
were  fully  aware  of  the  great  task  they  had  to  perform. 
They  appointed  four  committees  to  conduct  with  rapidity 
the  important  matters  before  them  :  for  religious  grievances, 
— for  the  affairs  of  Scotland  and  Ireland, — for  civil  griev- 
ances,— concerning   Popery  and    Popish  plots.      In  these 


72  HISTORY   OF   THE 

committees,  affairs  were  prepared  for  full  discussion  in  the 
House,  so  that  there  might  be  neither  loss  of  time  nor 
mismanagement.1  And  as  religious  grievances  had  long 
been  felt,  and  had  led  to  the  greater  part  of  the  civil  oppres- 
sion which  had  roused  the  kingdom,  the  Parliament  took 
these  immediately  into  consideration.  The  canons  of  the 
late  Convocation  were  declared  to  be  illegal,  and  not  bind- 
ing ;  and  sharp  animadversions  were  made  respecting  Laud, 
as  their  chief  author.  This  led  to  the  framing  of  an 
impeachment  against  him,  as  engaged  in  the  treasonable 
design  of  subverting  the  religion  and  laws  of  his  country. 
The  complaint  of  the  Scottish  commissioners  against  Laud, 
as  the  real  author  of  all  the  commotions  which  had  taken 
place  in  Scotland,  formed  a  large  and  heavy  portion  of  the 
charge  which  led  to  the  impeachment  of  the  unfortunate 
Archbishop.  An  accusation,  consisting  of  fourteen  articles, 
was  drawn  up,  presented  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the 
charge  being  sustained,  he  was  committed  to  the  Tower. 

About  the  same  time,  or  rather  a  few  days  before  it, 
the  Earl  of  Strafford,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  was  also 
impeached,  and  committed  to  the  Tower.  The  letters  and 
despatches  which  passed  between  Laud  and  Strafford  clearly 
prove  that  they  were  the  prime  instigators  of  all  the  tyran- 
nical measures  which  had  characterised  the  government  of 
Charles  for  the  preceding  twelve  years, — at  which  time 
Strafford  (then  Mr  Wentworth)  deserted  the  patriotic  party, 
and,  like  all  apostates,  became  the  most  bitter  enemy  of 
the  cause  which  he  had  forsaken.  The  very  term  employed 
by  Laud,  as  distinctive  of  himself  and  his  measures — 
"Thorough" — shows  clearly  the  character  of  the  keen, 
relentless  spirit  and  despotic  temper  which  filled  his  narrow 
mind.  And  the  haughty,  dark,  and  arrogant  nature  of 
Strafford, — conscious  of  great  abilities,  full  of  ambitious 
1  Whitlocke,  p.  36. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  73 

designs,  and  utterly  unscrupulous  with  regard  to  the 
measures  by  which  they  should  be  carried  into  effect, — 
rendered  him  in  every  respect  a  dangerous  man,  particularly 
as  the  confidential  adviser  and  favourite  minister  of  a 
monarch  who  himself  aimed  at  despotism.  It  was  not 
strange  that  the  Commons  of  England  thought  it  necessary 
to  remove  such  men  from  his  Majesty's  councils,  as  a  preli- 
minary step  towards  the  recovery  of  the  nation's  liberties. 
The  result  of  these  impeachments  is  well  known ;  but  as 
several  important  transactions  intervened,  these  must  first 
be  narrated. 

Eedress  was  granted  to  several  of  those  who  had  suffered 
under  prelatic  tyranny.  Prynne,  Burton,  and  Bastwick  were 
released  from  their  imprisonment  in  the  Channel  Islands, 
and  conducted  through  London  in  a  sort  of  triumphal  pro- 
cession. Alexander  Leighton  was  also  released  from  prison, 
and  appointed  keeper  of  Lambeth  Palace.  Several  bishops 
and  other  clerical  dignitaries  were  accused  of  illegal  and 
oppressive  conduct,  and  felt  some  portion  of  the  weight  of 
retributive  justice.  And  so  strong  was  the  indignation 
which,  long  suppressed,  now  burst  forth  with  proportionally 
greater  vehemence,  that  some  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
restraining  the  people  from  inflicting  upon  their  oppressors 
what  Bacon  terms  "  wild  justice." 

The  flood-gates  were  now  opened,  the  popular  mind 
began  to  rush  forth,  and  it  required  both  great  strength 
and  great  dexterity  to  guide  it  into  a  safe  channel.  It  had 
been  part  of  the  Laudean  policy  to  prevent  all  public  dis- 
cussion respecting  the  high  pretensions  of  Prelacy  ;  but 
freedom  of  discussion  was  now  procured,  and  the  press 
began  to  pour  forth  treatises  of  every  kind  and  size,  in 
which  not  only  were  the  abuses  of  Prelacy  fully  stated,  but 
also  the  Prelatic  form  of  Church  government  itself  was 
strenuously  assailed.     Bishop    Hall  wrote   in   defence   of 


74  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Episcopacy,  and  was  answered  by  a  celebrated  treatise, 
under  the  title  of  "  Smectymnuus,"  a  word  formed  from 
the  initial  letters  of  the  names  of  its  authors, — Stephen 
Marshall,  Edmund  Calamy,  Thomas  Young,  Matthew  Xew- 
comen,  and  William  Spurstow.  Even  the  mighty  Milton 
employed  his  pen  in  this  keen  literary  warfare  ;  and  it  is 
no  rash  matter  to  assert,  that  in  learning,  talent,  genius, 
and  strength  of  argument,  the  Puritan  writers  immeasurably 
surpassed  their  antagonists,  and  produced  an  impression  on 
the  public  mind  so  deep  and  strong  that  it  decided  the 
controversy,  so  far  as  Prelatic  Church  government  was 
concerned,  even  at  its  beginning. 

Along  with  the  literary  warfare,  another  method  of 
assault,  not  less  formidable,  was  employed.  Petitions  were 
poured  into  the  House  of  Commons  from  every  part  of  the 
country,  signed  by  almost  incredible  numbers,  against  the 
hierarchy  ;  some  desiring  its  reformation,  others  praying 
that  the  whole  system  might  be  destroyed.  Of  the  latter 
kind,  that  which  attracted  chief  attention  was  one  from  the 
city  of  London,  signed  by  about  fifteen  thousand  persons, 
and  generally  termed  "  The  Eoot  and  Branch  Petition,"  on 
account  of  an  expression  which  occurs  in  its  prayer,  viz., 
"That  the  said  government,  with  all  its  dependencies,  roots 
and  branches,  may  be  abolished."  Counter-petitions  were 
also  brought  forward  in  defence  of  the  hierarchy,  scarcely, 
if  at  all,  less  numerous.  Debates  arose  in  consequence, 
and  very  strong  language  was  employed  by  several  members, 
condemnatory  of  the  oppressive  conduct  of  the  hierarchy. 
Bills  were  also  introduced,  chiefly  with  the  view  of  taking 
away  legislative  authority  from  the  bishops,  by  relieving 
them  from  the  discharge  of  civil  duties  in  the  Upper  House ; 
but  the  House  of  Lords  rejected  these  measures,  and,  after 
a  protracted  struggle,  there  seemed  to  be  no  prospect  of 
getting  that  grievance  remedied. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  75 

A  difficulty  of  a  legal  nature  occurred  in  the  trial  of 
Stratford.  Although  his  accusation  specified  matters  of  the 
most  arbitrary  and  oppressive  character,  yet  it  was  not 
clear  that  they  fell  within  the  express  terms  of  statute- 
definition  of  high  treason.  The  charge  was  therefore  so 
altered  as  to  enable  the  Commons  to  proceed  with  a  Bill  of 
Attainder,  which  passed  that  House,  and  was  brought  before 
the  Lords.  There  seemed  to  be  great  probability  that  it 
would  be  lost  in  that  House,  when  an  event  occurred 
which  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs,  so  far  as  that 
was  pacific.  A  plot  was  formed  by  some  leading  officers 
in  the  army  and  the  courtiers,  to  bring  the  army  to  London, 
in  order  to  overawe  the  Parliament,  rescue  Strafford,  and 
take  possession  of  the  metropolis.  This  plot  was  discovered, 
traced  out,  publicly  stated  to  Parliament  by  Mr  Pym,  on 
the  2d  May  1641,  and  immediately  the  conspirators  ab- 
sconded,— some  even  seeking  safety  by  fleeing  to  Prance.1 
The  effect  was  like  a  lightning-flash, — sudden  and  fatal. 
It  revealed  to  the  community  their  own  peril,  and  the 
nature  of  the  measures  which  the  King  was  capable  of  pur- 
suing ;  and  thus  it  drove  them  to  the  conclusion  that  his 
word  or  treaty  could  not  be  trusted,  and  that  the  only 
method  of  securing  their  own  safety  consisted  in  depriving 
hini  of  all  power  to  injure  them.  Numerous  and  tumultuary 
mobs  assembled  around  the  Houses  of  Parliament,  rending 
the  air  with  cries  of  "  Justice  !  Justice  ! "  In  this  state  of 
public  agitation  the  Peers  passed  the  Bill  of  Attainder. 

Another  important  measure  passed  at  the  same  perilous 
moment.  The  King  was  anxious  that  the  Scottish  army 
should  return  to  Scotland,  being  well  aware  that  its  pre- 
sence in  England  was  a  source  of  great  strength  to  the 
patriots,  paralyzing,  at  the  same  time,  his  own  military  pre- 
parations. He  repeatedly  urged  Parliament  to  relieve  the 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  43 


7l>  HISTORY   OF   THE 

country  from  the  oppressive  "burden  of  maintaining  these 
two  armies,  the  Scottish  and  his  own.  The  House  of  Com- 
mons had  already  borrowed  large  sums  for  the  payment  of 
the  current  expenses ;  and  a  still  larger  sum  would  be  re- 
quired for  the  completion  of  the  transaction.  But  when 
the  plot  against  the  Parliament  was  detected,  the  citizens 
of  London,  who  had  hitherto  advanced  the  necessary  sup- 
plies on  Parliamentary  security,  refused  to  contribute  any 
more  on  a  security  which  appeared  to  be  so  precarious. 
Public  credit  being  thus  overthrown,  the  only  expedient 
for  its  recovery  which  presented  itself  was,  to  secure  the 
continuation  of  the  Parliament  till  these  troubles  should 
terminate.  A  Bill  was  framed  for  this  purpose,  enacting, 
"  That  this  pre?ent  Parliament  shall  not  be  adjourned,  pro- 
rogued, or  dissolved,  without  their  own  consent."  This 
Bill  passed  both  Houses  with  very  slight  opposition,  and 
received  the  royal  assent  by  commission,  along  with  the 
Bill  of  Attainder  against  the  Earl  of  Strafford.1  It  would 
seem  that  the  detection  of  the  plot  against  the  Parliament 
had  completely  stunned  the  King  and  his  advisers,  so  that, 
in  their  guilty  confusion,  they  were  incapable  of  perceiving 
the  vast  import  of  such  a  concession,  which  rendered  the 
Parliament  completely  independent  of,  and  co-ordinate  with, 
the  King  during  its  own  pleasure. 

Yet  another  step  was  taken,  of  scarcely  less  importance. 
Mr  Pym  moved,  that  both  Houses  might  join  in  some  bond 
of  defence,  for  the  security  of  their  liberties  and  of  the  Pro- 
testant religion.  A  protestation  was  accordingly  framed, 
almost  identical  in  principle  with  the  National  Covenant 
of  Scotland,  though  somewhat  different  in  form,  and  less 
minute  in  detail.2 

The  protestation  was  as  follows: — "I,  A.  B.  do.  in 
the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  promise,  vow,  and  protest 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  43.  2  Ibid. ;  Rushworth,  vol.  iv.  p.  241. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  77 

to  maintain  and  defend,  as  far  as  lawfully  I  may,  with  my 
life,  power,  and  estate,  the  true  Reformed  Protestant  Re- 
ligion, expressed  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  England, 
against  all  Popery  and  Popish  innovation  within  this  realm, 
contrary  to  the  said  doctrine  ;  and  according  to  the  duty 
of  my  allegiance,  I  will  maintain  and  defend  his  Majesty's 
royal  person,  honour,  and  estate  :  Also  the  power  and  pri- 
vileges of  Parliament,  the  lawful  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
subjects,  and  every  person  that  shall  make  this  protestation, 
in  whatsoever  he  shall  do  in  the  lawful  pursuance  of  the 
same  ;  and  to  my  power,  as  far  as  lawfully  I  may,  I  will 
oppose,  and  by  all  good  ways  and  means  endeavour  to  bring 
condign  punishment  on  all  such  as  shall  by  force,  practice, 
counsels,  plots,  conspiracies,  or  otherwise,  do  anything  to 
the  contrary  in  the  present  protestation  contained  :  And 
further,  that  I  shall,  in  all  just  and  honourable  ways,  en- 
deavour to  preserve  the  union  and  peace  betwixt  the  three 
kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  ;  and  neither 
for  hope,  fear,  or  any  other  respects,  shall  relinquish  this 
promise,  vow,  and  protestation." 

This  protestation  was  subscribed  by  the  whole  House 
of  Commons  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  next  day  by  all  the 
Peers  present  in  Parliament,  except  two ;  it  was  then 
printed,  and  sent  to  every  part  of  the  kingdom,  to  be  taken 
by  the  whole  nation  ;  and  when  it  was  opposed,  the  Com- 
mons passed  a  resolution,  declaring,  "That  whosoever  would 
not  take  the  protestation  was  unfit  to  bear  office  in  the 
Church  or  Commonwealth."  To  this  course  of  procedure 
the  King  offered  no  opposition ;  and  let  it  be  observed, 
that  the  English  House  of  Commons  acted  a  much  more 
arbitrary  part,  in  the  enforcing  of  this  protestation,  than 
had  been  done  in  Scotland  with  regard  to  the  National 
Covenant :  and  as  this  took  place  more  than  two  full 
years  before  the  Solemn    League  and  Covenant   between 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  two  kingdoms  was  even  thought  of,  and  was  done  by  a 
House  of  Commons  all  nominally  Episcopalians,  it  proves 
that  it  is  directly  contrary  to  fact  and  truth,  to  ascribe  the 
severe  measures  of  the  Long  Parliament  to  Presbyterian 
intolerance. 

Events  of  great  moment  now  followed  each  other  with 
startling  rapidity.  A  Bill  was  passed  abolishing  the  Court 
of  High  Commission ;  and  another,  putting  an  end  to  the 
Star  Chamber.  Both  these  Bills  were  signed  by  the  King ; 
and  thus  the  main  engines  of  oppression  were  destroyed. 
Acquiring  fresh  confidence  by  success,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons resumed  their  proceedings  against  the  bishops,  and 
actually  prepared  articles  of  impeachment.  The  King 
perceiving  that  he  was  waging  an  unsuccessful  warfare, 
changed  his  course,  and  suddenly  intimated  to  the  Parlia- 
ment that  he  intended  to  pay  a  visit  to  Scotland,  to  complete 
the  pacification  with  that  country.  The  long-pending  treaty 
was  concluded  and  ratified,  and  his  Majesty  journeyed  to 
his  native  country  with  such  expedition  as  to  show  that 
some  important  measures  were  in  his  mind.  The  leading 
Parliamentary  politicians  penetrated  his  design, — which 
indeed  was  sufficiently  apparent.  He  had  felt  the  strength 
of  that  support  which  the  presence  in  England  of  the  Scot- 
tish army  gave  to  the  patriotic  party;  and  he  justly 
imagined,  that  if  he  could  not  only  detach  the  Scots  from 
the  English  Parliament,  but  gain  them  to  himself,  he  would 
then  be  able  to  reduce  his  refractory  subjects  to  his  own 
terms.  The  King's  absence  necessarily  led  to  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  Parliament ;  but  its  chief  committees  continued 
to  meet,  and  a  small  committee  was  formed  to  accompany  his 
Majesty  to  Scotland.1  The  secret  purpose  of  this  committee 
was,  to  give  to  the  leading  Scottish  statesmen  such  private 

i  The  committee  were,  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  Lord  Howard,  Sir  Philip 
Staploton.  Sir  William  Arrayrje,  Mr  Hampden,  and  Mr  Fiennes. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  79 

information  as  should  put  them  on  their  guard  against  the 
arts  of  royal  dissimulation  which  might  be  practised.  For 
this  the  Scottish  leaders  were  already  prepared  by  their 
own  painful  experience,  and  although  the  King  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost  to  give  satisfaction  to  them,  and 
bestowed  honours  on  the  chief  of  the  Covenanters,  yet  he 
could  not  remove  their  suspicions, — still  less  induce  them 
to  pledge  themselves  for  the  support  of  his  intentions. 

Not  only  were  his  Majesty's  expectations  disappointed, 
but  additional  cause  was  given  to  his  people  to  watch  all 
his  movements  with  increasing  jealously.  Before  the  King's 
arrival  in  Scotland,  the  Earl  of  Montrose  had  been  detected 
forming  a  conspiracy  to  betray  the  Covenanters,  even  while 
acting  as  one  of  their  commissioners  at  Eipon.  For  this, 
and  other  similar  matters,  he  had  been  imprisoned  in  Edin- 
burgh Castle.  Even  in  his  confinement  he  found  means  of 
corresponding  with  his  associates,  and,  through  them,  with 
the  King ;  and  a  plot  was  formed,  of  which  there  is  strong 
reason  to  believe  the  King  to  have  been  aware,  to  seize 
Argyle  and  Hamilton,  and  either  put  them  to  death,  or 
hurry  them  on  board  a  frigate  which  lay  in  Leith  roads, 
and  having  thus  struck  terror  into  the  Covenanters,  to  put 
the  army  into  the  hands  of  the  King,  at  the  head  of  which 
his  Majesty  might  return  and  overpower  his  refractory 
Parliament  in  England.1  The  discovery  of  this  plot  excited 
a  sudden  and  strong  commotion  ;  but  the  King  endeavoured 
to  cause  it  to  be  regarded  as  entirely  a  groundless  alarm, 
and  redoubled  his  efforts  to  give  all  possible  satisfaction  to 
the  Covenanters.  This  event,  known  by  the  name  of  "  The 
Incident,"  sunk  deep  into  men's  minds,  and  led  them  to 
entertain  the  belief,  that  the  King  was  capable  of  conniving 
at  any  measure,  however  dark  and  bloody,  provided  that  it 

1  Baillie's  Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  392  ;  Brodie's  British  Empire,  voL  iii.  pp. 
150-155. 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE 

could  promote  his  progress  towards  absolute  despotism. 
The  fearful  outburst  of  Popish  fury,  termed  the  Irish  Mas- 
sacre, taking  place  at  the  same  time,  gave  to  all  these 
suspicions  the  most  dark  and  dreadful  aspect,  and  filled 
the  heart  of  both  England  and  Scotland  with  intense  horror 
and  alarm.  And  although  it  may  be  difficult  to  prove  that 
Charles  directly  instigated  the  Irish  Papists  to  this  insur- 
rection, or  anticipated  the  terrific  deeds  that  were  done, 
yet  it  would  be  still  more  difficult  to  acquit  him  of  knowing 
that  it  was  intended,  and  of  conniving  at  it,  with  the  expec- 
tation of  turning  it  to  his  own  advantage,  by  means  of  the 
armed  forces  which  would  be  placed  under  his  command.1 

Such  was  the  state  of  matters,  and  such  the  agitated 
temper  of  the  kingdom,  when  Charles  returned  to  London, 
again  to  resume  his  contest  with  the  Parliament,  now  roused 
to  a  pitch  of  almost  desperate  determination.  A  committee 
had  been  appointed,  a  considerable  time  before,  "  to  draw 
out  of  all  the  grievances  of  the  nation  such  a  remonstrance  as 
might  be  a  faithful  and  lively  representation  to  his  Majesty 
of  the  deplorable  state  of  the  kingdom.  This  remonstrance, 
consisting  of  two  hundred  and  six  ai  tides,2  was  read  in 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  22d  of  November  1641. 
It  had  to  encounter  a  very  strong  opposition  ;  and  after  a 
debate  which  lasted  from  three  in  the  afternoon  till  three 
in  the  morning,  it  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  11,  the 
votes  being  159  to  148.  Within  a  few  days  after  the 
remonstrance  had  been  presented  to  his  Majesty,  and  before 
he  had  returned  an  answer,  it  was  printed  and  dispersed 
all  over  the  kingdom.  By  this  step,  certainly  defective  in 
courtesy,  the  Parliament  fairly  took  their  ground,  threw 

1  The  perusal  of "  A  Declaration  of  the  Commons,"  etc.,  July  25, 1642, 
would  prove  to  any  impartial  reader  that  there  was  such  a  plot  between 
\,ne  «4,ueen  aud  the  Irish  Papists,  and  that  the  King  knew  of  it. 

2  Kuahworth,  vol.  iv.  pp.  438-451;  "Whitelocke,  p.  49. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  81 

themselves  and  their  cause  upon  the  principle  and  intelli- 
gence of  the  kingdom,  and  thenceforward  the  struggle  was 
one  between  the  sovereign  and  the  nation. 

The  trial  of  the  bishops  who  had  been  impeached  as 
authors  of  the  nation's  grievances,  came  next.  The  bishops 
attempted  to  stay  the  proceedings  by  entering  a  demurrer. 
Great  and  dangerous  tumults  arose  in  consequence  of  the 
position  taken  by  the  prelates ;  and  they,  alarmed,  and 
considering  themselves  exposed  to  personal  danger,  deter- 
mined to  abstain  from  going  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
drew  up  a  protestation  against  whatsoever  should  be  done 
by  Parliament  in  their  absence,  as  null,  and  of  no  effect.1 
Their  greatest  enemies  could  not  have  suggested  to  them 
a  more  self-destructive  course.  They  were  immediately 
accused  of  acting  in  a  manner  destructive  of  Parliaments, 
and  assuming  a  negative  voice  in  the  Legislature,  possessed 
by  the  King  alone  ;  and  a  new  impeachment  being  framed 
on  this  ground,  ten  of  them  were  sent  to  the  Tower. 

[1642.]  These  proceedings  exasperated  the  King  to 
such  a  degree,  that  he  immediately  resolved  to  retaliate ; 
and  sent  the  Attorney-General  to  the  House  of  Commons  to 
impeach  of  high  treason  five  of  the  leading  members,  namely, 
Lord  Kimbolton,  Sir  Arthur  Hazelrigge,  Denzill  Hollis, 
John  Pym,  John  Hampden,  and  William  Stroud.  The 
Commons  not  having  ordered  them  into  custody,  the  King 
himself  went  to  the  House  next  day  (January  4th)  to  seize 
them,  attended  by  a  crowd  of  armed  men.  They  had 
received  notice  of  his  intention  and  withdrawn,  so  that 
when  he  placed  himself  in  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  looked 
around  him  he  perceived  that  this  violent  and  unconstitu- 
tional attempt  was  abortive.2  The  most  intense  excitement 
arose,  Parliament  adjourned  for  a  week,  the  citizens  of 
London  protected  the  five  members,  and  offered  to  raise 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  61.  2  Wliitelocke,  p.  50. 


$2 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


the  trained  bands  for  the  protection  of  Parliament  itself. 
In  vain  did  the  King  attempt  to  overawe  them  by  fortify- 
ing Whitehall,  and  placing  artillerymen  in  the  Tower. 
They  were  equally  resolute,  and  prepared  to  bear  back  force 
by  force  if  necessary.  In  this  great  moment,  when  every 
measure  was  surcharged  with  peril,  the  King's  infatuation 
again  prevailed ;  and  instead  of  remaining  either  to  amend 
his  error,  or  to  confront  the  danger,  he  forsook  Whitehall 
on  the  10th  of  January,  removing  first  to  Hampton  Court, 
then  to  Windsor,  and  soon  afterwards  to  York,  leaving  all 
the  elements  of  strife,  which  his  despotic  proceedings  had 
aroused,  to  combine  and  rush  onward  in  a  torrent  of  irre- 
sistible might. 

Very  soon  after  his  Majesty's  departure  from  London, 
the  Bill  to  remove  the  bishops  from  the  House  of  Lords, 
that  they  might  not  "  be  entangled  with  secular  jurisdic- 
tion," was  again  brought  forward,  passed  by  a  large  majority 
on  the  6th  of  February,  and  on  the  14th  of  the  same  month 
obtained  the  royal  signature  by  commission. 

But  the  intentions  of  the  King  soon  began  to  display 
their  hostile  aspect  too  evidently  to  be  any  longer  mis- 
understood. From  York  he  made  a  rapid  movement  upon 
Hull,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  body  of  cavalry,  on  the 
23d  of  April,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  upon  that  important 
town,  and  taking  possession  of  its  magazines.  Sir  John 
Hotham  refused  to  admit  him  with  more  than  twelve 
attendants,  having  been  appointed  to  his  situation  as  gover- 
nor by  the  Parliament,  to  whom  he  was  responsible  for  its 
custody  ;  and  the  King,  in  his  disappointment  and  anger, 
declared  him  a  traitor.1  Several  manifestoes  passed  be- 
tween the  King  and  the  Parliament,  both  on  account  of 
this  event,  and  with  regard  to  the  command  of  the  militia ; 
but  the  progress  of  negotiation,  instead  of  producing  an 
1  Rushworth,  vol.  iv.  p.  567. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  83 

agreement  rendered  the  breach  wider  and  wider,  prepara- 
tory for  an  entire  disruption.  Considerable  numbers  of 
both  Houses  forsook  the  Parliament  and  joined  the  King  ; 
an  army  was  formed,  and  Hull  was  invested  in  regular 
form.  To  meet  this  hostile  movement,  the  two  Houses,  on 
the  12th  of  July,  resolved  that  an  army  should  be  raised 
for  the  defence  of  the  Kingdom  and  Parliament,  and  gave 
the  command  to  the  Earl  of  Essex.  On  the  9th  of  August, 
the  King  proclaimed  Essex  and  his  adherents  traitors  ;  and 
also  declared  both  Houses  guilty  of  high  treason,  forbid- 
ding all  his  subjects  to  yield  obedience  to  them.  The  Par- 
liament, on  the  other  hand,  proclaimed  all  who  should  join 
the  King's  army  traitors  against  the  Parliament  and  the 
kingdom.  In  another  proclamation,  the  King  summoned 
all  his  faithful  subjects  to  repair  to  him  at  Nottingham, 
where,  on  the  22d  day  of  August  1642,  he  caused  his 
standard  to  be  erected  in  a  field  adjoining  the  castle  wall. 
Few  complied  with  this  warlike  summons  ;  but  the  stand- 
ard was  erected  amid  the  gathering  gloom  and  the  rising 
gusts  of  a  commencing  tempest,  which,  ere  evening,  in- 
creased to  a  perfect  hurricane,  and  dashed  to  the  earth  the 
royal  banner,1  as  if  ominous  of  the  fierce  storm  of  civil  war 
then  bursting  on  the  land,  and  the  disgrace  and  ruin  that 
awaited  the  royal  cause. 

It  had  for  some  time  been  clearly  perceived  by  the 
Parliament  that  war  was  inevitable,  especially  after  the 
King's  attempt  upon  Hull ;  and  they  accordingly  began  to 
make  all  necessary  preparations.  The  friendly  countenance 
and  support  of  Scotland  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  and 
this,  therefore,  they  resolved  to  secure.  Twice  had  the 
Council  of  Scotland  attempted  to  mediate  between  the 
King  and  the  Parliament,  first  in  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
and  again  in  May ;  but  though  the  Parliament  accepted 
1  Clarendon,  vol.  ii.  p.  720. 


84  HISTORY   OF   THE 

their  mediation,  it  was  rejected  by  the  King  in  a  peremptory 
tone,  commanding  them  to  be  content  with  their  own  settle- 
ment, and  not  to  intermeddle  with  the  affairs  of  another 
nation.  The  English  Parliament,  understanding  that  the- 
General  Assembly  was  to  meet  in  Edinburgh  about  the  end 
of  July,  addressed  a  letter  to  that  body,  stating  the  perilous 
aspect  of  affairs,  and  expressing  their  desire  to  avoid  a  civil 
war,  and  yet  to  promote  reformation  in  both  Church  and 
State.  The  Assembly's  answer,  dated  3d  August,  expresses- 
sympathy  with  the  sufferings  and  dangers  of  England,  re- 
commends unity  of  religion,  "  That  in  all  his  Majesty's 
dominions  there  might  be  one  Confession  of  Faith,  one- 
Directory  of  Worship,  one  public  Catechism,  and  one  form 
of  Church  government,"  accusing  the  prelatical  hierarchy 
of  being  the  great  impediment  against  obtaining  that  de- 
sirable result.  A  letter  from  a  number  of  English  divines 
was  addressed  to  the  same  Assembly,  in  which,  after  ex- 
pressing gratitude  for  previous  advices,  they  state,  "  That 
the  desire  of  the  most  godly  and  considerable  part  amongst 
us  is,  that  the  Presbyterian  government,  which  hath  just 
and  evident  foundation,  both  in  the  Word  of  God  and 
religious  reason,  may  be  established  amongst  us,  and  that 
(according  to  your  intimation)  we  may  agree  in  one  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  one  Directory  of  Worship,  one  public 
Catechism  and  form  of  government."1  From  these  expres- 
sions it  is  evident  that  both  the  English  Parliament  and 
the  Puritan  divines  were  perfectly  aware  of  the  views 
entertained  by  the  Scottish  Parliament  and  Assembly ; 
and  yet  did  not  hesitate  to  seek  assistance,  and  to  assent 
to  the  idea  of  a  uniformity  in  religious  worship,  which 
Scotland  regarded  as  an  indispensable  condition. 

Nor  does  it  appear  that  the  English  Parliament  enter- 
tained any  reluctance  to  procure  Scottish  aid  on  such  terms 
1  Acts  of  Assembly,  1642. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  85 

For,  in  the  month  of  September,  a  Bill  was  passed  through 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  on  the  10th  of  that  month 
through  the  House  of  Lords,  entitled  "An  Act  for  the 
utter  abolishing  and  taking  away  of  all  archbishops,  bishops, 
their  chancellors  and  commissaries,"  etc., — ordaining,  that 
after  the  5th  of  November  1643,  there  shall  be  no  arch- 
bishop, etc.,  including  the  whole  array  of  dignitaries  and 
cathedral  functionaries,  and  that  all  their  titles,  jurisdictions, 
and  offices,  "  shall  cease,  determine,  and  become  absolutely 
void  ; "  that  their  possessions  should  return  to  the  King  ; 
that  the  property  of  cathedrals  should  be  vested  in  trustees, 
who  should  give  a  stipend  to  their  late  possessors,  and  out 
of  the  remainder  support  preaching  ministers,  both  in  towns, 
and  through  the  country  where  required." l  Thus  was  the 
English  hierarchy  overthrown  by  a  Parliament  which  even 
Clarendon  admits  to  have  been  composed  of  men  favourably 
disposed  to  Episcopacy  ;  and  this  overthrow  took  place  at 
a  time  when  the  Parliament  had  not  resolved  to  what  form 
of  Church  government  a  legal  ratification  should  be  given, 
a  whole  year  being  allowed  to  elapse  before  the  Act  of 
abolition  should  take  effect,  to  allow  ample  time  for  the 
deliberations  of  an  assembly  of  ('Vines  which  they  intended 
to  call  together  for  that  purpose.  And  so  far  was  the 
Scottish  General  Assembly  from  attempting  to  force  Eng- 
land to  adopt  the  Presbyterian  form  of  Church  government, 
that  they  abstained  from  framing  a  Confession  of  Eaith 
and  Directory  for  themselves,  till  it  should  be  seen  what 
England  would  do,  that  the  matter  might  not  be  foreclosed, 
but  the  Church  of  Scotland  left  at  liberty  to  adopt  the 
same  general  system,  if  it  should  prove  such  as  to  gain  their 
approbation.  Even  at  an  earlier  period,  in  the  very  com- 
mencement of  the  negotiations  between  the  English  Parlia- 
ment and  the  Scottish  Church  and  people,  the  latter  had 
1  Neal.  vol.  ii.  pp.  150, 151. 


86  HISTORY   OF   THE 

strongly  advocated  a  uniformity  of  religious  worship  in  the 
three  kingdoms,  and  at  the  same  time  had  as  strongly  dis- 
claimed the  idea  of  presuming  to  dictate  to  England  in  so- 
grave  and  important  a  matter.1  Yet  this  accusation  is  con- 
stantly urged  against  the  Church  of  Scotland  by  her  adver- 
saries, in  ignorance,  it  may  be  hoped,  of  the  real  facts  of  the 
case  ;  although  it  is  not  denied  that  the  Scottish  Church 
naturally  cherished  the  expectation  that  any  thorough  re- 
ligious reform  in  England  would  produce  a  Church  more 
resembling  the  other  Protestant  Churches  than  it  had  been 
under  its  wealthy  and  political  hierarchy. 

The  sword  was  now  unsheathed  ;  and  for  a  period  the 
more  harmless  war  of  negotiations  and  manifestoes  was 
abandoned,  and  a  sterner  conflict  waged.  Several  battles 
were  fought,  some  with  doubtful  success,  and  in  others  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the  Parliament.  When  the  approach 
of  winter  led  to  a  partial  cessation  of  hostilities,  proposals 
were  again  made  for  peace,  and  commissioners  were  sent 
from  the  Parliament  to  Oxford  to  endeavour  to  frame  a 
treaty.  The  Scottish  Council  sent  commissioners  also. 
And  hopes  were  for  some  time  entertained,  that  the  King 
would  consent  to  such  terms  as  might  restore  peace  to  the 
kingdom  without  the  absolute  surrender  of  its  liberties. 
But  it  was  discovered  that  his  Majesty  was  busily  engaged 

1  "  I  cannot  think  it  expedient  that  any  such  thing,  whether  Confession 
of  Faith,  Directorie  for  Worship,  Form  of  Government,  or  Catechism, 
less  or  more,  should  be  agreed  upon  and  authorised  by  our  Kirk,  till  we 
see  what  the  Lord  will  do  in  England  and  Ireland,  where  I  will  wait  for 
a  reformation  and  uniformity  with  us.  But  this  must  be  brought  to  pass 
by  common  consent.  "We  are  not  to  conceive  that  they  will  embrace  our 
form.  A  new  form  must  be  set  down  for  us  all,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
some  men  set  apart  some  time  for  that  work.  And  although  we  should 
never  come  to  this  unity  in  religion  and  uniformity  in  worship,  yet  my 
desire  is  to  see  what  form  England  shall  pitch  upon  before  we  publish 

ours." Extract  from  letter  to  Baillie,  dated,  "Edinburgh,  April  20,  1642."" 

Bv  Alexander  Henderson. — R.  W. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  87 

in  framing  a  double  plot  j — one  part  of  which  had  for  its 
object  the  seizure  of  London  ;  the  other,  that  Montrose 
should  raise  the  Highlands  of  Scotland,  while  the  Irish 
army  should  invade  the  western  parts  of  that  kingdom, 
and,  having  subdued  the  Covenanters,  march  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  King  against  his  English  Parliament.  The 
discovery  of  these  plots,  the  contumelious  treatment  sus- 
tained by  the  Scottish  commissioners,  and  the  manifest 
duplicity  of  the  King  himself,  caused  the  treaty  to  be 
broken  off,  and  both  parties  prepared  to  resume  the  conflict 
in  the  field.  Again  the  King's  troops  were  repeatedly 
successful,  and  the  Parliament  were  constrained  to  make 
redoubled  exertions  to  maintain  their  ground.  For  the  same 
reason,  they  were  the  more  anxious  to  enter  into  a  close 
treaty  with  Scotland,  and  appointed  commissioners  to  attend 
the  Scottish  Convention  of  Estates,  and  General  Assembly, 
which  were  to  meet  in  the  beginning  of  August  1643. 

Before  that  period  the  Parliament  had  been  endeavour- 
ing to  advance  in  what  they  felt  to  be  of  primary  im- 
portance,— the  reformation  of  religion.  By  the  Act  of 
September  10,  1642,  it  had  been  ordained  that  the  Prelatic 
form  of  Church  government  should  be  abolished  from  and 
after  the  5th  of  November  1643  ;  and  it  had  also  been 
determined  that  an  assembly  of  divines  should  be  held,  to 
complete  the  necessary  reformation.  In  the  meantime, 
enactments  were  passed  for  the  better  observance  of  the 
Lord's  Day, — the  suppression  of  the  "  Book  of  Sports," — 
the  keeping  of  monthly  fasts  and  lectures, — the  removal  of 
all  superstitious  monuments  and  ornaments  out  of  churches, 
— and  for  the  trial  of  scandalous  and  inefficient  ministers, 
as  well  as  for  granting  some  support  to  those  of  the  Puritan 
ministers  who  had  been  ejected  in  former  times  for  non- 
conformity, or  had  recently  suffered  from  the  ravages 
of  the  King's  armv.      One  of  the  articles  in  the  grand 


88  HISTORY    OF    THE 

remonstrance  of  December  1641,  had  expressed  the  desire 
of  the  Parliament  that  there  might  be  "  a  general  synod  of 
the  most  grave,  pious,  learned,  and  judicious  divines  of  this 
island,  assisted  with  some  from  foreign  parts  professing  the 
same  religion  with  us,  who  may  consider  of  all  things 
necessary  for  the  peace  and  good  government  of  the  Church; 
and  to  represent  the  result  of  their  consultations,  to  be 
allowed  and  confirmed,  and  to  receive  the  stamp  of  autho- 
rity." During  the  treaty  of  Oxford,  a  Bill  of  the  same 
purport  was  presented,  and  rejected  by  his  Majesty.  And 
when  at  length  convinced  that  the  King  would  make  no 
concessions  in  behalf  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  the 
Parliament  resolved  that  they  would  delay  no  longer,  but 
turn  the  Bill  into  an  Ordinance,  and  convene  the  Assembly 
by  their  own  authority.  This  important  Ordinance  is 
dated  June  12,  1643,  and  is  as  follows  : — 

"  An  Ordinance  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  in  Parliament,  for  the  calling 
of  an  Assembly  of  learned  and  godly  divines,  and  others,  to  be  con- 
sulted with  by  the  Parliament,  for  the  settling  of  the  Government 
and  Liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  for  vindicating  and 
clearing  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  said  Church  from  false  aspersions 
and  interpretations. 
••  Whereas,  amongst  the  infinite  blessings  of  Almighty  God  upon  this 
nation,  none  is,  or  can  be,  more  dear  unto  us  than  the  purity  of  our  re- 
ligion ;  and  for  that,  as  yet  many  things  remain,  in  the  Liturgy,  discip- 
line, and  government  of  the  Church,  which  do  necessarily  require  a 
further  and  mere  perfect  reformation  than  yet  hath  been  attained  :  And 
whereas  it  hath  been  declared  and  resolved  by  the  Lords  and  Commons 
assembled  in  Parliament,  that  the  present  Church  government,  by  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  their  chancellors,  commissaries,  deans,  deans  and  chap- 
ters, archdeacons,  and  other  ecclesiastical  officers,  dependiug  upon  the 
hierarchy,  is  evil,  and  justly  offensive  and  burdensome  to  the  kingdom, 
a  great  impediment  to  reformation  and  growth  of  religion,  and  very 
prejudicial  to  the  state  and  government  of  this  kingdom  ;  and  that  there- 
fore they  are  resolved  that  the  same  shall  be  taken  away,  and  that  such  a 
government  shall  be  settled  in  the  Church  as  may  be  most  agreeable  to 
God's  Holy  Word,  and  most  apt  to  procure  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
Church  at  home,  and  nearer  agreement  with  the  Church  of  Scotlaud  and 
other  reformed  Churches  abroad:  And  for  the  better  effecting  hereof, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  89 

•and  for  the  vindicating  and  clearing  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of 
England  from  all  false  calumnies  and  aspersions,  it  is  thought  fit  and 
necessary  to  call  an  Assembly  of  learned,  godly,  and  judicious  divines,  to 
consult  and  advise  of  such  matters  and  things,  touching  the  premises,  as 
shall  be  proposed  unto  them  by  both  or  either  of  the  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  to  give  their  advice  and  counsel  therein  to  both  or  either  of 
the  said  Houses,  when,  and  as  often  as,  they  shall  be  thereunto  required: 

"  Be  it  therefore  ordained,  by  the  Lords  and  Commons  in  this  present 
Parliament  assembled,  that  all  and  every  the  persons  hereafter  in  this 
ordinance  named,  that  is  to  say,"  [Here  follow  the  names]  "  and  such 
other  persons  as  shall  be  nominated  and  appointed  by  both  Houses  of 
Parliament,  or  as  many  of  them  as  shall  not  be  letted  by  sickness,  or 
-other  necessary  impediment,  shall  meet  and  assemble,  and  are  hereby 
required  and  enjoined,  upon  summons  signed  by  the  clerks  of  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  left  at  their  several  respective  dwellings,  to  meet 
and  assemble  at  Westminster,  in  the  chapel  called  King  Henry  the 
Seventh's  Chapel,  on  the  first  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-three  ;  and  after  the  first  meeting,  being 
a,t  least  of  the  number  of  forty,  shall  from  time  to  time  sit,  and  be  re- 
moved from  place  to  place  ;  and  also,  that  the  said  Assembly  shall  be 
dissolved  in  such  manner  as  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament  shall  be 
directed.  And  the  said  persons,  or  so  many  of  them  as  shall  be  so 
assembled  or  sit,  shall  have  power  and  authority,  and  are  hereby  likewise 
enjoined,  from  time  to  time  during  this  present  Parliament,  or  until 
further  order  be  taken  by  both  the  said  Houses,  to  confer  and  treat 
among  themselves  of  such  matters  and  things,  touching  and  concerning 
the  Liturgy,  discipline,  and  government  of  the  Church  of  England,  or 
the  vindicating  and  clearing  of  the  doctrine  of  the  same  from  all  false 
aspersions  and  misconstructions,  as  shall  be  proposed  to  them  by  both 
or  either  of  the  said  Houses  of  Parliament,  and  no  other  ;  and  to  deliver 
then*  opinions  and  advices  of  or  touching  the  matters  aforesaid,  as  shall 
be  most  agreeable  to  the  Word  of  God,  to  both  or  either  of  the  said 
Houses,  from  time  to  time,  in  such  manner  and  sort  as  by  both  or  either 
of  the  said  Houses  of  Parliament  shall  be  required,  and  the  same  not  to 
-divulge,  by  printing,  writing,  or  otherwise,  without  the  consent  of  both 
-or  either  House  of  Parliament. 

"  And  be  it  further  ordained,  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  William 
Twisse,  Doctor  in  Divinity,  shall  sit  in  the  chair,  as  prolocutor  of  the 
said  Assembly ;  and  if  he  happen  to  die,  or  be  letted  by  sickness,  or 
other  necessary  impediment,  then  such  other  person  to  be  appointed  in 
his  place  as  shall  be  agreed  on  by  both  the  said  Houses  of  Parliament. 
And  in  case  any  difference  of  opinion  shall  happen  amongst  any  of  the 
said  persons  so  assembled,  touching  any  of  the  matters  that  shall  be 
proposed  to  them,  as  aforesaid,  that  then  they  shall  represent  the  same, 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE 

together  with  the  reasons  thereof,  to  both  or  either  the  said  Houses 
respectively,  to  the  end  such  further  direction  may  be  given  therein  as 
shall  be  requisite  in  that  behalf.  And  be  it  further  ordained,  by  the 
authority  aforesaid,  that  for  the  charges  and  expense  of  the  said  divines,, 
and  every  of  them,  in  attending  the  said  service,  there  shall  be  allowed 
unto  every  of  them  that  shall  so  attend  the  sum  of  four  shillings  for 
every  day,  at  the  charges  of  the  Commonwealth,  at  such  time,  and  in 
such  manner,  as  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament  shall  be  appointed.  And 
be  it  further  ordained,  that  all  and  ever}'  the  said  divines,  so  as  aforesaid 
required  and  enjoined  to  meet  and  assemble,  shall  be  freed  and  acquitted 
of  and  from  every  offence,  forfeiture,  penalty,  loss,  or  damage,  which 
shall  or  may  arise  or  grow  by  reason  of  any  non-residence  or  absence  of 
them,  or  any  of  them,  from  his  or  their,  or  any  of  their,  church,  churches,, 
or  cures,  for  or  in  respect  of  the  said  attendance  upon  the  said  service,, 
any  law  or  statute  of  non-residence,  or  other  law  or  statute  enjoining 
their  attendance  upon  their  respective  ministries  or  charges,  to  the  con- 
trary thereof  notwithstanding.  And  if  any  of  the  persons  before  named 
shall  happen  to  die  before  the  said  Assembly  shall  be  dissolved  by  order 
of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  then  such  other  person  or  persons  shall 
be  nominated  and  placed  in  the  room  and  stead  of  such  person  or  persons 
so  dying,  as  by  both  the  said  Houses  shall  be  thought  fit  and  agreed 
upon :  And  every  such  person  or  persons  so  to  be  named,  shall  have 
the  like  power  and  authority,  freedom  and  acquittal,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  and  also  all  such  wages  and  allowances  for  the  said  service,, 
during  the  time  of  his  or  their  attendance,  as  to  any  other  of  the  said 
persons  in  this  ordinance  named  is  by  this  ordinance  limited  and  ap- 
pointed. Provided  always,  that  this  ordinance,  or  any  thing  therein 
contained,  shall  not  give  unto  the  persons  aforesaid,  or  any  of  them,  nor 
shall  they  in  this  Assembly  assume  to  exercise,  any  jurisdiction,  power, 
or  authority  ecclesiastical  whatsoever,  or  any  other  power  than  is  herein 
particularly  expressed.*'1 

Such  -was  the  Ordinance  calling  together  the  famous 
"Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines  ;  and  while  that  Ordi- 
nance is  immediately  before  the  reader,  it  may  bo  expedient 
to  direct  his  attention  to  some  of  its  peculiarities.  About 
nine  months  had  elapsed  since  the  passing  of  the  Bill  for 
abolishing  the  hierarchical  form  of  Church  government, 
during  all  which  period  there  was  no  form  of  Church 
government  in  England  at  all.  It  was  impossible,  there- 
fore>  that  the  Assembly  could  meet  in  any  ordinary  form, 
1  Bwhworth,  vol.  v.  pp.  337-330. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  91 

either  as  a  Convocation,  according  to  the  Prelatic  system  ; 
or  by  the  votes  of  the  ministers,  according  to  the  Presby- 
terian system  ;  but  it  was  of  necessity  called  by  the  Parlia- 
ment, who  nominated  all  the  members  themselves,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  their  advice  respecting  the  further 
reformation  which  should  take  place,  and  the  organised 
form  which  should  be  assumed  by  the  Church  of  England. 
For  though  the  Prelatic  system  had  been  abolished,  yet 
the  Parliament  did  not  imagine  that  the  Church  had  there- 
fore ceased  to  exist,  as  the  language  of  the  Ordinance 
proves.  Let  it  be  observed  also,  that  one  object  in  view 
by  the  Parliament  in  calling  this  Assembly,  was  for  the 
express  purpose  of  procuring  a  "  nearer  agreement  with  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  and  other  Eeformed  Churches  abroad;" 
so  that,  as  there  were  no  other  kinds  of  National  Churches 
but  the  Episcopalian  and  the  Presbyterian,  it  must  have 
been  the  intention  of  the  English  Parliament  to  bring  their 
Church  nearer  to  the  Presbyterian  system,  if  not  to  adopt 
that  system  entirely.  It  is  therefore  equally  calumnious 
and  absurd  to  accuse  the  Church  of  Scotland  of  attempting 
to  constrain  the  English  Parliament  in  its  intended  ecclesi- 
astical reform,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  Presbyterian 
polity  introduced.  The  Parliament  had  to  choose, — to 
retain  the  Prelatic  system,  with  all  the  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion which  had  become  absolutely  intolerable, — to  adopt 
the  Presbyterian,  to  which  the  Puritan  ministers  were  al- 
ready predisposed, — or  to  have  no  National  Church  at  all, 
with  the  imminent  peril  of  national  anarchy.  And  let  this 
also  be  observed,  that  the  long  intermixture  of  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  jurisdictions  in  England,  while  it  had  given 
to  the  Parliament  a  very  just  dread  of  permitting  ecclesias- 
tical persons  to  possess  civil  jurisdiction,  had  both  familiar- 
ised them  with  the  idea,  contained  in  the  Sovereign's 
ecclesiastical  supremacy,  of  a  blended  jurisdiction,  and  had 


92  HISTORY   OF   THE 

driven  them  to  entertain  the  conviction  that  civil  rulers 
ought  to  rule  in  ecclesiastical  causes  equally  as  in  their  own 
peculiar  province.  Even  the  fact  that  there  was  at  the 
time  no  legal  form  of  Church  government  in  the  kingdom, 
and  that  consequently  there  could  be  no  assembly  of 
divines  without  being  called  by  Parliament,  led  to  the  in- 
fusion of  an  Erastian  taint  into  the  very  calling  together  of 
that  Assembly,  and  the  framing  of  the  regulations  limiting 
and  directing  its  deliberations. 

Having  now  arrived  at  the  actual  calling  of  the  "West- 
minster  Assembly  of  Divines,  it  may  be  expedient,  before 
proceeding  to  relate  its  deliberations,  to  give  a  very  brief 
outline  of  the  leading  topics  contained  in  the  history  and 
character  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  so  far  as  it  is  necessary 
that  these  should  be  known,  in  order  to  obtain  a  full 
understanding  of  the  subject. 

The  Eeformation  in  Scotland  began  and  was  carried  on 
in  a  manner  the  direct  reverse  of  that  which  took  place  in 
England.  In  the  latter  country  it  began  in  royal  caprice 
or  passion, — was  at  the  first  rendered  subservient  to  the 
arbitrary  will  of  a  despotic  monarch,  through  the  pernicious 
element  of  his  ecclesiastical  supremacy, — was  checked  and 
turned  awry  by  that  element,  and  in  the  struggle  between 
those  who  wished  a  further  and  more  complete  reformation 
and  the  courtly  and  prelatic  rulers  of  the  Church,  it  ended 
in  a  civil  and  religious  despotism  too  heavy  and  cruel  to 
be  any  longer  endured.  In  Scotland  it  was  entirely  an 
ecclesiastical  movement  from  the  very  beginning.  Patrick 
Hamilton,  the  noble  and  youthful  friend  of  Luther  and 
Melancthon,  learned  the  doctrines  of  the  reformed  faith, 
and  taught  them  to  his  countrymen,  till  his  testimony  was 
sealed  with  the  blood  of  martyrdom.  Wishart  gave  an 
additional  impulse  to  the  sacred  cause,  equally  by  his  teach- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  93 

ing  and  his  death.  Several  of  the  Popish  priesthood  were 
converted,  and  aided  in  converting  others.  John  Knox 
caught  up  the  same  testimony ;  and  though,  by  the  com- 
manding power  of  his  genius,  and  the  unconquerable  energy 
of  his  character,  he  caused  the  voice  of  religious  reformation 
to  be  heard  throughout  the  kingdom  equally  by  prince  and 
peasant,  in  the  palace  and  the  cottage,  still  it  was  simply 
and  essentially  a  religious  reformation,  taking  its  form  and 
impress  directly  from  the  Word  of  God  alone,  and  encount- 
ering at  every  step  the  formidable  opposition  of  civil  powers 
and  political  intrigues,  instead  of  receiving  from  them  its 
bias  and  its  external  aspect.  Believing  that  God's  Word 
contained  the  only  authoritative  direction  for  doing  God's 
work,  the  Scottish  reformers  made  their  sole  appeal  "  to 
the  law  and  to  the  testimony ;"  and  though  they  respected 
the  great  continental  reformers,  they  sought  the  principles 
of  doctrine,  discipline,  and  Church  government,  from  no 
foreign  model,  but  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  alone.  Thus 
it  was  that  the  Church  of  Scotland  framed  its  Confession 
of  Faith  and  its  First  Book  of  Discipline,  and  met  in  its 
first  General  Assembly  for  its  own  government,  seven  years 
before  it  had  even  received  the  sanction  of  the  legislature. 
Its  first  General  Assembly  was  held  in  1560, — the  first  Act 
of  Parliament  recognising  it  as  the  National  Church  was 
passed  in  1567.  From  its  origin  it  had  to  encounter  the 
world's  opposition  j  in  its  growth  it  received  little  or  no- 
thing of  a  worldly  intermixture  ;  and  when  it  reached  some- 
what of  matured  form,  it  still  stood  opposed  to  the  world's 
corrupting  influence. 

But  a  few  years  elapsed  till  the  rapacity  and  the  over- 
bearing force  of  the  nobility  began  to  pillage  and  assail  the 
Scottish  Church  ;  and  where  direct  power  could  not  prevail, 
fraud  and  dissimulation  were  employed.  The  first  attempt 
against  the  free  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland,  was  that 


94 


HISTORY  OF   THE 


of  Regent  Morton,  who  devised  the  well  known  scheme  of 
tulchan  bishops,  that  by  their  instrumentality  he  might  at 
once  seize  its  revenues  and  corrupt  its  courts.  When  King 
James  assumed  the  reins  of  government  he  followed  a 
similar  course,  with  less  energy,  but  greater  cunning,  and 
with  unwearied  pertinacity.  His  theory  of  government 
was  absolute  despotism ;  and  he  had  sagacity  enough  to 
perceive,  that  where  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions 
were  distinct,  his  theory  could  not  possibly  be  realized.  And 
as  the  Church  of  Scotland  was  equally  opposed  to  either 
aspect  of  his  theory,  refusing  to  intermeddle  with  civil 
affairs  herself,  and  refusing  to  permit  civil  rulers  to  inter- 
meddle with  matters  of  a  spiritual  character,  the  wily  tyrant 
saw  the  necessity  of  subverting  the  Presbyterian  form  of 
Church  government,  and  establishing  Prelacy  in  its  stead ; 
well  aware  that  he  would  easily  acquire  an  influence  over 
titled  and  wealthy  clergy  at  court,  which  he  could  never 
obtain  over  a  free  General  Assembly.  But  neither  force 
nor  treachery  could  succeed  till  after  he  ascended  the 
English  throne  j  when,  by  means  of  the  combined  power 
of  English  wealth  and  English  influence,  he  so  far  changed 
the  government  of  the  Scottish  Church  as  to  procure  the 
appointment  of  bishops,  the  half  submission  to  certain  rites 
and  ceremonies,  and  the  partial  suppression  of  General 
Assemblies.  Still  a  considerable  portion  of  the  nobility, 
the  greater  part  of  the  ministers,  and  by  far  the  majority 
of  the  people,  remained  Presbyterians  in  principle,  and 
bore  an  insurmountable  dislike  to  Prelacy.  James  had 
foresight  enough  to  see  that  it  would  be  hazardous  to  pro- 
ceed farther ;  and  refused  to  comply  with  the  solicitations 
of  Laud,  who  was  eager  to  impose  the  whole  of  his  beloved 
Episcopalian  forms  on  the  Church  of  Scotland. 

When  Charles  I.  ascended  the  throne,  he  found  England 
in  a  state  of  discontent  swelling  towards  insurrection,  in 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  95 

consequence  of  the  long  course  of  tyranny,  civil  and  reli- 
gious, which  it  had  uneasily  endured.  Unfortunately  for 
him  and  for  the  kingdom,  he  had  hnbibed  all  his  father's 
■despotic  notions  of  the  absolute  and  irresponsible  nature  of 
the  royal  prerogative ;  and  to  little  less  than  his  father's 
dissimulation  and  insincerity,  he  added  far  greater  strength 
of  mind,  and  strength,  or  rather  obstinacy  of  purpose. 
Yielding  himself  entirely  to  the  counsels  of  Laud,  and  of 
3iis  beautiful  but  imperious  and  relentless  queen,  he  not 
only  refused  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  the  English 
Puritans,  but  resolved  to  complete  what  his  father  had 
begun,  and  to  bring  the  Scottish  Church  into  an  entire 
conformity  with  that  of  England.  A  Book  of  Canons,  and 
a  Liturgy,  were  framed  by  the  Scottish  bishops,  chiefly  by 
Maxwell,  Bishop  of  Ross,  revised  by  Laud,  and  sent  to  Scot- 
land to  be  at  once  adopted  and  used,  without  even  the 
formality  of  having  them  laid  before  any  Scottish  civil  or 
ecclesiastical  court.  The  free  spirit  of  Scotland  was  roused 
by  this  mingled  insult  and  tyranny.  At  first  a  sudden  tumult 
broke  out,  and  rendered  the  scheme  abortive ;  and  then 
followed  a  wide,  deep,  and  steady  determination  to  wrench 
assunder  the  despotic  yoke  of  Prelacy,  and  to  restore  to 
Scotland,  in  all  its  original  purity  and  freedom,  her  own 
dearly  purchased  and  beloved  Presbyterian  Church.  Pledg- 
ing themselves  in  a  sacred  National  Covenant,  the  noblest, 
the  wisest,  and  the  best  of  Scotland's  sons  and  daughters 
prepared  to  encounter  every  peril,  and  to  sacrifice  all  that 
life  holds  dear,  rather  than  yield  up  their  most  precious 
birthright  and  inheritance, — their  religious  liberty.  Pro- 
voked to  see  so  bold  and  firm  a  front  of  resistance  shown 
to  his  despotic  designs  in  the  poorest  and  least  populous 
part  of  his  dominions,  Charles  raised  an  army  and  marched 
against  his  hitherto  unconquered  Scottish  subjects.  He 
was  met  on  the  border  by  an  equal  array  of  that  high-hearted 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE 

and  intelligent  class  of  men,  the  Scottish  peasantry,  who 
have  no  parallel  in  any  land,  trained  as  they  are  from 
infancy  to  know,  to  love,  and  to  fear  God,  and  fearing 
Him,  to  have  no  other  fear.  The  King  could,  in  bitterness, 
mock  their  poverty,  but  he  shrunk  from  the  encounter  with 
men  who  knew  better  how  to  die  in  what  they  believed  to 
be  the  cause  of  sacred  truth  and  liberty,  than  how  to  yield. 
He  framed  an  evasive  peace,  and  returned  to  England, 
purposing  to  conciliate  the  Parliament  so  far  that  he  might 
obtain  the  means  of  overwhelming  Scotland  by  a  new  army 
too  mighty  for  that  small  kingdom  to  resist. 

But  the  English  Parliament  had,  with  deep  interest, 
marked  the  power  of  high  principles  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Scottish  people ;  and  refused  to  gratify  their  despotic  So- 
vereign, perceiving  well  that  the  overthrow  of  that  free 
country  would  be  speedily  followed  by  the  loss  of  their 
own  remaining  liberties.  A  secret,  but  a  constant  inter- 
course, was  begun  and  carried  on  between  the  English 
Parliament  and  the  Scottish  Covenanters,  for  their  mutual 
support  in  defending  their  civil  and  religious  liberties 
against  the  aggressions  of  the  King.  And  when  Charles 
again  raised  an  army  for  the  prosecution  of  the  bellum 
Episcopate,  the  "  Episcopal  war,"  the  Scottish  Covenanters 
no  longer  acted  only  on  the  defensive,  but  boldly  entered 
England,  declaring,  at  the  same  time,  their  pacific  intentions, 
their  friendship  towards  England,  their  loyalty  to  the  King, 
and  their  desire  only  to  procure  the  removal  from  his 
Majesty's  councils  of  those  persons  who  were  plotting  the 
overthrow  of  religious  and  civi]  liberty  in  both  countries. 
Charles  again  was  constrained  to  recoil  from  their  firm 
front,  and  to  recommence  a  treaty  of  pacification,  first  at 
Ripon,  and  then  at  London.  The  Scottish  commissioners- 
experienced  the  most  friendly  treatment  in  London  ;  and 
the  preaching  of  the  ministers,  who  were  empowered  to 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  97 

treat  for  the  Church,  while  in  the  metropolis,  attracted 
crowds,  and  appears  to  have  produced  a  deep  and  favour- 
able impression  respecting  both  themselves  and  their  cause, 
as  even  the  bitter  and  contumelious  language  of  Clarendon 
sufficiently  proves. 

The  King  perceiving  that  the  presence  of  the  Scottish 
Commissioners  in  London  tended  to  confirm  their  intimacy 
and  influence  with  the  Parliament,  at  length  hastily  con- 
cluded the  treaty  of  jjacification,  and  set  out  for  Scotland, 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  completely  terminating  all 
the  necessary  transactions  with  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authorities  of  that  kingdom  ;  but,  as  afterwards  appeared, 
with  the  deep  design  of  maturing  the  embryo  plots  of 
Scottish  conspirators,  and  the  intended  insurrection  of  the 
Irish  Papists.  The  intrigues  of  Montrose,  the  dark  event 
termed  "  The  Incident,"  the  sudden  outburst  of  the  Irish 
Massacre,  and  the  King  s  attempt,  after  his  return,  to  seize 
the  five  members  of  the  English  Parliament,  have  all  been 
already  related  briefly,  and  need  not  be  here  retraced. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that,  while  considered  separately,  they 
were  sufficiently  startling,  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  the 
King's  previous  conduct,  and  as  they  occurred  in  the  order 
of  time,  they  gave  to  all  who  valued  religious  and  civil 
liberty  in  both  England  and  Scotland  a  fearful  impression 
of  the  terrible  deeds  which  the  King  could  do  or  sanction 
for  the  recovery  of  his  shaken  power,  and  the  establishing 
of  his  desired  absolute  despotism.  They  saw  with  deep 
regret,  that  they  had  to  deal  with  a  Sovereign  who  regarded 
treaties  but  as  a  species  of  diplomatic  warfare,  in  which 
parties  strive  to  overreach  each  other,  and  by  whom  the 
most  solemn  stipulations  would  be  observed  no  longer  than 
till  his  safety  would  permit,  or  his  interest  induce  him  to 
break  them.  It  became,  therefore,  imperatively  necessary 
for  the  English  Parliament  and  the  Scottish  Covenanters. 

G 


98  HISTORY   OF   THE 

that  is,  the  Scottish  nation,  to  enter  into  some  common 
bond  of  union,  by  means  of  "which  they  might  prevent  the 
danger  of  being  deceived,  divided,  and  overpowered  by 
their  unscrupulous  antagonist,  and  both  countries  reduced 
to  slavery  and  degradation. 

In  devising  this  common  bond,  there  "was  some  differ- 
ence of  opinion  between  the  English  Parliament  and  the 
Scottish  Covenanters,  though  a  difference  rather  of  accident 
than  of  essence,  arising  out  of  the  different  points  of  view 
from  "which  they  contemplated  the  common  object.  In 
England,  the  long  course  of  oppression  pursued  by  Eliza- 
beth, James,  and  Charles,  fell  chiefly  on  the  Puritans,  -who 
never,  at  any  time,  had  formed  a  majority  in  the  nation  ; 
and  it  vcas  not  till  spiritual  despotism  began  to  produce 
civil  tyranny,  as  it  always  does,  that  England  fairlv  a-woke. 
For  that  reason  the  main  aspect  of  the  struggle  in  England 
was  one  in  behalf  of  civil  liberty  ;  and,  consequently,  what 
they  chiefly  wished  to  form  with  Scotland  was  a  civil  league. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  contest  had  from  the  lirst,  in  Scot- 
land, been  of  a  religious  character,  the  King  attempting  to 
overthrow  the  religious  liberties  of  the  vast  majority,  and 
to  place  a  religious  despotism  in  the  hands  of  a  very  small 
minority.  And  although  civil  liberty  -was  also  assailed 
inevitably,  yet  the  primary  and  main  object  of  attack  -was 
religion  :  so  that  -when  the  people  of  Scotland  united  to 
defend  their  sacred  rights  and  privileges,  their  bond  was 
almost  entirely  of  a  religious  character,  as  is  proved  from 
the  tenor  of  the  National  Covenant.  And  as  it  had  been 
by  means  of  English  influence  that  the  Church  of  Scotland 
had  been  overpowered,  the  statesmen  and  divines  of  Scot- 
land were  fully  convinced  that  they  could  not  safely  enter 
into  any  close  alliance  with  England,  unless  their  great 
enemy  Prelacy  "were  first  abolished,  and  that  no  secure  and 
lasting   intimacy   could  be  maintained   between  the   two 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  99 

countries  if  there  were  not  at  least  a  close  approximation 
towards  uniformity  in  religious  worship,  discipline,  and 
government.  This  idea  the  Scottish  Commissioners  strenu- 
ously, yet  most  delicately,  pressed  upon  the  notice  of  the 
English  Parliament  so  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1641  ;  and  in  this  they  were  supported  by  nearly  all  the 
Puritan  ministers,  those  only  excepted  who  had  adopted 
the  Congregational  system.  What  Scotland  chiefly  wished, 
therefore,  was  to  enter  into  a  religious  covenant  with  the 
English  Parliament.  This,  then,  was  the  difference  pro- 
duced by  these  different  circumstances.  England  wished 
for  a  civil  league  with  Scotland  for  the  preservation  of  their 
mutual  civil  liberties,  but  was  willing  that  it  should  have 
also  a  religious  aspect  and  influence.  Scotland  desired  a 
religious  covenant  for  the  preservation  of  their  mutual  reli- 
gious liberties,  but  was  willing  that  it  should  have  also  a 
civil  aspect  and  influence.  And  neither  country  wished  to 
dictate  to  the  other  in  either  subject,  but  to  leave  national 
inclinations  and  peculiarities  untouched.  It  is  evident, 
that  in  these  circumstances  a  union  could  be  formed  ;  but 
it  is  as  evident,  that  in  directness  and  sacredness  of  pur 
pose,  the  superiority  was  on  the  side  of  Scotland ;  and  also, 
that  hers  must  be  the  greatest  danger,  from  the  certainty 
that  thus  leagued  together  she  must  share  the  fortunes  of 
her  mightier  neighbour. 

If  the  reader  has  at  all  attended  to  the  facts  stated,  and 
the  principles  evolved  in  the  preceding  introductory  pages, 
he  must  have  perceived  their  extreme  importance  in  them- 
selves, and  also  the  light  which  they  throw  on  the  sub- 
ject to  which,  he  is  now  to  direct  his  concentrated  atten- 
tion. In  the  earliest  ages  of  Christianity,  the  civil  power 
everywhere  was  hostile,  because  it  was  pagan,  that  is,  idola- 
trous. When  the  civil  power  became  avowedly  Christian, 
it  did  so  at  a  time  when  all  the  principles  of  Popery  were 


100  HISTORY   OF   THE 

already  in  existence,  and  wanted  but  a  favourable  oppor- 
tunity for  obtaining  ascendency.  This  opportunity  was 
furnished  by  the  ignorance  of  the  barbarian  overthrowers 
of  the  Eoman  empire  ;  and  thus  Popery  arose  into  full 
power.  One  of  its  distinctive  features  was  its  assumption 
of  supremacy  in  all  matters,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 
The  fatal  effect  of  this  blending  of  jurisdictions  was  not  at 
once  apparent ;  but  it  led  to  absolute  despotism  and  its 
counterpart,  absolute  slavery.  At  the  Reformation,  an 
attempt  was  generally  made  to  separate  the  two  jurisdic- 
tions, the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical ;  but  the  importance 
of  the  idea  was  not  fully  appreciated,  and  the  attempt  was 
but  partially  successful. 

In  England,  in  particular,  the  Sovereign,  seizing  upon 
the  power  formerly  possessed  by  the  Pope,  assumed  both 
jurisdictions,  and  became  head  of  the  Church  as  well  as 
head  of  the  State.  The  pernicious  consequences  were  soon 
apparent, — in  the  unsteady  and  fluctuating  progress  of  reli- 
gious reformation, — in  the  new  forms  of  persecution, —  in 
the  complete  stop  put  to  further  advancement  in  purity 
and  truth, — and  in  the  rapid  growth  of  despotism,  civil 
and  religious. 

These  consequences  advanced  steadily,  though  with 
varying  rapidity,  during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth,  James, 
and  Charles  I.,  till  they  produced  the  absolute  necessity  of 
resistance,  unless  men  were  willing  to  submit  to  the  entire 
loss  of  natural,  national,  and  religious  liberty.  For  though 
we  have  but  touched  the  main  points  of  the  events  of  those 
reigns,  it  must  be  evident  to  every  intelligent  person,  that 
there  was  not  a  single  thing  in  which  a  human  being  could 
claim  liberty  to  act,  as  a  man,  as  a  responsible  and  free 
agent,  and  as  a  member  of  the  Christian  Church,  which  was 
not  directly  and  violently  assailed  by  the  Prelates,  under 
the  authority  of  the  Sovereign's  ecclesiastical  supremacy. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  101 

And  as  man  can  never  be  entitled  to  denude  himself,  or  to 
suffer  others  to  wrest  from  him  his  essential  charncteristics 
of  a  responsible  and  religious  being,  it  had  become  a  sacred 
duty  to  assert  and  defend  his  natural,  national,  and  religious 
rights  and  responsibilities. 

Further,  when  Prelacy,  at  first  avowedly  a  human  in- 
vention, arrogated  a  divine  right,  it  assumed  an  aspect  that 
could  no  longer  be  endured.  Men  may,  in  certain  circum- 
stances, abstain  from  asserting  their  natural  rights  ;  but 
when  an  attempt  is  made  to  abolish  these  rights  even  in 
God's  name,  it  becomes  a  duty  which  they  owe  to  God 
himself,  to  prevent  the  perpetration  of  a  grievous  wrong, 
so  wrought  as  to  involve  a  violation  of  His  glorious  and 
holy  character  and  attributes.  It  was,  therefore,  a  holy 
deed,  to  resist  that  form  of  Prelatic  tyranny  ;  for  it  was  a 
vindication  of  the  King  Eternal  from  a  despotism  usurped 
as  if  by  His  authority. 

And  let  it  be  well  observed,  that  the  awfully  pernicious 
character  here  ascribed  to  the  assumed  divine  right  of  Pre- 
lacy, cannot  be  charged  against  Presbytery,  when  it,  too, 
claims  to  be  of  divine  right.  Because,  while  it  asserts  that 
Christ,  the  only  Supreme  Head  and  King  of  the  Church, 
has  appointed  a  government  and  office-bearers  in  His  spirit- 
ual kingdom,  it  recognises  equally  the  religious  rights  and 
responsibilities  of  the  people,  the  free  subjects  of  that  king- 
dom, whose  right  to  liberty  of  conscience  is  also  a  divine 
right.  Nor  can  it  ever  become  a  Popery,  by  usurping  civil 
authority,  and  exercising  a  spiritual  and  civil  despotism ; 
because  it  owns  and  teaches  the  divine  right  of  the  civil 
magistrate  in  his  own  department  as  also  and  equally  an  ordi- 
nance of  God.  But  upon  this  subject  it  is  needless  to  dwell 
at  present ;  it  will  come  more  fully  before  us  as  we  proceed 
in  tracing  the  discussions  of  the  Westminster  Assembly. 


102  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER    II. 

MEETING    OF    THE    WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY. 

First  Meeting  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines  at  Westminster — List  of  Names 
— Regulations — Order  of  Procedure — A  Fast — The  Thirty-Nine 
Articles  Revised — Commissioners  sent  to  the  Scottish  Convention 
of  Estates  and  General  Assembly — Discussions  concerning  a  Treaty 
between  the  Kingdoms — The  Solemn  League  axd  Covenant 
prepared  and  assented  to — Taken  in  England  and  in  Scotland — 
Remarks. 

The  Ordinance  of  the  Parliament  calling  the  Assembly  of 
Divines  to  meet  at  Westminster,  on  the  1st  day  of  July 
1643,  was  issued,  as  has  been  stated,  on  the  12th  of  June 
in  the  same  year.  On  the  22d  of  June,  his  Majesty,  by  a 
proclamation,  forbade  their  meeting  for  the  purposes  men- 
tioned in  the  Parliamentary  Ordinance  ;  declared  that  no 
acts  done  by  them  ought  to  be  received  by  his  subjects ; 
and  threatened,  that  if  they  should  meet,  he  would  pro- 
ceed against  them  with  the  utmost  severity  of  the  law. 
This  was  so  far  unpropitious,  even  to  his  own  cause,  as  it 
tended  to  prevent  the  greater  part  of  the  Episcopalian 
divines  who  had  been  summoned,  from  attending.  The 
Scottish  Convention  of  Estates  met  in  June,  but  came  to 
no  definite  resolution  ;  and  the  public  matters  were  post- 
poned till  it  should  be  more  clearly  known  what  terms 
would  be  proposed  by  the  King  and  the  Parliament,  the 
Covenanters  being  unwilling  directly  to  interpose,  if  that 
could  be  avoided. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY. 


103 


The  following  is  the  list  of  names  contained  in  the  Ordi- 
nance by  which  the  Assembly  was  called  ;  amounting  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty-one  in  all,  namely,  ten  Lords  and 
twenty  Commoners,  as  lay  assessors,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty-one  Divines  : — 


LORDS. 


Algernon,  Earl  of  Northumberland. 
William,  Earl  of  Bedford. 
Philip,  Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Mont- 
gomery. 
William,  Earl  of  Salisbury. 
Henry,  Earl  of  Holland. 


Edward,  Earl  of  Manchester. 
William,  Viscount  Say  and  Sele. 
Edward,  Viscount  Conway. 
Philip,  Lord  Wharton. 
Edward,  Lord  Howard  of  Escrick. 


COMMONERS. 


John  Selden,  Esq. 
Francis  Eouse,  Esq. 
Edmund  Prideaux,  Esq. 
Sir  Henry  Vane,  senior. 
John  Glynn,  Esq.,  Recorder  of 
John  Whyte.  Esq. 
Bulstrode  Whitelocke,  Esq. 
Humphry  Salloway,  Esq. 
Mr  Serjeant  Wild. 
Oliver  St  John,  Esq.,  Solicitor. 


London. 


Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard. 
John  Pym.  Esq. 
Sir  John  Clotworthy. 
John  Maynard,  Esq. 
Sir  Henry  Vane.  Junior. 
William  Pierpoint,  Esq. 
William  Wheeler,  Esq. 
Sir  Thomas  Barrington. 
Sir  John  Evelyn. 
Walter  Young,  Esq. 


DIVINES. 


Arrowsmith,  John,  B.D.,  of  King's 
Lynne,  Norfolk,  afterwards  Master 
successively  of  St  John's  and  Trinity, 
Cambridge,  and  Professor  of  Divinity. 

Ashe,  Simeon,  of  St  Brides",  afterwards 
of  St  Michael's,  Basingshaw,  ap- 
pointed in  room  of  Josiah  Shute,  who 
died  before  Assembly  met. 

Bathurst,  Theophilus,  or  Theodore 
Backhurst,  of  Overton  Waterville, 
Wilts. 

Baylie,  Thomas,  B.D.,  of  Manningford- 
Bruce,  Wilts. 

Bowles,  Oliver,  B.D.,  of  Sutton,  Bedford. 

Bridge,  William,  M.A.,  of  Yarmouth. 

Brownrigg,  Ralph,  D.D.,  Bishop  of 
Exeter,  sent  excuse  for  non-attend- 
ance. 

Buckley,  or  Bulkley,  Richard.  B.D. 

Bm-gesse,  or  Burges  Anthony,  M.A.,  of 
Sutton  Coldfield,  Warwickshire. 

Burges,  Cornelius,  D.D.,  of  Watford, 
Herts,  Assessor. 

Burroughes,  Jeremy,  M.A.,  '  Morning 
Star '  of  Stepney. 

Calamy,  Edmund,  B.D.,  of  Alderman- 
bury,  London. 


Capell,  Richard,  M.A.,  Pitchcombe, 
Gloucester. 

Carrill,  Joseph,  M.A.,  Preacher  at  Lin 
coin's  Inn,  afterwards  of  St  Magnus, 
London. 

Carter, ,  M.A.,  of  York  or  Camber 

well. 

Carter,  (Thomas),  M.A.,  of  Dynton, 
Bucks,  afterwards  of  Olave's,  Hart 
Street. 

Carter,  William,  of  London. 

Case,  Thomas,  M.A.,  of  St  Mary's,  Milk 
Street,  London. 

Chambers,  Humphrey,  B.D.,  of  Claver- 
ton,  Somerset,  afterwards  of  Pewsey, 
Wilts. 

Cheynell  or  Channell,  Francis,  of  Ox- 
ford, afterwards  Master  of  St  John's, 
D.D. 

Clerk,  Peter,  M.A.,  of  Carnaby,  after- 
wards of  Kirkby,  York. 

Cleyton,  Richard,  M.A.,  of  Shawell, 
Leicester. 

Coke  or  Cooke,  Francis,  of  Yoxhall, 
Staffordshire. 

Coleman,  Thomas,  M.A.,  of  Blyton,  Lin- 
coln, and  of  St  Peter's,  Cornhill. 


104 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


Conant,  John,  B.D.,  of  Lymington, 
Somerset,  afterwards  of  St  Stephen's, 
Walbrooke. 

Corbet,  Edward,  M.A.,  of  Merton  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  and  Rector  of  Chartham, 
Kent,  succeeded  Dr  Hammond  as 
University  Orator  and  Canon  of 
Christ's  Churcb,  Oxon. 

Crosse,  Eobt.,of  Lincoln  College,Oxford. 

De  La  March,  John,  of  French  Church, 
London. 

De  La  Place,  Samuel,  of  French  Church, 
London. 

Downing,  Calibute,  LL.D.,  of  Hackney, 
Middlesex. 

Dunning,  William,  M.A.,  of  Cold-Aston, 
Glouc,  or  Godalston,  Notts. 

Ellis,  Edward,  B.D.,  of  Guilsfleld,  Mont- 
gomerie. 

Erie,  John,  D.D.,  of  Bishopton,  "Wilts, 
afterwards  Bishop  of  "Worcester,  then 
of  Salisbury. 

Featley,  Daniel,  D.D^of  Lambeth,  third 
and  last  Provost  of  Chelsea  College. 

Foxcroft,  John,  M.A.,  of  Gotham,  Notts. 

Gammon,  Hannibal,  M.A.,  of  Mawgan, 
Cornwall. 

Gattaker,  Thomas,  B.D.,  of  Eotherhithe, 
Surrey. 

Gibbon  or  Guibon,  John,  M.A.,  of 
Waitham. 

Gibbs  or  Gippes,  George,  of  Ayleston, 
Leicester. 

Gibson,  Samuel,  of  Burleigh,  Rutland. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  B.D.,  of  London. 

Gouge,  William,  D.D.,  of  Blackfriars, 
London,  Assessor  after  Palmer. 

Gower,  Stanley,  of  Brampton  Bryan, 
Hereford. 

Green,  J  ohn.  of  Pencombe,  Hereford. 

Greenhill,  William,  M.A.,  "Evening 
Star"  of  Stepney. 

Hacket,  John,  D.D.,  of  St  Andrews, 
Holborn,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Lich- 
field. 

Hall,  Henry,  B.D.,  of  Norwich. 

Hammond,  Henry,  D.D.,  of  Penshurst, 
Kent,  and  Canon  of  Christ's  Church. 

Harris,  John,  D.D.,  Warden  of  Win- 
chester College,  "took  Covenant  and 
other  oaths." 

Harris,  Robert,  B.D.,  of  Hanwell.  Ox- 
ford, afterwards  of  Trinity  College, 
there. 

Herle,  Charles,  M.A.,  of  Winwick,  Lan- 
cashire, Proloc.  after  Dr  Twisse. 

Herrick  or  Heyrick  M.A..  Warden  of 
Christ's  College,  Manchester. 

Hickes,  Jaspar,  or  Caspar,  M.A.,  of 
Lanrake,  Cornwall. 

Hill,  Thomas,  B.D.,  of  Titchmarsh, 
Northampton,  afterwards  Master  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  D.D. 


Hildersham,  Samuel,  B.D.,  of  West 
Felton,  Shropshire. 

Hodges,  Thomas,  B.D.,  of  Kensington, 
afterwards  Dean  of  Hereford. 

Holdsworth  or  Oldsworth,  Richard, 
D.D.,  Master  of  Emmanuel  College, 
Cambridge. 

Hoyle,  Joshua,  D.D.,  of  Dublin,  after- 
wards of  Stepnev  and  Oxford. 

Hutton,  Henry,  M.A.,  of  Caldbeck, 
Cumberland,  and  Prebendary  of  Car- 
lisle. 

Jackson,  John,  M.A.,  of  Marske,  York- 
shire, also  preacher  at  Gray's  Inn. 

Lance,  William,  of  Harrow,  Middlesex. 

Langley,  John,  M.A.,  of  West  Tuderley, 
or  Tytherley,  Hampshire. 

Ley,  John,  M.A.,  of  Budworth,  Cheshire. 

Lightfoot,  John,  M.A.,  of  Ashley,  Staf- 
fordshire, afterwards  Master  of  Cathe- 
rine Hall,  Cambridge,  and  D.D. 

Love,  Richard,  D.D.,  of  Ekington,  and 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge. 

Lyford,  William,  B.D.,  of  Sherborne, 
Dorset. 

Marshall.  Stephen,  B.D.,  of  Finching- 
field,  Essex. 

Mew,  William,  B.D.,  of  Estington  or 
Eastington,  Gloucester. 

Micklethwaite,  Thomas,  M.  A.,  of  Cherry- 
burton,  Yorkshire. 

Moreton,  William,  of  Newcastle. 

Morley,  George,  D.D.,  of  MildenhalL 
Wilts,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Winches- 
ter. 

Newcomen,  Matthew,  M.A.,  of  Dedham, 
Essex. 

Nicholson,  William,  M.A.,  Archdeacon 
of  Brecknock. 

Nye,  Henry,  of  Clapham. 

Nye,  Philip,  M.  A.,  of  Kimbolton,  Hunts. 

Painter,  Henry,  B.D.,  of  Exeter. 

Palmer,  Herbert,  B.D.,  of  Ash  well,  Herts, 
Assessor  after  White,  and  Master  of 
Queen's  College,  Cambridge. 

Pashley.  Christopher,  D.D.,  of  Hawar- 
den,  Flintshire. 

Peale,  Edward,  of  Compton,  Dorset. 

Perne,  Andreas,  M.A.,  of  Wilby,  North- 
ampton. 

Philips,  John,  of  Wrentham,  Suffolk, 
Brother-in-Law  of  Dr  Ames. 

Pickering,  Benjamin,  of  East  Hoateley, 
or  of  Buckstead,  Sussex. 

Price,  William,  B.D.,  St  Paul's  Covent 
Garden,  and  of  Waitham  Abbey. 

Prophet  or  Proffet,  Nicholas,  of  Marl- 
borough, Wilts,  afterwards  of  Ed- 
monton. 

Pyne,  John,  of  Bereferrers.  Devon. 

Raynor,  William,  B.D.,  of  Egham,  Sur- 
rey, afterwards  of  St  John  Baptist, 
London. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY. 


105 


Reynolds,  Edward,  M.A.,  of  Braunston, 
Northampton,  afterwards  Dean  of 
Christ's  Church,  Oxford,  and  Bishop 
of  Norwich. 

Sallaway  or  Salway,  Arthur,  M.A.,  of 
Sea  .    rn  Stoke,  Worcester. 

Sanderson,  Robert,  D.D.,  of  Boothby, 
Pannel  or  Pagnell,  Lincoln,  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Lincoln. 

Scudder,  Henry,  of  Collingborne,  Wilts. 

Seaman,  Lazarus,  B.D.,  of  All  Hallows, 
Bread  Street,  afterwards  of  Peter 
House,  Cambridge. 

Sedgewick,  Obadiah,  B.D.,  of  Cogges- 
halL  or  of  Farnham,  Essex. 

Simpson,  Sydrach,  of  London,  after- 
wards succeeded  Vines  in  Pembroke 
Hall.  Cambridge. 

Smith,  Brocket,  or  Peter,  D.D.,  of  Bark- 
way,  Herts. 

Spurstow,  William,  D.D.,  of  Hampden, 
Bucks,  then  of  Catherine  Hall,  Cam- 
bridge, afterwards  of  Hackney. 

Stanton,  Edmund,  D.D.,  of  Kingston- 
on-Thames,  afterwards  President  of 
Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford. 

Sterry,  Peter,  B.D.,  of  London. 

Styles,  Matthias.  D.D.,  of  St  George's. 
Eastcheap,  London. 

Taylor  Francis,  B.D.,  of  Yalding,  Kent. 

Temple,  Thomas,  D.D.,  of  Battersea, 
Surrey. 

Thoroughgood,  Thomas,  of  Massing- 
ham,  Norfolk. 

Tisdale  or  Tesdale,  Christopher,  M.A., 
of  Uphurstborne,  or  Hurstborne-Tar- 
rant,  Hampshire. 

Tozer,  Henry,  B.D.,  Fellow  of  Exeter 
College,  Oxford. 

Tuckney,  Antony,  B.D.,  of  Boston,  after- 
wards   Master  successively  of  Em- 


manuel and  St  John's,  Cambridge, 
and  Professor  of  Divinity  after  Arrow- 
smith. 

Twisse,  William,  D  D.,  of  Newbury, 
Berks,  Prolocutor. 

Ussher.  James,  Archbishop  of  Armagh. 

Valentine,  Thomas.  B.D.,  of  Chalfont, 
St  Giles,  Bucks,  afterwards  of  Lundon. 

Vines,  Richard,  M.A.,  of  Calcot  or  Wed- 
dington,  War.,  Master  of  Pembroke 
Hall,  Cambridge,  and  a  Minister  in 
London. 

Walker.  George,  B.D.,  of  St  John's,  Wat- 
ling  Street,  London, 

Ward,  Samuel,  D.D.,  Master  of  Sidney, 
Sussex  College,  Cambridge. 

Weldy  or  Welby,  James,  of  Selattyn, 
Shropshire. 

Westfleld,  Thomas,  D.D.,  of  St  Bartho- 
lomew the  Great,  Bishop  of  Bristol, 
attended  at  least  the  first  Meeting. 

Whidden,  Francis,  M.A.,  of  Moreton, 
Hampstead,  Devon. 

Whincop.  John,  D.D..  of  St  Martin's,  in 
the  Fields,  and  Clothall,  Herts. 

Whitaker,  Jeremiah,  M.A.,  of  Stretton, 
Rutland,  afterwards  of  Bermondsey. 

White,  John,  M.A.,  of  Dorchester,  As- 
sessor. 

Wilkinson,  Henry,  sen.,  B.D.,  of  Wad- 
desdon,  Bucks. 

Wilkinson,  Henry,  jun.,  B.D.,  afterwards 
D.D.,and  Principal  of  Magdalen  Hall, 
Oxford. 

Wilson,  Thomas,  M.A.,  of  Otham.  Kent. 

Wincop,  Thomas,  D.D.,  of  Ellesworth, 
Cambridge. 

Young,  Thomas,  M.A.,  St  And.  of 
Stowmarket,  Suffolk,  afterwards  D.D., 
and  Marster  of  Jesus  College,  Cam- 
bridge. 


SCRIBES  OR  CLERKS 


Henry   Roborough,    of    St   Leonard's, 

Eastcheap,  London. 
Adoniram  Bytield,  M.A.,  afterwards  of 

Fulham. 


Assistant — John  Wallis,  M.A.,  after- 
wards D.D.,  Savilian  Professor  of 
Geometry,  Oxford. 


Alexander  Henderson,  of  Edinburgh. 
Robert  Douglas,  of  Edinburgh  {never 
sat). 


SCOTTISH  COMMISSIONERS. 
Ministers. 

Samuel  Rutherford,  of  St  Andrews. 
Robert  Baillie,  of  Glasgow. 
George  Gillespie,  of  Edinburgh. 


ELDERS. 


John,  Earl  of  Cassilis  {never  sat) . 

Sir  Archibald  Johnston,  of  Warriston. 


John,  Lord  Maitland,  afterwards  Earl 
of  Lauderdale. 


Admitted  to  sit  and  hear  in  October  1644,  the  Pr 


*ince 


Mentor  Palatire,  and,  on  one  occasion,  permitted  to  speak. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


There  were  thus,  originally,  thirty  Lay  Assessors,  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty-one  Divines  ;  or,  including  those 
of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  who  took  their  seats  in  the 
Assembly,  thirty-two  Lay  Assessors,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  Divines. 

The  following  Peers,  Commoners,  and  Divines,  were 
subsequently  added  to  supply  the  deficiency  caused  by  non- 
attendance,  and  occasional  diminution  caused  by  death 
during  the  protracted  sittings  of  the  Assembly,  namely  : — 


PEEKS. 


Basil,  Earl  of  Denbigh. 
William,  Lord  Grey,  of  Warke;  vice 
Bedford,  Holland,  and  Conway. 


Oliver,  Earl  of  Bolingbroke. 
Robert,  Earl  of  Essex,  Lord  General. 
Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  Lord  Admiral. 


COMMONERS. 


Sir  Robert  Harley,  v.  Pym,  deceased. 

Sir  William  Mattam,  v.  Barrington.  de- 
ceased. 

William  Stroud,  v.  White,  deceased. 

Sir  Arthur  Haselrig,  added  along  with 
Essex. 


Robert  Reynolds,  Esq. 
Zouch  Tate.  Esq. 
Sir  Gilbert  Gerard. 
Sir  Robert  Pye. 
Sir  John  Cooke. 


SUPERADDED  DIVINES. 


Francis  Woodcock,  B.A..  of  St  Law- 
rence, Jewry,  r.Moreton,  of  Newcastle, 
deceased. 

John  Maynard,  M.A.,  of  Mayfleld,  Sur- 
rey, v.  H.  Nye,  deceased. 

Thomas  Clend'on,  of  All  Hallows,  Bark- 
ing, v.  Nicholson,  who  failed  to  attend. 

Daniel  Cawdrey,  M.A.,  v.  Dr  Harris,  of 
Winchester,  excused. 

John  Dury  or  Durie,  the  learned  John 
Dury.  a  Scot  (whose  father  had  been 
banished  for  taking  part  in  the  Aber- 
deen Assembly),  v.  Dr  Downing,  de- 
ceased. 

William  Rathbone,  or  Rathband,  of 
Highgate,  v.  Morley. 

John  Strickland,  of  New  Sarum,  v.  Dr 
Ward,  deceased. 

William  Good,  B.D.,  of  Denton,  Norfolk. 

John  Bond  D.C.L ,  Master  of  the  Savoy, 
v.  Archbishop  Usher. 


Humphrey  Hardwick,  of  Haddam 
Magna,  Herts. 

John  Ward,  of  Ipswich  and  of  Bramp- 
ton, r.  Painter,  deceased. 

Edward  Corbet,  of  Norfolk,  v.  H.  Hall, 
of  Norwich. 

Philip  Delme',  or  Delmy,  of  French 
Church,  Canterbury,  v.  Rathbone,  de- 
ceased. 

Thomas  Ford.  M.A,  of  St  Faith's,  Lon- 
don, v.  Bowles,  deceased. 

Richard  Byfield.  of  Long  Ditton.  Sur- 
rey, v.  Dr  Featly,  deceased. 

William  Strong,  preacher  in  Westmin- 
ster Abbey.  i\  Peale,  deceased. 

Robert  Johnston,  of  York,  v.  Carter, 
deceased. 

Samuel  Boulton,  of  St  Saviour's,  South- 
ward afterwards  D.D.,  and  Master  of 
Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  v.  Bur- 
rough's,  deceased. 


ADDITIONAL  SCOTTISH  COMMISSIONERS. 


Robert  Meldrum,  in  absence  of  John- 
ston. 
John,  Earl  of  Loudon. 
Sir  Charles  Erskine. 


John,  Lord  Balmerino.  v.  Loudon. 

Archibald.  Marquis  of  Argyll. 

George  Winrham  of  Libberton,  v.  Argyll 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  107 

Of  the  divines  originally  appointed,  only  sixty-nine 
were  present  the  hrst  day  ;  and,  generally,  the  attendance 
appears  to  have  ranged  between  sixty  and  eighty.  There 
are  one  hundred  and  two  divines  named  in  the  common 
editions  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  ;  but  several  of  those 
there  named  were  not  regular  in  their  attendance.  Not 
more  than  from  a  dozen  to  a  score  spoke  frequently  ;  many 
very  learned  and  able  men  being  contented  to  listen,  to 
think,  and  to  vote.  The  three  scribes  had  no  votes,  being 
sufficiently  employed  in  recording  the  propositions  brought 
forward,  the  progress  of  the  discussion,  and  the  state  of  the 
vote  when  taken.  Dr  Twisse,  of  Newbury,  was  appointed 
prolocutor ;  and  after  his  death  he  was  succeeded  by  Mr 
Herle.  Dr  Burgess  of  Watford,  and  Mr  White  of  Dorches- 
ter, were  assessors  to  the  prolocutor,  to  take  the  chair 
during  his  occasional  absence. 

It  may  serve  to  show  the  wish  of  the  Parliament  to  act 
with  fairness  and  impartiality,  to  state,  that  they  named 
men  of  all  shades  of  opinion  in  matters  of  Church  govern- 
ment, in  order  that  the  whole  subject  might  be  fully  dis- 
cussed. In  the  original  ordinance,  four  bishops  were  named, 
one  of  whom  actually  attended  on  the  first  day,  and  another 
excused  his  absence  on  the  ground  of  necessary  duty  ;  of 
the  others  called,  five  became  bishops  afterwards ;  and 
about  twenty-five  declined  attending,  partly  because  it  was 
not  a  regular  Convocation  called  by  the  King,  and  partly 
because  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  expressly 
condemned  by  his  Majesty. 

At  length  the  appointed  day  came ;  and  on  Saturday, 
the  1st  of  July,  the  members  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment named  in  the  Ordinance,  and  many  of  the  divines 
therein  mentioned,  and  a  vast  congregation,  met  in  the 
Abbey  Church,  Westminster.  Dr  Twisse,  the  appointed  pro- 
locutor of  the  Assembly,  preached  an  elaborate  sermon  from 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  text,  John  xiv.  18:  "I  will  not  leave  yon  comfortless, 
I  will  come  unto  you."  After  sermon  all  the  members 
present  adjourned  to  Henry  VII. 's  Chapel ;  and  the  roll  of 
members  being  called,  it  appeared  that  there  were  sixty-nine 
clerical  members  present  on  that  the  first  day  of  the  "West- 
minster Assembly.  But  as  there  had  been  no  specific  instruc- 
tions given,  nor  any  subject  prepared  for  their  immediate  dis- 
cussion, the  Assembly  adjourned  till  the  following  Thursday. 
This  very  fact  points  out  one  peculiarity  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  to  which  allusion  has  been  made.  It 
was  neither  a  Convocation,  nor  a  Presbyterian  Synod  or 
General  Assembly ;  and  it  could  not  be  either  the  one  or 
the  other,  for  the  prelatic  form  of  Church  government  had 
been  abolished,  and  there  was  no  other  yet  in  existence. 
The  true  theory  of  the  "Westminster  Assembly  comprises 
two  main  elements ; — there  was  a  Christian  Church  in 
England,  but  not  organized  ;  and  the  civil  power,  avowing 
Christianity,  had  called  an  Assembly  of  Divines,  for  the 
purpose  of  consulting  together  respecting  those  points  of 
government  and  discipline  which  require  the  sanction  of 
civil  authority  for  their  full  efficiency.  Such  an  Assembly 
could  have  been  called  only  by  a  Christian  civil  magistrate  ; 
and  only  in  a  transition  state  of  the  Church,  when  disorgan- 
ized, or  not  yet  duly  constituted.  In  such  a  state  of  matters, 
the  problem  to  be  solved  was  this :  On  what  terms  could  a 
National  Church  be  constituted,  so  as  neither  to  encroach 
upon  civil  liberty,  as  the  Papal  and  Prelatic  Churches  had 
done,  nor  to  yield  up  those  inherent  spiritual  rights,  privi- 
leges, and  liberties,  which  are  essential  to  a  Church  of 
Christ  1  And,  for  that  purpose,  it  was  almost  indifferent, 
whether  the  State  should  first  mention  the  terms  on  which 
it  would  establish  a  ^National  Church,  or  the  Church 
specify  the  terms  on  which  it  would  consent  to  be  estab- 
lished ;  only,  that  the  latter  would  have  been  the  simplei 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  109 

and  the  purer  method  of  making  the  arrangement.  The 
former,  however,  was  the  plan  adopted  ;  and,  for  that  reason, 
the  statement  of  the  propositions  came  from  Parliament. 

When  the  Assembly  again  met  on  the  Thursday,  the 
following  instructions  were  laid  before  them,  as  general 
regulations,  directed  by  the  Lords  and  Commons  in  Parlia- 
ment assembled : — 1.  That  two  assessors  be  joined  to  the 
prolocutor,  to  supply  his  place  in  case  of  absence  or  infirmity. 

2.  That  scribes  be  appointed  to  set  down  all  proceedings, 
and  those  to  be  divines,  who  are  out  of  the  Assembly, 
namely,  Mr  Henry  Eoborough,  and  Mr  Adoniram  Byfield. 

3.  Every  member,  at  his  first  entry  into  the  Assembly,  shall 
make  serious  and  solemn  protestation,  not  to  maintain  any 
thing  but  what  he  believes  to  be  truth  and  sincerity,  when 
discovered  to  him.  4.  jSTo  resolution  to  be  given  upon  any 
question  the  same  day  wherein  it  is  first  propounded.  5. 
What  any  man  undertakes  to  prove  as  necessary,  he  shall 
make  good  out  of  Scripture.  6.  !No  man  to  proceed  in  any 
dispute  after  the  prolocutor  has  enjoined  him  silence,  unless 
the  Assembly  desire  he  may  go  on.  7.  jNo  man  to  be 
denied  to  enter  his  dissent  from  the  Assembly,  and  his 
reasons  for  it,  in  any  point,  after  it  hath  been  first  debated 
in  the  Assembly,  and  thence  (if  the  dissenting  party  desire 
it)  to  be  sent  to  the  Houses  of  Parliament  by  the  Assembly, 
not  by  any  particular  man  or  men,  in  a  private  way,  when 
either  House  shall  require.  8.  All  things  agreed  on,  and 
prepared  for  the  Parliament,  to  be  openly  read  and  allowed 
in  the  Assembly,  and  then  offered  as  the  judgment  of  the 
Assembly,  if  the  major  part  assent ; — provided  that  the 
opinion  of  any  persons  dissenting,  and  the  reasons  urged 
for  it,  be  annexed  thereunto,  if  the  dissenters  require  it, 
together  with  the  solutions,  if  any  were  given  to  the 
Assembly,  to  these  reasons.1 

1  Lightfoot's  Works,  vol.  xiii.  pp.  3,  4. 


110  HISTORY  OF  THE 

To  these  general  regulations  the  Assembly  added  some 
for  their  own  guidance  : — 1.  That  every  session  begin  and 
end  with  prayer.  2.  That  after  the  first  prayer  the  names 
of  the  Assembly  be  called  over,  and  those  that  are  absent 
marked ;  but  if  any  member  comes  in  afterwards,  lie  shall 
have  liberty  to  give  in  his  name  to  the  scribes.  3.  That 
the  appointed  hour  of  meeting  be  ten  in  the  morning  ;  the 
afternoon  to  be  reserved  for  committees.  4.  That  three 
of  the  members  of  the  Assembly  be  appointed  weekly  as 
chaplains,  one  to  the  House  of  Lords,  another  to  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  a  third  to  the  Committee  of  both 
kingdoms. 

It  was  also  resolved,  that  every  member  of  the  Assembly, 
both  Lords  and  Commons,  as  well  as  Divines,  before  his 
admission  to  sit  and  vote,  should  take  the  following  vow 

or  protestation  :  "  I, ,  do  seriously  promise  and  vow, 

in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  that  in  this  Assembly, 
whereof  I  am  a  member,  I  will  maintain  nothing  in  point 
of  doctrine  but  what  I  believe  to  be  most  agreeable  to  the 
Word  of  God ;  nor  in  point  of  discipline,  but  what  I  shall 
conceive  to  conduce  most  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  good 
and  peace  of  His  Church."  This  protestation  was  appointed 
to  be  read  afresh  every  Monday  morning,  that  its  solemn 
influence  might  be  constantly  felt. 

In  order  that  business  might  proceed  regularly  and 
expeditiously,  the  whole  Assembly  was  cast  into  three 
equal  committees ;  the  divines  according  to  the  order  in 
which  their  names  stood  in  the  Ordinance  ;  and  the  Lords 
and  Commons  into  three  corresponding  divisions,  according 
to  their  order  also.  Each  committee  chose  for  itself  a 
chairman  :  the  first  chose  Dr  Cornelius  Burgess  ;  the  second, 
Dr  Staunton  ;  and  the  third,  Mr  Gibbon.1  The  account  of 
the  Assembly's  order  of  procedure  given  by  Baillie  is  at 
J  See  Note  A. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  Ill 

once  so  graphic  and  so  complete,  that  we  cannot  do  better 
than  extract  the  entire  passage,  merely  modernizing  any 
peculiarities  in  spelling  or  obsolete  expressions  : — 

"  The  like  of  that  Assembly  I  did  never  see  ;  and  as  we  hear  say,  the 
like  was  never  in  England,  nor  any  where  is  shortly  like  to  be.  They 
did  sit  in  Henry  the  VII.'s  Uhapel,  in  the  place  of  the  Convocation ;  but 
since  the  weather  grew  cold,  they  did  go  to  the  Jerusalem  Chamber,  a 
fair  room  in  the  Abbey  of  Westminster,  about  the  size  of  the  College 
front-hall,  but  wider.  At  tbe  one  eud,  nearest  the  door,  and  along  both 
sides,  are  stages  of  seats,  as  in  the  New  Assembly  House  at  Edinburgh, 
but  not  so  high;  for  there  will  be  room  but  for  five  or  six  score.  At 
the  uppermost  end  there  is  a  chair  set  on  a  frame,  a  foot  from  the  earth, 
for  the  Mr  Prolocutor,  Dr  Twisse.  Before  it,  on  the  ground,  stand  two 
chairs  for  the  two  Mr  Assessors,  Dr  Burgess  and  Mr  White.  Before 
these  tw->  chairs,  through  the  length  of  the  room,  stands  a  table,  at  which 
sit  the  two  scribes,  Mr  Byfield  and  Mr  Boborough.  The  house  is  all 
well  hung  (with  tapestry),  and  has  a  good  fire,  which  is  some-  dainties  at 
London.  Opposite  the  table,  upon  the  prolocutor's  right  hand,  there 
are  three  or  four  ranks  of  benches.  On  the  lowest  we  five  do  sit.  Upon 
the  other,  at  our  backs,  the  members  of  Parliament  deputed  to  the 
Assembly.  On  the  benches  opposite  us,  on  the  prolocutor's  left  hand, 
going  from  the  upper  end  of  the  house  to  the  chimney,  and  at  the  other 
end  of  the  house  and  back  of  the  table,  till  it  come  about  to  our  seats,  are 
four  or  five  stages  of  benches,  upon  which  their  divines  sit  as  they  please; 
albeit  commonly  they  keep  the  same  place.  From  the  chimnev  to  the 
door  there  are  no  seats,  but  a  void  space  for  passage.  The  Lords  of  the 
Parliament  used  to  sit  on  chairs,  in  that  void,  about  the  fire.  We  meet 
every  day  of  the  week  but  Saturday.  We  sit  commonly  from  nine  till 
one  or  two  afternoon.  The  prolocutor,  at  the  beginning  and  end,  has  a 
short  prayer.  The  man,  as  the  world  knows,  is  very  learned  in  the 
questions  he  has  studied,  and  very  good,  beloved  of  all,  and  highly 
esteemed ;  but  merely  bookish,  not  much,  as  it  seems,  acquainted  with 
conceived  prayer,  and  among  the  unfittest  of  all  the  company  for  any 
action;  so  after  the  prayer  he  sits  mute.  It  was  the  canny  convoyance 
(skilful  management)  of  those  who  guide  most  matters  for  their  own 
interest  to  plant  such  a  man  of  purpose  in  the  chair.  The  one  assessor, 
our  good  friend  Mr  White,  has  keeped  in  of  the  gout  since  our  coming; 
the  other,  Br  Burgess,  a  very  active  and  sharp  man,  supplies,  so  far  as 
is  decent,  the  prolocutor's  place.  Ordinarily  there  will  be  present  above 
three  score  of  their  divines.  These  are  divided  into  three  committees 
in  one  of  which  every  man  is  a  member.  No  man  is  excluded  who 
pleases  to  come  to  any  of  the  three.  Every  committee,  as  the  Parlia- 
ment gives  order  in  writing  to  take  any  purpose  to  consideration,  takes 


112  HISTORY   OF   THE 

a  portion,  and  in  their  afternoon  meeting  prepares  matters  for  the  As- 
sembly, sets  down  their  minds  in  distinct  propositions,  backing  their 
propositions  with  texts  of  Scripture.  After  the  prayer,  Mr  Byfield,  the 
scribe,  reads  the  proposition  and  scriptures ;  whereupon  the  Assembly 
debates  in  a  most  grave  and  orderly  way. 

"  No  man  is  called  up  to  speak ;  but  whosoever  stands  up  of  his  own 
accord,  speaks  so  long  as  he  will  without  interruption.  If  two  or  three 
stand  up  at  once,  then  the  divines  confusedly  call  on  his  name  whom 
they  desire  to  hear  first :  on  whom  the  loudest  and  maniest  voices  call, 
he  speaks.  No  man  speaks  to  any  but  to  the  prolocutor.  They  harangue 
long  and  very  learnedlie.  They  study  the  questions  well  beforehand, 
and  prepare  their  speeches;  but  withal  the  men  are  exceeding  prompt 
and  well  spoken.  I  do  marvel  at  the  very  accurate  and  extemporal 
replies  that  many  of  them  usually  make.  "When,  upon  every  proposition 
by  itself,  and  on  every  text  of  Scripture  that  is  brought  to  confirm  it, 
every  man  who  will  has  said  his  whole  mind,  and  the  replies,  duplies, 
and  triplies  are  heard,  then  the  most  part  call, '  To  the  question.'  Byfield, 
the  scribe,  rises  from  the  table,  and  comes  to  the  prolocutor's  chair,  who, 
from  the  scribe's  book,  reads  the  proposition,  and  says,  •  As  many  as  are 
of  opinion  that  the  question  is  well  stated  in  the  proposition,  let  them 
say,  Ay ; '  when  ay  is  heard,  he  says,  '  As  many  as  think  otherwise,  say, 
No.'  If  the  difference  of  '  Ayes  '  and  •  Noes  '  be  clear,  as  usually  it  is, 
then  the  question  is  ordered  by  the  scribes,  and  they  go  on  to  debate  the 
first  scripture  alleged  for  proof  of  the  proposition.  If  the  sound  of  Ay 
and  No  be  near  equal,  then  says  the  prolocutor,  '  As  many  as  say  Ay, 
stand  up ; '  while  they  stand,  the  scribe  and  others  number  them  in  their 
minds;  when  they  sit  down,  the  Noes  are  bidden  stand,  and  they  likewise 
are  numbered.  This  way  is  clear  enough,  and  saves  a  great  deal  of  time, 
which  we  spend  in  reading  our  catalogue.  When  a  question  is  once 
ordered,  there  is  no  more  debate  of  that  matter;  but  if  a  man  will  wander 
from  the  subject,  he  is  quickly  taken  up  by  Mr  Assessor,  or  m&uj  others, 
confusedly  crying,  '  Speak  to  order,  to  order.'  No  man  contradicts 
auother  expressly  b}-  name,  but  most  discretly  speaks  to  the  prolocutor, 
and  at  most  holds  to  general  terms :  '  The  reverend  brother  who  lately, 
or  last,  spoke,  on  this  hand,  on  that  side,  above,  or  below.  I  thought  meet 
once  for  all  to  give  you  a  taste  of  the  outward  form  of  their  Assembly. 
They  follow  the  way  of  their  Parliament.  Much  of  their  way  is  good, 
and  worthy  of  our  imitation ;  onty  their  longsomeness  is  wof ul  at  this 
time,  when  their  Church  and  kingdom  lie  under  a  most  lamentable  anarchy 
and  confusion.  They  see  the  hurt  of  their  length,  but  cannot  get  it  helped; 
for  being  to  establish  a  new  platform  of  worship  and  discipline  to  their 
nation  for  all  time  to  come,  they  think  they  cannot  be  answerable,  if 
solidly,  and  at  leisure,  they  do  not  examine  every  point  thereof." ' 

1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  pp.  108, 109. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  113 

Having  made  these  preliminary  arrangements,  the  Par- 
liament sent  the  Assembly  an  order  to  revise  the  Thirty- 
JSme  Articles,  for  the  purpose  of  simplifying,  clearing,  and 
vindicating  the  doctrines  therein  contained.  The  discharge 
of  this  task  was  begun  in  the  committees,  and  reported 
from  time  to  time  in  the  Assembly.  On  the  first  of  these 
meetings  to  receive  and  consider  reports,  July  12th,  "A 
letter,"  says  Lightfoot,  "  came  from  Dr  Brownrigge,  Bishop 
of  Exeter,  to  Dr  Featly,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  Dr  Gouge, 
which  was  openly  read,  wherein  he  excuseth  his  non-appear- 
ance in  the  Assembly,  from  the  tie  of  the  vice-chancellorship 
in  the  university  that  lay  upon  him."1  The  tenor  of  his 
excuse  shows  that  he  at  least  did  not  condemn  the  calling 
of  the  Assembly,  nor  thought  his  episcopal  function  of 
divine  institution.  Indeed  there  were  many  Episcopalians 
who  had  not  embraced  the  high  theory  of  Bancroft  and 
Laud,  otherwise  none  could  have  appeared  in  the  Assembly 
at  all ;  and  yet  even  Clarendon  admits,  that  "  about  twenty 
of  them  were  reverend  and  worthy  persons,  and  episcopal 
in  their  judgments  ;"2  and  Euller  says,  that  "  Dr  Westfield 
(Bishop  of  Bristol)  and  some  few  others  seemed  the  only  Non- 
conformists among  them  for  their  conformity,  whose  gowns 
and  canonical  habits  differed  from  all  the  rest."3  Erom 
this  it  appears  that  at  least  one  bishop  gave  his  pre- 
sence to  the  meeting  of  that  Assembly,  which  so  many 
of  his  prelatic  brethren  since  have  termed  impious  and 
rebellious. 

A  new  disaster  having  befallen  the  arms  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, in  the  defeat  of  Waller,  the  Assembly  petitioned  the 
Houses  to  appoint  a  fast  throughout  London,  Westminster, 
and  the  suburbs  ;  requesting  that  measures  might  be  speedily 
adopted  for  promoting  reformation,  so  that  the  divine 
wrath  might  be  averted,  and  the  wounds  and  miseries  of 

1  Lightfoot,  p.  5.  2  Clarendon.  s  Fuller,  vol.  iii.  p.  44 p 

H 


114  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  kingdom  healed.  This  petition  was  granted  ;  the  21st 
of  July  was  set  apart  as  a  day  of  humiliation,  fasting,  and 
prayer.  Mr  Hill,  Mr  Spurstow,  and  Mr  Vines,  were 
appointed  to  preach  before  the  Houses,  and  the  day  was 
observed  with  great  solemnity  within  the  specified  bound- 
aries. From  this  time  forward,  it  was  customary  to  appoint 
similar  fasts,  and  public  sermons  before  the  Houses  of 
Parliament ;  which  sermons  were  printed  by  order  of 
Parliament,  frequently  with  prefaces  before,  or  postscripts 
appended  to  them  by  their  authors  ;  and  having  been 
preserved,  they  form  an  admirable  mass  of  information 
regarding  the  actual  sentiments  and  state  of  feelings  pre- 
dominant in  both  the  Parliament  and  Assembly,  character- 
ised by  all  the  freshness  and  trembling  earnestness,  and 
intensity  of  hopes  and  fears,  called  forth  by  the  varying 
vicissitudes  of  those  eventful  and  fluctuating  times.1  The 
same  circumstance  proves,  that  on  the  part  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, the  struggle  in  which  they  were  engaged  was  by 
themselves  regarded  as  to  the  full  as  much  of  a  religious  as 
of  a  political  character ;  and  that  they  were  not  ashamed  to 
acknowledge  that  they  looked  to  the  favour  and  the 
protection  of  God  for  ultimate  success  in  the  perilous  and 
important  contest.  It  may  be  added,  that  however  vehe- 
mently the  King  and  his  adherents  asserted  the  divine 
scource  of  the  royal  perogative,  we  do  not  find  that  they 
attempted  to  hallow  their  cause,  or  to  seek  Divine  aid,  by 
solemn  religious  acts ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  in  order 
to  draw  the  utmost  possible  breadth  of  distinction  between 
themselves  and  the  Puritans,  they  delighted  to  indulge  to 
excess  in  every  kind  of  licentiousness  and  immorality;  so 
that  they  frequently  alienated  those  counties  which  were 

i  For  the  use  of  perhaps  the  most  complete  collection  of  these  sermons 
extant,  the  author  is  indebted  to  the  kindness  and  courtesy  of  the  Rev. 
Mr  Craig  of  Rothesay. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  115 

otherwise  friendly  to  the  royal  cause,  and  drove  the  op- 
pressed people  into  the  ranks  of  the  Parliamentary  armies, 
as  the  only  way  to  rescue  themselves  and  their  families 
from  the  vicious  brutalities  of  the  proud  and  tyrannical 
cavaliers. 

The  Assembly  continued  to  discuss  the  Thirty-Nine 
Articles,  and  expended  ten  weeks  in  debating  upon  the 
first  fifteen.  But  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Scottish  Commis- 
sioners or  rather,  soon  after  the  signing  of  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,  a  new  direction  was  given  to  the 
whole  course  of  discussion ;  so  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  trace 
that  part  of  the  proceedings  which  led  to  no  practical  result, 
and  which,  terminating  abruptly  and  unfinished,  cannot 
properly  be  said  to  form  any  part  of  the  Assembly's  actual 
proceedings.  Let  us  rather  direct  attention  to  the  formation 
of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  itself. 

When  the  English  Parliament  determined  upon  the 
abolition  of  the  Prelatic  hierarchy,  they  at  the  same  time 
suggested  the  calling  of  an  Assembly  of  Divines  to  deli- 
berate respecting  the  new  form  to  be  established;  and 
they  also  applied  to  the  Church  of  Scotland  to  send  com- 
missioners to  the  intended  Assembly.  The  Scottish  Church 
nominated  some  ministers  and  elders  to  be  in  readiness  ; 
but  the  English  Assembly  not  having  been  called  till 
nearly  a  year  had  elapsed,  serious  doubts  began  to  be 
entertained  in  Scotland  respecting  their  sincerity,  espe- 
cially when  no  authorised  person  appeared  at  the  Con- 
vention of  Estates  held  on  the  2 2d  June,  and  prolonged 
during  a  fortnight.  At  length  a  messenger  arrived,  stat- 
ing that  the  Assembly  had  met,  and  renewing  their  appli- 
cation for  the  presence  of  Scottish  commissioners.1  As  the 
General  Assembly  was  to  meet  on  the  2d  of  August,  and 
the  Convention  of  Estates  at  the  same  time,  the  matter 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  80. 


116  HISTORY   OF   THE 

waa  deferred  till  then,  that  it  might  be  fully  and  autho- 
ritatively arranged 

Alter  several  days  of  anxious  expectation  by  the  Scottish 
General  Assembly,  the  English  Commissioners  arrived  on 
the  7th  of  August,  and  were  received  by  a  deputation  of  the 
Assembly  on  the  following  day.  The  English  Commissioners 
were,  from  the  Lords,  the  Earl  of  Eutland  and  Lord  Gray 
of  "Wark,  the  latter  of  whom  declined  the  journey ;  from 
the  Commons,  Sir  William  Armyn,  Sir  Harry  Vane  the 
younger,  Mr  Hatcher,  and  Mr  Darley  ;  and  from  the  As- 
sembly of  Divines,  Mr  Marshall  and  Mr  Nye.  They  pre- 
sented their  commission,  giving  them  ample  powers  to 
treat  with  the  Scottish  Convention  and  Assembly, — a  De- 
claration of  both  the  English  Houses, — a  letter  from  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  and  a  letter  subscribed  by  above 
seventy  of  their  divines,  supplicating  aid  in  their  desperate 
condition.  "This  letter,"  says  Baillie,  "  was  so  lamentable 
that  it  drew  tears  from  many."1  The  leading  statesmen 
and  divines  in  Scotland  immediately  took  these  matters 
into  serious  and  most  anxious  deliberation.  All  were  of 
opinion  that  it  was  necessary  to  assist  the  English  ;  but 
how  that  assistance  should  be  given  they  could  not  so 
readily  determine.  At  one  time  the  prevalent  idea  was, 
that  Scotland  should  interpose  as  a  mediating  power,  with- 
out altogether  taking  part  with  the  Parliament ;  but  a 
more  careful  and  full  deliberation  convinced  them  that  this 
was  impracticable.  They  had  learned  by  sad  experience 
that  the  King's  most  solemn  treaties  could  not  be  depended 
on,  when  they  had  seen  the  treaty  concluded  at  Dunse 
ordered  to  be  burned  by  the  hands  of  the  hangman, 
and  themselves  denounced  as  rebels.  And  as  the  Eng- 
lish  Parliament  had   not   hitherto  exhibited   any  similar 

I  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  89.     All  the  documents  referred  to,  with  their 
answers,  may  be  seen  in  the  Acts  of  Assembly  164$. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  117 

insincerity,  there  was  no  reason  for  equal  distrust  with 
regard  to  their  declarations  ;  while  the  Scottish  statesmen 
and  ministers  could  not  but  perceive,  that  if  the  King 
should  succeed  in  subjugating  his  English  Parliament,  he 
would  then  be  able  to  assail  Scotland  with  an  irresistible 
force. 

Still  there  was  one  difficult  point.  The  English  Com- 
missioners sought  to  enter  into  a  civil  league  with  Scot- 
land, for  the  defence  of  the  civil  liberties  of  both  countries. 
But  as  the  entire  spirit  of  the  contest  in  which  Scot- 
land had  been  engaged  was  of  a  religious  character,  in 
defence  of  religious  liberty,  and  had  been  conducted  to  a 
prosperous  issue  by  the  strength  of  a  religious  covenant 
into  which  the  nation  had  entered,  the  Convention  and 
Assembly  insisted  upon  a  religious  covenant  between  the 
two  kingdoms.  To  this  the  English  Commissioners  at 
length  assented,  on  the  suggestion  of  Sir  Harry  Vane, 
that  the  two  ideas  might  very  properly  be  combined ; 
and  hence  the  bond  of  union  between  the  two  countries 
was  so  framed  as  to  embrace  both  subjects,  and  received 
the  appropriate  designation  of  The  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant. 

This  important  document  was  framed  by  the  celebrated 
Alexander  Henderson,  moderator  of  the  Assembly,  and  laid 
before  the  English  Commissioners.  At  first  they  startled 
somewhat  at  its  terms,  some  of  them  wishing  for  a  greater 
latitude  of  expression,  to  leave  room  for  the  introduction  of 
the  Independent  or  Congregational  system.  In  this,  too,  a 
slight  compromise  was  made,  no  specific  plan  for  the  refor- 
mation of  religion  in  England  and  Ireland  being  stated, 
except  that  it  should  be  "  according  to  the  Word  of  God, 
and  the  example  of  the  best  reformed  Churches."  With 
this  mode  of  expressing  the  general  principle  all  were  satis- 
fied j  and  after  receiving  the  approbation  of  the  private 


118  HISTORY    OF   THE 

committees,  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  sub- 
mitted to  the  General  Assembly  on  the  17th  of  August 
1643,  passed  unanimously,1  amidst  the  applause  of  some, 
and  the  bursting  tears  of  a  deep,  full,  and  sacred  joy  of 
others  ;  and  in  the  afternoon,  with  the  same  cordial  unani- 
mity, passed  the  Convention  of  Estates.  "This,"  says 
Baillie,  "  seems  to  be  a  new  period  and  crisis  of  the  most 
great  affair  which  these  hundred  years  has  exercised  these 
dominions."  He  was  not  mistaken  ;  it  was  indeed  the 
commencement  of  a  new  period  in  the  history  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  though  that  period  has  not  yet  run  its  full 
round,  nor  reached  its  crisis, — a  crisis  which  will  shake  and 
new-mould  the  world. 

It  is  customary  for  a  certain  class  of  writers  to  say,  that 
in  the  discussion  respecting  the  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant, there  was  a  contest  of  cunning  between  the  English 
Commissioners  and  the  Scottish  Covenanters,  and  that  the 
superior  subtlety  of  Sir  Harry  Vane  enabled  him  to  beguile 
the  Scottish  negotiators,  who,  in  their  blind  attachment  to 
their  own  Presbyterian  system,  could  not  conceive  that 
any  thing  else  was  meant  by  the  expression,  "The  best 
reformed  Churches."  This  is  but  a  weak  invention  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1641,  the  Scottish 
Commissioners  had  both  suggested  the  idea  of  a  closer 
agreement  between  the  Churches  of  England  and  Scotland, 
and  disclaimed  the  presumption  of  urging  their  system  upon 
the  mightier  kingdom.2  And  in  the  Ordinance  summoning 
the  Assembly,  one  object  is  said  to  be,  to  obtain  "a  nearer 
agreement  with  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  other  reformed 
Churches  abroad."     Further,  the  Church  of  Scotland  had 

1  The  Lord  High  Commissioner,  Sir  Thomas  Hope,  declined  assent- 
ing to  the  Covenant  in  his  official  capacity,  but  personally  he  gave  his 
cordial  concurrence. 

2  See  Appendix. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  119 

delayed  the  framing  of  a  Directory,  very  much  that  she 
might  be  the  more  at  liberty  to  accommodate  her  procedure 
to  what  might  be  resolved  upon  by  the  English  Assembly, 
when  it  should  have  accomplished  its  task.  It  would  ap- 
pear, therefore,  that  there  was  no  craft  nor  overreaching  on 
either  side ;  and  that,  so  far  as  there  was  a  compromise,  it 
was  one  of  candour  and  frankness,  well  understood  by 
both  parties,  for  the  purpose  of  leaving  matters  open  to  a 
full  and  fair  discussion. 

When  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  had  thus  re- 
ceived the  assent  of  the  Scottish  Convention  of  Estates  and 
General  Assembly,  a  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  the  English 
Parliament  and  the  Westminster  Divines,  for  their  con- 
sideration. Commissioners  were  appointed  to  attend  that 
Assembly,  partly  elders  and  partly  ministers.  The  elders 
were,  the  Earl  of  Cassilis,  Lord  Maitland,  and  Johnston  of 
Warriston  ;  the  ministers  were,  Messrs  Henderson,  Baillie, 
Gillespie,  Kutherford,  and  Douglas  ;  but  neither  the  Earl 
of  Cassilis  nor  Mr  Robert  Douglas  ever  attended,  so  that 
the  Scottish  Commissioners  were  six  in  all.  When  the 
document  reached  Westminster,  several  days  were  spent  by 
the  English  divines  in  considering  its  various  propositions, 
and  some  slight  verbal  alterations  were  made,  for  the  sake 
of  explanation, — particularly  the  specific  statement  of  what 
is  meant  by  Prelacy  ;  and  at  last  it  was  agreed  to  by  all 
except  Dr  Burgess,  who  continued  to  resist  it  and  to  refuse 
his  assent  for  several  days,  till  he  incurred  the  serious  dis- 
pleasure of  both  Assembly  and  Parliament, — which  he  at 
last  averted  by  yielding.1 

Immediately  after   the   rising   of  their   own   General 

1  The  angry  language  of  Dr  Lightfoot  is  positively  ludicrous :— "  A 
wretch  that  ought  to  be  branded  to  all  posterity,  who  seeks,  for  some 
devilish  ends,  either  of  his  own  or  others,  or  both,  to  hinder  so  great  a 
good  of  the  two  nations." — Lightfoot,  vol.  xiii.  p.  12. 


120  HISTORY   OF   THE 

Assembly,  three  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  Lord  Mait- 
land,  Alexander  Henderson,  and  George  Gillespie,  set  off 
for  London ;  the  other  three  followed  about  a  month  after- 
wards. On  the  15th  of  September  the  Scottish  Commis- 
sioners were  received  into  the  Westminster  Assembly  with 
great  kindness  and  courtesy,  and  welcomed  in  three  succes- 
sive speeches,  by  the  Prolocutor,  by  Dr  Hoyle,  and  by  Mr 
Case.  Mr  Henderson  replied,  expressing  the  deep  sympathy 
felt  by  the  kingdom  and  Church  of  Scotland  for  the  suffer- 
ings of  England,  and  the  readiness  with  which  they  would 
to  the  utmost  assist  the  good  work  of  religious  reformation 
thus  begun.  The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  then 
read  over  clause  by  clause,  and  explanations  given  where  it 
seemed  of  doubtful  import,  till  the  whole  received  the 
sanction  of  the  Assembly.  It  was  then  appointed  by  the 
Parliament,  and  assented  to  by  the  Assembly,  that  the 
Covenant  should  be  publicly  taken  by  these  bodies  on  the 
25th  of  September.  On  that  day,  accordingly,  the  House 
of  Commons,  with  the  Assembly  of  Divines  and  the  Scottish 
Commissioners,  met  in  the  Church  of  St  Margaret,  West- 
minster ;  and  the  Rev.  Mr  White  of  Dorchester,  one  of 
the  assessors,  commenced  the  solemnity  with  prayer.  Mr 
Nye  then  addressed  the  dignified  and  grave  audience  in  a 
speech  of  an  hour's  duration,  pointing  out  the  Scripture 
authority  of  such  covenants,  and  the  advantage  of  which 
they  had  been  productive  to  the  Church  of  God  in  all  ages. 
Mr  Henderson  followed  in  a  speech  considerably  shorter, 
but  of  great  dignity  and  power.  Mr  Nye  then  read  it  from 
the  pulpit,  slowly  and  aloud,  pausing  at  the  close  of  every 
article,  while  the  whole  audience  of  statesmen  and  divines 
arose,  and,  with  their  right  hands  held  up  to  heaven,  wor- 
shipped the  great  name  of  God,  and  gave  their  sacred 
pledge.1  Then  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons 
1  Rushworth,  vol.  v.  p.  475. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  121 

subscribed  the  Covenant  on  one  roll  of  parchment,1  and  the 
Assembly  on  another;  and  when  this  was  done,  the  solemn 
scene  was  closed  by  prayer  and  praise  to  that  omniscient  God 
to  whom  they  had  lifted  up  their  hands  and  made  their  vows. 
To  complete  in  one  view  the  account  of  this  matter, 
the  Covenant  was  taken  by  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  1 5th 
of  October,  after  sermon  by  Dr  Temple,  and  an  exhortation 
by  Mr  Coleman.  It  was  taken  also  by  the  congregations 
in  and  around  London  on  the  following  Lord's  day.  On 
the  9th  of  October  the  King  issued  a  proclamation  from 
Oxford,  denouncing  this  document  as  "  in  truth  nothing  else 
but  a  traitorous  and  seditious  combination  against  us  and 
the  established  religion  of  this  kingdom ;"  straitly  charging 
and  commanding  all  his  loving  subjects,  upon  their  allegi- 
ance, "  that  they  presume  not  to  take  the  said  seditious 
and  traitorous  Covenant." 2  And  at  last  an  order  was  issued 
by  the  Parliament,  in  February  1644,  commanding  the 
Covenant  to  be  taken  throughout  the  kingdom  of  England 
by  all  persons  above  the  age  of  eighteen  years ;  which 
order  was  accompanied  by  an  exhortation  prepared  for  the 
Assembly  of  Divines.  In  Scotland,  as  soon  as  information 
was  received  of  what  had  taken  place  in  London,  the 
Committee  of  Estates  ordered  the  Covenant  to  be  subscribed 
by  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  people,  on  penalty  of  the 
confiscation  of  property,  or  such  other  punishment  as  his 
Majesty  and  the  Parliament  might  resolve  to  inflict.  This 
harsh  command  was  intended  to  bear  against  that  faction 
of  the  nobility  who  were  known  to  have  entered  into  a  secret 
confederacy  with  the  King;  and  its  effect  was,  to  drive 
some  into  flight,  and  all  into  more  desperate  opposition. 

1  This  roll  was  subscribed  by  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  members 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  whose  names  may  be  seen  in  Rushworth,  vol. 
v.  pp.  480,  481.     On  that  roll  appears  the  name  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 

2  Rushworth,  vol.  v.  p.  482. 


122 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


But  this,  it  will  be  observed,  was  the  act  of  the  civil  not 
the  ecclesiastical,  authorities  in  Scotland ;  and  it  proceeded 
mainly  upon  the  principle,  that  the  bond  thus  enforced  was 
not  only  a  religious  covenant,  but  also  a  civil  league.  It  was 
unfortunate  that  civil  and  religious  matters  should  have  been 
so  blended,  because  whatever  civil  measures  were  adopted,  or 
civil  penalties  were  inflicted,  were  sure  to  be  unfairly  charged 
against  the  religious  element,  instead  of  the  civil,  to  which 
they  truly  owed  their  origin.  But  even  this  unpropitious  cir- 
cumstance was  forced  upon  the  Covenanters  ;  partly  by  the 
fact  that  the  proceedings  of  the  King  were  equally  hostile  to 
civil  and  to  religious  liberty,  and  partly  by  their  unavoidable 
union  with  the  English  Parliament,  in  which  the  struggle 
was  even  more  directly  for  civil  than  for  religious  liberty. 

The  importance  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, 
thus  agreed  upon  and  subscribed  by  the  ruling  constitutional 
authorities,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  in  both  Scotland  and 
England,  renders  it  necessary  that  it  should  be  presented 
to  the  reader  in  the  body  of  the  work,  rather  than  in  an 
appendix : — 

"  The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  for  reformation  and  defence  of 
religion,  the  honour  and  happiness  of  the  King,  and  the  peace  and 
safety  of  the  three  kingdoms  of  Scotland,  England,  and  Ireland ; 
agreed  npon  by  Commissioners  from  the  Parliament  and  Assembly 
of  Divines  in  England,  with  Commissioners  of  the  Convention  of 
Estates  and  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland;  approved 
by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  by  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  and  the  Assembly  of  Divines  in  England,  and 
taken  and  subscribed  by  them  anno  1643  ;  and  thereafter,  by  the 
said  authority,  taken  and  subscribed  by  all  ranks  in  Scotland  and 
England  the  same  year ;  and  ratified  by  Act  of  the  Parliament  of  Scot- 
land anno  1644.  (And  again  renewed  in  Scotland,  with  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  sins  and  engagement  to  duties,  by  all  ranks,  anno  1648, 
and  by  Parliament,  1649 ;  and  taken  and  subscribed  by  King  Charles 
II.,  at  Spey,  June  23, 1650  ;  and  at  Scoon,  January  1, 1651.) 

"  We,   noblemen,   barons,  knights,  gentlemen,  citizens,  burgesses, 
ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and  commons  of  all  sorts,  in  the  kingdoms  of 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  123 

Scotland,  England,  and  Ireland,  by  the  providence  of  God  living  under 
one  king,  and  being  of  one  reformed  religion,  having  before  our  eyes  the 
glory  of  God,  and  the  advancement  of  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  the  honour  and  happiness  of  the  King's  majesty 
and  his  posterity,  and  the  true  public  liberty,  safety,  and  peace  of  the 
kingdom,  wherein  every  one's  private  condition  is  included :  and  calling 
to  mind  the  treacherous  and  bloody  plots,  conspiracies,  attempts,  and 
practices  of  the  enemies  of  God,  against  the  true  religion  and  professors 
thereof  in  all  places,  especially  in  these  three  kingdoms,  ever  since  the 
reformation  of  religion  ;  and  how  much  their  rage,  power,  and  presump- 
tion, are  of  late,  and  at  this  time,  increased  and  exercised,  whereof  the 
deplorable  state  of  the  Church  and  kingdom  of  Ireland,  the  distressed 
state  of  the  Church  and  kingdom  of  England,  and  the  dangerous  state  of 
the  Church  and  kingdom  of  Scotland,  are  present  and  public  testimonies, 
we  have  now  at  last  (after  other  means  of  supplication,  remonstrance, 
protestation,  and  sufferings),  for  the  preservation  of  ourselves  and  our 
religion  from  utter  nun  and  destruction,  according  to  the  commendable 
practice  of  these  kingdoms  in  former  times,  and  the  example  of  God's 
people  iu  other  nations,  after  mature  deliberation,  resolved  and  deter- 
mined to  enter  into  a  Mutual  and  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  wherein 
we  all  subscribe,  and  each  one  of  us  for  ldmself ,  with  our  hands  lifted  up 
to  the  Most  High  God,  do  swear, — 

"  I.  That  we  shall  sincerely,  really,  and  constantly,  through  the  grace 
of  God,  endeavour,  in  our  several  places  and  callings,  the  preservation 
of  the  reformed  religion  in  the  Church  of  Scotland,  in  doctrine,  worship, 
discipline,  and  government,  against  our  common  enemies  ;  the  reforma- 
tion of  religion  in  the  kingdoms  of  England  and  Ireland,  in  doctrine, 
worship,  discipline,  and  government,  according  to  the  "Word  of  God, 
and  the  example  of  the  best  reformed  Churches ;  and  shall  endeavour  to 
bring  the  Churches  of  God  in  the  three  kingdoms  to  the  nearest  con- 
junction and  uniformity  in  religion,  Confession  of  Eaith,  Form  of  Church 
Government,  Directory  for  Worship  and  Catechising  ;  that  we,  and  our 
posterity  after  us,  may,  as  brethren,  live  in  faith  and  love,  and  the  Lord 
may  delight  to  dwell  in  the  midst  of  us. 

"  II.  That  we  shall,  in  like  manner,  without  respect  of  persons, 
endeavour  the  extirpation  of  Popery,  Prelacy  (that  is,  Church  govern- 
ment by  archbishops,  bishops,  their  chancellors  and  commissaries,  deans, 
deans  and  chapters,  archdeacons,  and  all  other  ecclesiastical  officers  de- 
pending on  that  hierarchy),  superstition,  heresy,  schism,  profaneness, 
and  whatsoever  shall  be  found  contrary  to  sound  doctrine  and  the  power 
of  godliness ;  lest  we  partake  in  other  men's  sins,  and  thereby  be  in 
danger  to  receive  of  their  plagues ;  and  that  the  Lord  may  be  one,  and 
His  name  one,  in  the  three  kingdoms. 

"  III.  We  shall,  with  the  same  sincerity,  reality,  and  constancy,  ii> 
our  several  vocations,  endeavour,  with  our  estates  and  lives,  mutually  to 


124  HISTORY   OF   THE 

preserve  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  Parliaments,  and  the  liberties 
of  the  kingdoms  ;  and  to  preserve  and  defend  the  King's  majesty's  person 
and  authority,  in  the  preservation  and  defence  of  the  true  religion  and 
liberties  of  the  kingdoms ;  that  the  world  may  bear  witness  with  our 
consciences  of  our  loyalty,  and  that  we  have  no  thoughts  or  intentions 
to  diminish  his  Majesty's  just  power  and  greatness. 

"  IV.  We  shall  also,  with  all  faithfulness,  endeavour  the  discovery  of 
all  such  as  have  been  or  shall  be  incendiaries,  malignants,  or  evil  instru- 
ments, by  hindering  the  reformation  of  religion,  dividing  the  King  from 
his  people,  or  one  of  the  kingdoms  from  another,  or  making  any  faction 
or  parties  among  the  people,  contrary  to  this  League  and  Covenant; 
that  they  may  be  brought  to  public  trial,  and  receive  condign  punish- 
ment, as  the  degree  of  their  offences  shall  require  or  deserve,  or  the 
supreme  judicatories  of  both  kingdoms  respectively,  or  others  having 
power  from  them  for  that  effect,  shall  judge  convenient. 

"V.  And  whereas  the  happiness  of  a  blessed  peace  between  these 
kingdoms,  denied  in  former  times  to  our  progenitors,  is,  by  the  good 
providence  of  God,  granted  unto  us,  and  hath  been  lately  concluded  and 
settled  by  both  Parliaments  ;  we  shall,  each  one  of  us,  according  to  our 
place  and  interest,  endeavour  that  they  may  remain  conjoined  in  a  firm 
peace  and  union  to  all  posterity ;  and  that  justice  may  be  done  upon  the 
wilful  opposers  thereof,  in  manner  expressed  in  the  precedent  article. 

"  VI.  We  shall  also,  according  to  our  places  and  callings,  in  this 
common  cause  of  religion,  liberty,  and  peace  of  the  kingdoms,  assist  and 
defend  all  those  that  enter  into  this  League  and  Covenant,  in  the  main- 
taining and  pursuing  thereof ;  and  shall  not  suffer  ourselves,  directly  or 
indirectly,  by  whatsoever  combination,  persuasion,  or  terror,  to  be  di- 
vided or  withdrawn  from  this  blessed  union  and  conjunction,  whether  to 
make  defection  to  the  contrary  part,  or  to  give  ourselves  to  a  detestable 
indifferency  or  neutrality  in  this  cause,  which  so  much  concerneth  the 
glory  of  God,  the  good  of  the  kingdom,  and  honour  of  the  King;  but 
shall,  all  the  days  of  our  lives,  zealously  and  constantly  continue  therein 
against  all  opposition,  and  promote  the  same,  according  to  our  power, 
against  all  lets  and  impediments  whatsoever ;  and  what  we  are  not  able 
ourselves  to  suppress  or  overcome,  we  shall  reveal  and  make  known, 
that  it  may  be  timely  prevented  or  removed :  All  which  we  shall  do  as 
in  the  sight  of  God. 

"  And,  because  these  kingdoms  are  guilty  of  many  sins  and  provoca- 
tions against  God,  and  His  Son  Jesus  Chhist,  as  is  too  manifest  by  our 
present  distresses  and  dangers,  the  fruits  thereof ;  we  profess  and  de- 
clare, before  God  and  the  world,  our  unfeigned  desire  to  be  humbled  for 
our  own  sins,  and  for  the  sins  of  these  kingdoms ;  especially  that  wa 
have  not,  as  we  ought,  valued  the  inestimable  benefit  of  the  Gospel 
that  we  have  not  laboured  for  the  purity  and  power  thereof ;  and  that 
<re  have  not  endeavoured  to  receive  Christ  in  our  hearts,  nor  to  walk 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  125 

worthy  of  Him  in  our  lives ;  which  are  the  causes  of  other  sins  and 
transgressions  so  much  abounding  amongst  us :  and  our  true  and  un- 
feigned purpose,  desire,  and  endeavour,  for  ourselves,  and  all  others 
under  our  power  and  charge,  both  in  public  and  private,  in  all  duties 
we  owe  to  God  and  man,  to  amend  our  lives,  and  each  one  to  go  before 
another  in  the  example  of  a  real  reformation ;  that  the  Lord  may  turn 
away  His  wrath  and  heavy  indignation,  and  establish  these  Churches 
and  kingdoms  in  truth  and  peace.  And  this  Covenant  we  make  in  the 
presence  of  Almighty  God,  the  Searcher  of  all  hearts,  with  a  true  in- 
tention to  perform  the  same,  as  we  shall  answer  at  that  great  day,  when 
the  secrets  of  all  hearts  shall  be  disclosed :  most  humbly  beseeching  the 
Lord  to  strengthen  us  by  His  Holy  Spirit  for  this  end,  and  to  bless 
our  desires  and  proceedings  with  such  success,  as  may  be  deliverance 
and  safety  to  His  people,  and  encouragement  to  other  Christian  Churches, 
groaning  under,  or  in  danger  of  the  yoke  of  antichristian  tyranny,  to 
join  in  the  same  or  like  association  and  covenant,  to  the  glory  of  God, 
the  enlargement  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  Christian  kingdoms  and  commonwealths." 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  any  calm,  unprejudiced, 
thoughtful,  and  religious  man  can  peruse  the  preceding 
very  solemn  document,  without  feeling  upon  his  mind  an 
overawing  sense  of  its  sublimity  and  sacredness.  The  most 
important  of  man's  interests  for  time  and  for  eternity  are 
included  within  its  ample  scope,  and  made  the  subjects  of 
a  Solemn  League  with  each  other,  and  a  sacred  Covenant 
with  God.  Eeligion,  liberty,  and  peace,  are  the  great  ele- 
ments of  human  welfare,  to  the  preservation  of  which  it 
bound  the  empire ;  and  as  these  by  whom  it  was  framed 
knew  well  that  there  can  be  no  safety  for  these  in  a  land 
where  the  mind  of  the  community  is  dark  with  ignorance, 
warped  by  superstition,  misled  by  error,  and  degraded  by 
tyranny,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  they  pledged  themselves 
to  seek  extirpation  of  these  pernicious  evils.  Yet  it  was 
the  evils  themselves,  and  not  the  persons  of  those  in  whom 
those  evils  prevailed,  that  they  sought  to  extirpate.  Nor  was 
there  any  inconsistency  in  declaring  that  they  sought  to 
promote  the  honour  and  happiness  of  the  King,  while  thus 


126  HISTORl'   OF   THE 

uniting  in  a  Covenant  against  that  double  despotism  which 
he  strove  to  exercise.  For  no  intelligent  person  will  deny, 
that  it  is  immeasurably  more  glorious  for  a  monarch  to  be 
the  king  of  freemen,  than  a  tyrant  over  slaves ;  and  that 
whatsoever  promotes  the  true  mental,  moral,  and  religious 
greatness  of  a  kingdom,  promotes  also  its  civil  welfare,  and 
elevates  the  true  dignity  of  its  sovereign.  This,  the  mind 
of  Charles  was  not  comprehensive  enough  to  learn,  nor 
wise  enough  to  know,  especially  as  he  was  misled  by  the 
prelatic  faction,  who,  while  seeking  their  own  aggrandize- 
ment, led  him  to  believe  that  they  were  zealous  only  for 
his  glory, — a  glory  the  very  essence  of  which  was  the  utter 
annihilation  of  all  liberty,  civil  and  religious.  And  as  this 
desperate  and  fatal  prelatic  policy  was  well  known  to  the 
patriotic  framers  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  they 
attached  no  direct  blame  to  the  King  himself,  but  sought 
to  rescue  him  from  the  evil  influence  of  those  by  whose 
pernicious  counsels  he  was  misled.  Aware,  also,  how  often 
the  wisest  and  best  schemes  are  perverted  and  destroyed 
by  the  base  intrigues  of  selfish  and  designing  men,  the 
Covenanters  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to  each  other 
and  to  God,  not  to  suffer  themselves  to  be  divided  or  with- 
drawn from  the  constant  and  persevering  prosecution  of 
their  great  and  sacred  cause,  till  its  triumph  should  be 
secured,  or  their  own  lives  terminate.  In  this  strong  resolu- 
tion were  nrrolved,  a  lofty  singleness  of  purpose,  deliberate 
determination,  and  not  only  self-denial,  but,  if  necessary, 
self-sacrifice,  that  to  the  world  a  great  example  might  be 
given  for  better  times  to  follow  and  to  realise. 

Such  were  the  great  principles  of  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant ;  and,  while  it  is  easy,  very  easy,  to  frame 
captious  objections  against  minor  points  and  forms  of  expres- 
sion, as  is  very  often  done,  we  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that 
in  our  opinion,  no  man  who  is  able  to  understand  its  nature, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  127 

and  to  feel  and  appreciate  its  spirit  and  its  aim,  will  deny 
it  to  be  the  wisest,  the  sublimest,  and  the  most  sacred 
document  ever  framed  by  uninspired  men.  But,  as  after- 
wards appeared,  it  was  premature  ;  it  far  outwent  the  spirit 
of  the  time ;  it  was  understood  and  valued  but  by  few ; 
and  it  was  regarded  by  all  who  could  not  understand  it 
with  the  most  intense  and  bitter  hatred,  mingled  and  in- 
creased by  fear.  Let  not,  however,  this  admission  be  taken 
in  its  most  unlimited  sense.  If  the  Solemn  League  and 
•Covenant  was  premature,  that  detracts  not  from  its  real 
value  j  it  only  proves  that  it  was  promulgated  in  ignorant 
and  "  evil  times,  with  darkness  and  with  dangers  compassed 
round."  And  let  these  questions  be  asked  and  thoughtfully 
answered  : — Has  it  perished  amid  the  strife  of  tongues  1 
Has  it  sunk  into  oblivion,  and  ceased  to  be  a  living  element 
in  the  quick  realms  of  thought  1  Are  there  none  by  whom 
it  is  still  regarded  with  sacred  veneration  1  Is  it  not  true, 
that,  at  this  very  moment,1  there  are  many  minds  of  great 
power  and  energy,  earnestly  engaged  in  reviving  its  mighty 
principles,  and  fearlessly  holding  them  forth  before  the 
world's  startled  gaze  1  And  if  such  be  the  case,  may  it  not 
be,  that  what  two  hundred  years  ago  was  premature,  has 
now  nearly  reached  the  period  of  a  full  maturity,  and  is  on 
the  point  of  raising  up  its  sacred  and  majestic  head,  "  strong 
in  the  Lord  and  in  the  power  of  His  might  1" 
1  The  reference  is  to  May  1843. 


128  HISTORY   OF    THE 


CHAPTER    III. 

PARTIES   IX   THE   WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY. 

Episcopalians. — Puritans  or  English  Presbyterians. — Independents  cr 
Congregationalists.— Characters  of  the  Leaders  of  that  Party.— 
Erastiaus. — The  Leading  supporters  of  that  Party. — The  Scottish 
Commissioners.  —  Their  Characters.  —  Sectarians  throughout  the 
Country. — Cause  of  so  many  Sects. — Prelatic  tyranny  and  neglect 
of  Instruction. — Connection  and  Intercourse  between  the  Sectarians 
and  the  Independents  in  the  Assembly. — The  misapplication  of  the- 
term  Toleration. — Remarks. 

Before  proceeding  to  relate  the  discussions  of  the  "West- 
minster Assembly  of  Divines,  thus  finally  constituted  and 
prepared  for  its  duties,  it  may  be  expedient  to  give  a  brief 
view  of  the  parties,  by  the  combination  of  which  it  was 
from  the  first  composed,  by  whose  jarring  contentions  its 
progress  was  retarded,  and  by  whose  divisions  and  mutual 
hostilities  its  labours  were  at  length  frustrated  and  pre- 
vented from  obtaining  their  due  result. 

When  the  Parliament  issed  the  Ordinance  for  calling 
together  an  Assembly  of  Divines  for  consultation  and  ad- 
vice, there  was,  it  will  be  remembered,  actually  no  legalised 
form  of  Church  government  in  England,  so  far  as  depended 
on  the  Legislature.  Even  Charles  himself  had  consented 
to  the  Bill  removing  the  Prelates  from  the  House  of  Lords ; 
and  though  the  Bill  abolishing  the  hierarchy  had  not 
obtained  the  royal  sanction,  yet  the  greater  part  of  the 
kingdom  regarded  it  as  conclusive  on  that  point.  The 
chief  object  of  the  Parliament,  therefore,  was  to  determine 
what  form  of  Church  government  was  to  be  established  by 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  129 

law,  in  the  room  of  that  which  had  been  abolished.  And 
as  their  desire  was  to  secure  a  form  which  should  both  be 
generally  acceptable,  and  should  also  bear,  at  least,  a  close 
resemblance  to  the  form  most  prevalent  in  other  reformed 
Churches,  they  attempted  to  act  impartially,  and,  in  their 
ordinance,  they  selected  some  of  each  denomination,  ap- 
pointing Bishops,  untitled  Episcopalians,  Puritans,  and 
Independents.  Several  Episcopalians,  and  at  least  one 
bishop,  were  present  in  the  first  meeting  of  the  Assembly. 
But  when  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  proposed 
and  taken,  and  when  the  King  issued  his  condemnation  of 
it,  all  the  decided  Episcopalians  left,  with  the  exception  of 
Dr  Featly.  He  remained  a  member  of  the  Assembly  for 
some  time ;  till,  being  detected  corresponding  with  Arch- 
bishop Ussher,  and  revealing  the  proceedings  of  the  As- 
sembly, he  was  cut  off  from  that  venerable  body,  and 
committed  to  prison1  From  that  time  forward  there  were 
no  direct  supporters  of  Prelacy  in  the  Assembly,  and  the 
protracted  controversial  discussions  which  arose  were  on 
other  subjects  ;  on  which  account  we  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  Episcopalian  controversy,  beyond  what  has  been 
already  stated  in  our  preliminary  pages. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  close  alliance  which 
the  English  Parliament  sought  with  Scotland,  and  the 
ground  taken  by  the  Scottish  Convention  of  Estates  and 
General  Assembly,  in  requiring  not  only  an  international 
league,  but  also  a  religious  covenant,  tended  greatly  to 
direct  the  mind  of  the  English  statesmen  and  divines 
towards  the  Presbyterian  form  of  Church  government,  and 
exercised  a  powerful  influence  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
"Westminster  Assembly.  But  let  it  be  also  remembered, 
that  in  every  one  of  the  reformed  continental  Churches, 
either  the  Presbyterian  form,  or  one  very  closely  resembling 

1  Meal,  vol.  ii.  pp.  234,  235. 
l 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE 

it,  had  been  adopted  ;  and  that  the  Puritans  had  already 
formed  themselves  into  Presbyteries,  held  Presbyterial  meet- 
ings, and  endeavoured  to  exercise  Presbyterian  discipline, 
in  the  reception,  suspension,  and  rejection  of  members. 
Both  the  example  of  other  Churches,  therefore,  and  their 
own  already  begun  practice,  had  led  them  so  far  onward  to 
the  Presbyterian  model,  that  they  would  almost  inevitably 
have  assumed  it  altogether  apart  from  the  influence  of 
Scotland.  In  truth,  that  influence  was  exerted  and  felt 
almost  solely  in  the  way  of  instruction,  from  a  Church 
already  formed,  to  one  in  the  process  of  formation  ;  and 
none  would  have  been  more  ready  than  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners themselves  to  have  repudiated  the  very  idea  of 
any  other  kind  of  influence.  It  may  be  said,  therefore, 
with  the  most  strict  propriety,  that  the  native  aim  and 
tendency  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  was  to  establish 
the  Presbyterian  form  of  Church  government  in  England, 
the  great  body  of  English  Puritans  having  gradually  be- 
come Presbyterians.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  both 
Pym  and  Hampden  favoured  the  Presbyterian  system  ;  but 
their  early  and  lamented  death  deprived  that  cause  of  their 
powerful  support,  and  the  House  of  Commons  of  their  able 
and  steady  guidance.  The  chief  promoters  of  Presbytery 
in  the  House  of  Commons  were,  Sir  William  Waller,  Sir 
Philip  Stapleton,  Sir  John  Clotworthy,  Sir  Benjamin  Pud- 
yard,  Colonel  Massey,  Colonel  Harley,  Serjeant  Maynard, 
Denzil  Hollis,  John  Glynn,  and  a  few  more  of  less  influen- 
tial character. 

The  Independents,  or  Congregationalists,  formed  another 
party,  few  in  point  of  number,  but  men  of  considerable 
talent  and  learning,  of  undoubted  piety,  of  great  pertinacity 
in  adhering  to  their  own  opinions,  and,  we  are  constrained 
to  say,  well  skilled  in  the  artifices  of  intriguing  policy. 
The  origin  of  the  Independent  system  has  been  already 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  131 

stated  briefly  in  our  introductory  remarks,  and  will  require 
little  further  elucidation.  It  was,  according  to  the  state- 
ment of  its  adherents,  a  medium  between  the  Brownists 
and  the  Presbyterian  systems.  They  did  not,  with  the 
Brownists,  condemn  every  other  Church  as  too  corrupt  and 
antichristian  for  intercommunion, — for  they  professed  to 
agree  in  doctrine  both  with  the  Church  of  England  in  its 
Articles,  and  with  the  other  reformed  Churches ;  but  they 
held  the  entire  power  of  government  to  belong  to  each 
separate  congregation ;  and  they  practically  admitted  no 
Church  censure  but  admonition, — for  that  cannot  properly 
be  called  excommunication  which  consisted  not  in  expelling 
from  their  body  an  obstinate  and  impenitent  offender,  but 
in  withdrawing  themselves  from  him.  With  regard  to 
their  boast  of  being  the  first  advocates  of  toleration  and 
liberty  of  conscience,  that  will  come  to  be  examined  here- 
after :  this  only  need  be  said  at  present,  that  toleration  is 
naturally  the  plea  of  the  weaker  party ;  that  the  term  was 
then,  has  been  since,  and  still  is,  much  misunderstood  and 
misused;  and  that  wherever  the  Independents  possessed 
power,  as  in  New  England,  they  showed  themselves  to  be 
.as  intolerant  as  any  of  their  opponents. 

The  leading  Independents  in  the  Westminster  Assembly 
were,  Dr  Thomas  Goodwin,  Philip  Nye,  Jeremiah  Burroughs, 
William  Bridge,  and  Sidrach  Simpson.  These  men  had  at 
first  been  silenced  by  the  violent  persecution  of  Laud  and 
Wren,  and  had  then  retired  to  Holland, — where  they  con- 
tinued exercising  their  ministry  among  their  expatriated 
countrymen  for  several  years.  Goodwin  and  Nye  resided 
at  Arnheim,  where  they  were  highly  esteemed  for  their 
piety  and  talents.  Bridge  went  to  Eoterdam,  where  he 
became  pastor  of  an  English  congregation,  previously  formed 
by  the  notorious  Hugh  Peters.  Borroughs  went  also  to 
Rotterdam,  and  became  connected  with  the  congregation 


132 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


then  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Bridge,  in  what  was  termed 
the  different  but  co-ordinate  office  of  teacher.  Simpson 
subsequently  joined  himself  to  the  two  preceding  brethren, 
having,  according  to  their  system,  given  an  account  of  his 
faith.  But  though  at  first  highly  approving  the  order  of 
the  church  under  the  care  of  Mr  Bridge,  he  subsequently 
proposed  some  alterations  which  would,  as  he  thought, 
promote  its  welfare, — particularly  the  revival  of  the  pro- 
phesy ings  used  by  the  old  Puritans.  This  Mr  Bridge 
opposed,  and  Mr  Simpson  withdrew  from  communion  with 
him,  and  formed  a  church  for  himself.1  The  quarrel,  how- 
ever, did  not  so  terminate.  Mr  Ward,  another  ejected 
Puritan,  having  about  the  same  time  retired  to  Holland, 
came  to  Eotterdam,  and  having  joined  Mr  Bridge's  church, 
was  appointed  his  colleague  in  the  pastoral  office.  He, 
too,  wished  for  additional  improvements  ;  and  as  he  did 
not  retire,  like  Simpson,  but  continued  the  struggle,  Bridge 
thought  it  necessary  to  depose  him  from  the  ministry, — 
which  his  superior  influence  in  the  congregation  enabled 
him  to  accomplish.  To  prevent  the  evil  consequences 
which  might  have  resulted  from  these  unhappy  divisions, 
Goodwin  and  Nye  came  from  Arnheim,  instituted  an  inves- 
tigation of  the  whole  matter,  and  induced  the  two  contend- 
ing brethren  and  their  adherents  to  acknowledge  their 
mutual  faults,  and  to  be  reconciled.2  The  reconciliation, 
however,  appears  to  have  been  but  superficial,  and  to  have 
required  the  interposition  of  the  magistracy  ere  it  could  be 
even  plausibly  effected.  Such  divisions  might  have  caused 
these  divines  to  entertain  some  suspicion  that  the  model  of 
Church  government  which  they  had  adopted  was  not  alto- 
gether so  perfect  as  they  wished  it  to  be  thought ;   but  so 


1  Brook's  Lives  of  the  Puritans,  vol.  iii.  p.  312. 

2  Brook,  vol.  ii.  p.  454 ;  Edward's  Antapologia,  pp.  115-11' 
Dissuasive,  pp.  75-77. 


Baillie'e 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  133 

far  as  their  subsequent  conduct,  as  members  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  is  concerned,  this  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  the  case  in  even  the  slightest  degree.  When  the 
contest  between  the  King  and  the  Parliament  had  become 
so  extreme  that  the  Parliament  declared  its  own  contin- 
uation as  permanent  as  it  might  itself  think  necessary, 
and  began  to  threaten  the  abolition  of  the  whole  prelatic 
hierarchy,  the  above-named  five  Independent  divines  re- 
turned to  England,  prepared  to  assist  in  the  long-sought 
reformation  of  religion,  and  to  avail  themselves  of  every 
opportunity  which  might  occur  to  promote  their  favourite 
system.  And  admitting  them  to  be  conscientiously  con- 
vinced of  its  superior  excellency,  they  deserve  no  censure 
for  desiring  to  see  it  universally  received.  In  every  such 
case,  all  that  can  be  wished  is,  that  each  party  should 
prosecute  its  purpose  honourably  and  openly,  in  the  fair 
field  of  frank  and  manly  argument,  with  Christian  candour 
and  integrity ;  and  not  by  factious  opposition,  or  with 
the  dark  and  insidious  craft  too  characteristic  of  worldly 
politicians. 

Of  these  five  leading  Independents,  often  termed  "  The 
Five  Dissenting  Brethren,"  Goodwin  appears  to  have  been 
the  deepest  theologian,  and  perhaps  altogether  the  ablest 
man  ;  Nye,  the  most  acute  and  subtile,  and  the  best  skilled 
in  holding  intercourse  with  worldly  politicians  ;  Burroughs, 
the  most  gentle  and  pacific  in  temper  and  character ;  Bridge 
is  said  to  have  been  a  man  of  considerable  attainments, 
and  a  very  labourious  student ;  and  Simpson  bears  also  a 
respectable  character  as  a  preacher,  though  not  peculiarly 
distinguished  in  public  debate.  To  these  Baillie  adds,  as 
Independents,  Joseph  Caryl,  William  Carter  (of  London), 
John  Philips,  and  Peter  Sterry, — naming  nine,  but  saying 
that  there  were  "  some  ten  or  eleven."1  Neal  adds  Anthony 
1  Bailie,  vol.  ii.  p.  110. 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Burgess  and  TVilliani  Greenhill.1  Some  of  the  views  of 
the  Independents  were  occasionally  supported  by  Herle, 
Marshall,  and  Vines,  and  some  few  others ;  but  none  of 
these  men  are  to  be  included  in  the  number  of  the  decided 
Independents. 

The  third  party  in  the  Assembly  were  the  Erastians ; 
so  called  from  Erastus,  a  physician  at  Hiedelberg,  who 
wrote  on  the  subject  of  Church  government,  especially  in 
respect  of  excommunication,  in  the  year  15 68.  His  theory 
was. — That  the  pastoral  office  is  only  persuasive,  Eke  that 
of  a  professor  over  his  students,  without  any  direct  power ; 
that  baptism,  the  Lord's  supper,  and  all  other  gospel  ordin- 
ances, were  free  and  open  to  all ;  and  that  the  minister 
might  state  and  explain  what  were  the  proper  qualifications, 
and  might  dissuade  the  vicious  and  unqualified  from  the 
commimion,  but  had  no  power  to  refuse  it,  or  to  inflict  any 
kind  of  censure.  The  punishment  of  all  offences,  whether 
of  a  civil  or  a  religious  nature,  belonged,  according  to  this 
theory,  exclusively  to  the  civil  magistrate.  The  tendency 
of  this  theory  was,  to  destroy  entirely  all  ecclesiastical  and 
spiritual  jurisdiction,  to  deprive  the  Church  of  all  power  of 
government,  and  to  make  it  completely  the  mere  "  creature 
of  the  State."  The  pretended  advantage  of  this  theory 
was,  that  it  prevented  the  existence  of  an  imperium  in 
imperio,  or  one  government  within  another,  of  a  distinct 
and  independent  nature.  But  the  real  disadvantage,  in 
the  most  mitigated  view  that  can  be  taken,  was,  that  it 
reproduced  what  may  be  termed  a  civil  Popedom,  by  com- 
bining civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  giving  both 
into  the  possession  of  one  irresponsible  power, — thereby 
destroying  both  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  subjecting 
men  to  an  absolute  and  irremediable  despotism.  In  another 
point  of  view,  the  Erastian  theory  assumes  a  still  darker 
1  Xeal.  toL  ii.  pp.  275,  360 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  135 

and  formidable  aspect.  It  necessarily  denies  the  mediatorial 
Sovereignty  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  over  His  Church, — 
takes  the  power  of  the  keys  from  His  office-bearers  and 
gives  them  to  the  civil  magistrate, — destroys  liberty  of  con- 
science, by  making  spiritual  matters  subject  to  the  same 
coercive  power  as  temporal  affairs  naturally  and  properly 
are ;  and  thus  involves  both  State  and  Church  in  reciprocal 
and  mutually  destructive  sin, — the  State,  in  usurping  a 
power  which  God  has  not  given  ;  and  the  Church,  in  yield- 
ing what  she  is  not  at  liberty  to  yield — the  sacred  crown- 
rights  of  the  divine  Eedeemer,  her  only  Head  and  King. 

But  as  the  Erastian  controversy  will  come  fully  before 
us  in  the  debates  of  the  Assembly,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
enter  upon  it  here.  There  were  only  two  divines  in  the 
Assembly  who  advocated  the  Erastian  theory ;  and  of 
these,  one  alone  was  decidedly  and  thoroughly  Erastian. 
The  divine  to  whom  this  unenviable  pre-eminence  must  be 
assigned,  was  Thomas  Coleman,  minister  at  Blyton  in  Lin- 
colnshire. He  was  aided  generally,  but  not  always,  by 
Lightfoot,  in  the  various  discussions  that  arose  involving 
Erastian  opinions.  Both  of  these  divines  were  eminently 
distinguished  by  their  attainments  in  Oriental  literature, 
particularly  in  rabbinical  lore  ;  and  their  attachment  to  the 
study  of  Hebrew  literature  and  customs  led  them  to  the 
conclusion,  that  the  Christian  Church  was  to  be  in  every 
respect  constituted  according  to  the  model  of  the  Jewish 
Church  :  and  having  formed  the  opinion  that  there  was 
but  one  jurisdiction  in  Israel,  combining  both  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  and  that  this  was  held  by  the  Hebrew 
monarchs,  they  concluded  that  the  same  blended  govern- 
ment ought  to  prevail  under  the  Christian  dispensation. 
Of  the  lay  assessors  in  the  Assembly  the  chief  Erastians 
were,  the  learned  Selden,  Mr  Whitelocke,  and  Mr  St  John; 
but  though  Selden  was  the  only  one  of  them  whose  argu- 


136  HISTORY   OF   THE 

ments  were  influential  in  the  Assembly  itself,  yet  nearly 
all  the  Parliament  held  sentiments  decidedly  Erastian,  and 
having  seized  the  power  of  Church  government,  were  not 
disposed  to  yield  it  up,  be  the  opinion  of  the  assembled 
divines  what  it  might.  Hence,  though  the  Erastian  divines 
were  only  two,  yet  their  opinions,  supported  by  the  whole 
civil  authority  in  the  kingdom,  were  almost  sure  to  triumph 
in  the  end.  This,  in  one  point  of  view,  was  not  strange. 
The  kingdom  had  suffered  so  much  severe  and  protracted 
injury  from  the  usurped  authority  and  power  of  the  Prelates, 
that  the  assertors  of  civil  liberty  almost  instinctively  shrunk 
from  even  the  shadow  of  any  kind  of  power  in  the  hands 
of  ecclesiastics.  A  little  less  passion  and  fear,  and  a  little 
more  judgment  and  discrimination,  might  have  rescued 
them  from  this  groundless  apprehension  ;  and  they  might 
have  perceived  that  freedom,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
would  be  best  secured  by  the  full  and  authoritative  recog- 
nition of  their  respective  jurisdictions,  separate  and  inde- 
pendent. But  indeed  this  is  a  truth  which  has  yet  to  be 
learned  by  civil  governments, — a  truth  unknown  to  ancient 
times,  in  which  religion  was  eitheir  an  engine  of  the  State 
or  the  object  of  persecution, — a  truth  unknown  during  the 
period  of  Papal  ascendency,  in  which  the  Eomish  priesthood 
usurped  dominion  over  civil  governments,  and  exercised  its 
tyranny  alike  over  the  persons  and  the  conscience  of  man- 
kind,— a  truth  first  brought  to  light  in  the  great  religious  re- 
formation of  the  sixteenth  century, — but  not  then,  nor  even 
yet,  fully  developed,  rightly  understood,  and  permitted  to 
exercise  its  free  and  sacred  supremacy.  That  it  will  finally 
assume  its  due  dominion  over  the  minds  and  actions  of  all 
bodies  of  men,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  we  cannot  doubt ; 
and  then,  but  not  till  then,  will  the  two  dread  counterpart 
elements  of  human  degradation,  tyranny  and  slavery,  become 
alike  impossible. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  137 

Into  these  three  great  parties,  Presbyterian,  Independent, 
and  Erastian,  was  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines 
divided,  even  when  first  it  met ;  and  it  was  inevitable  that 
a  contest  would  be  waged  among  them  for  the  ascendency, 
ending  most  probably  either  in  increased  hostility  and 
absolute  disruption,  or  in  some  mutual  compromise,  to 
which  all  might  assent,  though  perhaps  with  the  cordial 
approbation  of  none.  The  strength  of  these  parties  was 
more  evenly  balanced  at  first  than  might  have  been  ex- 
pected. The  Puritans,  though  all  of  them  had  received 
Episcopal  ordination,  and  had  been  exercising  their  ministry 
in  the  Church  of  England,  under  the  hierarchy,  were  nearly 
all  Presbyterians,  or  at  least  quite  williug  to  adopt  that 
form  of  Church  government,  though  many  of  them  would 
have  consented  to  a  modified  Episcopacy  on  the  Usserian 
model.  Their  influence  in  the  city  of  London  was  para- 
mount, and  throughout  the  country  was  very  considerable ; 
and  as  they  formed  the  most  natural  connecting  link  with 
Scotland,  they  occupied  a  position  of  very  great  importance. 
Although  the  Independents  were  but  a  small  minority  in 
the  Assembly,  yet  various  circumstances  combined  to  render 
them  by  no  means  a  weak  or  insignificant  party.  They 
were  supported  in  the  House  of  Peers  by  Lord  Say  and 
Sele,  and  frequently  also  by  Lords  Brooke  and  Kimbolton, 
— the  latter  of  whom  is  better  known  by  his  subsequent 
title  of  Lord  Manchester.  Philip  Nye,  one  of  the  leading 
Independents,  had  been  appointed  to  Kimbolton  by  the  in- 
fluence of  Lord  Kimbolton,  and  continued  to  maintain  a  con- 
stant intercourse  with  him,  both  while  he  was  acting  as  a  legis- 
lator, and  when  leading  the  armies  of  the  Parliament.  It  is 
even  asserted  by  Palmer,  in  his  "Nonconformist's  Memorial," 
that  Nye's  advice  was  sought  and  followed  in  the  nomination 
of  the  divines  who  were  called  to  the  Assembly.1  And 
1  Palmer's  Nonconformist's  Memorial,  vol.  i.  p.  96. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


when,  further,  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  Oliver  Cromwell 
was  an  Independent,  and  acted  as  lieutenant-general  under 
Lord  Manchester,  it  will  easily  be  perceived  that  Nye's 
intercourse  with  the  army  was  direct  and  influential,  and 
that  thus  the  Five  Dissenting  Brethren  were  able  to  em- 
ploy a  mighty  political  influence.  Nor  can  the  Erastian 
party  be  justly  termed  feeble,  though  formed  by  not  more 
than  two  divines,  and  a  few  of  the  lay  assessors,  who 
were  not  always  present ;  for  both  Coleman  and  Lightfoot 
were  influential  men,  on  account  of  their  reputation  for 
learning,  in  which  they  were  scarcely  inferior  to  Selden 
himself,  in  the  department  of  Hebrew  literature.  So 
high  was  Selden's  fame,  that  any  cause  might  be  deemed 
strong  which  he  supported  ;  and  "Whitelocke  and  St  John 
possessed  so  much  political  influence  in  Parliament  that 
they  could  not  fail  to  exercise  great  power  in  every  matter 
which  they  promoted  or  opposed.  But  the  main  strength 
of  the  Erastian  theory  consisted  in  the  combination  of  three 
potent  elements  ; — the  natural  love  of  holding  and  exercis- 
ing power,  which  is  common  to  all  men  and  parties,  tend- 
ing to  render  the  Parliament  reluctant  to  relinquish  that 
ecclesiastical  supremacy  which  they  had  with  such  difficulty 
wrested  from  the  Sovereign  ;  their  want  of  acquaintance 
with  the  true  nature  of  Presbyterian  Church  government, 
which  led  them  to  dread  that  if  allowed  free  scope  it  might 
prove  as  oppressive  as  even  the  Prelatical,  beneath  whose 
weighty  and  galling  yoke  the  nation  was  still  down-bent  and 
bleeding ;  and  the  strong  instinctive  antipathy  which  fallen 
human  nature  feels  against  the  spirituality  and  the  power  of 
vital  godliness.  It  is  easy  to  perceive,  that  the  theory  which 
was  supported  by  these  three  elements  in  thorough  and 
vigorous  union,  was  one  which  it  would  be  no  easy  matter 
to  encounter  and  defeat ;  or  rather,  was  one  over  which 
nothing  but  divine  power  could  possibly  gain  the  victory. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  139 

The  Scottish  Commissioners  cannot  with  propriety  be 
regarded  as  forming  a  party  in  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
as  they  and  the  English  Presbyterians  were  in  all  important 
matters  completely  identified.     Still  it  may  be  expedient 
to  give  a  very  brief  account  of  men  who  occupied  a  position 
so  important,  and  exercised  for  a  time  so  great  an  influence 
on  the  affairs  of  both  kingdoms.     Their  names  have  been 
already  mentioned;  and  it  has  also  been  stated,  that  neither 
the  Earl   of  Cassilis  nor  the  Rev.  Robert  Douglas  ever 
attended  the  Westminster  Assembly.     Lord  Maitland  and 
Archibald  Johnston  of  Warriston  gave  regular  attendance, 
and  took  deep  interest  in  the  proceedings.     At  that  time 
Lord  Maitland  appeared  to  be  very  zealous  in  the  cause  of 
religious  reformation,  and  a  thorough  Presbyterian  ;  but, 
as  afterwards  appeared,  his  zeal  was  more  of  a  political  than 
of  a  religious  character.     After  the  restoration  of  Charles 
II.,  he  conformed  to  Prelacy,  became  the  chief  adviser  of 
that  monarch  in  Scottish  affairs,  received  the  title  of  Duke 
of  Lauderdale,  and  is  too  well  known  in  Scottish  history 
as  a  ruthless  and  bloody  persecutor.     Johnston  of  Warris- 
ton was  in  heart  and  soul  a  Covenanter  on  religious,  not 
political  principles  ;  from  which  he  never  swerved.     One 
only  stain  appears  in  his  life,  if  stain  it  can  be  called, — his 
consenting  to  receive  office  under  the  government  of  Crom- 
well, after  that  remarkable  man   had  reduced  the  three 
kingdoms  to  his  sway,  and  when  there  was  every  reason  to 
expect  that  his  dominion  would  be  lasting.     Such  being 
the  case,  Warriston  had  but  to  choose  to  serve  his  country 
under  Cromwell,  or  not  to  serve  it  at  all.     He  chose  the 
former  alternative  j   and  after  the   Restoration,  was  con- 
strained to  flee  from  Scotland  to  escape  the  mean  vindictive 
hostility  of  the  King.     Having  been  at  length  seized  by 
his  pursuers,  he  was  dragged  back  to  his  native  country, 
that  his  enemies  might  satiate  their  malice  by  murdering 


140  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  inch  of  life  that  existed  in  his  aged  and  feeble  form. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  strength  and  clearness  of  intellect, 
fervidly  eloquent  in  speech,  and  of  inflexible  integrity. 

The  four  Scottish  divines  were  in  every  respect  distin- 
guished men,  and  would  have  been  so  regarded  in  any  age 
or  country.  Alexander  Henderson  was,  however,  cheerfully 
admitted  to  be  beyond  comparison  the  most  eminent.  His 
learning  was  extensive  rather  than  minute,  corresponding 
to  the  character  of  his  mind,  of  which  the  distinguishing 
elements  were  dignity  and  comprehensiveness.  When  called 
to  quit  the  calm  seclusion  of  the  country  parish  where  he 
had  spent  so  many  years,  and  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland  in  her  hour  of  need,  he  at  once  proved 
himself  able  to  conduct  and  control  the  complicated  move- 
ments of  an  awakening  empire.  Statesmen  sought  his 
counsel ;  but  with  equal  propriety  and  disinterestedness  he 
refused  to  concern  himself  with  anything  beyond  what 
belonged  to  the  Church, — although  the  very  reverse  has 
often  been  asserted  by  his  prelatic  calumniators.  Though 
long  and  incessantly  engaged  in  the  most  stirring  events  ot 
a  remarkably  momentous  period,  his  actions,  his  writings, 
his  speeches,  are  all  characterised  by  calmness  and  ease, 
without  the  slighest  appearance  of  heat  or  agitation ; — result- 
ing unquestionably  from  that  aspect  of  character  generally 
termed  greatness  of  mind  ;  but  which  would  in  him  be  more 
properly  characterised  by  describing  it  as  a  rare  combination 
of  intellectual  power,  moral  dignity,  and  spiritual  elevation. 
It  was  the  condition  of  a  mighty  mind,  enjoying  the  peace 
of  God  which  passeth  understanding, — a  peace  winch  the 
world  had  not  given,  and  could  not  take  away. 

George  Gillespie  was  one  of  that  peculiar  class  of  men 
who  start  like  meteors  into  sudden  splendour,  shine  with 
dazzling  brilliancy,  then  suddenly  set  behind  the  tomb, 
leaving  their  compeers  equally  to  admire  and  to  deplore. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  141 

When  but  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  he  published  a  book 
against  what  he  termed  the  "  English  Popish  Ceremonies," 
which  Charles  and  Laud  were  attempting  to  force  upon  the 
Church  of  Scotland.  This  work,  though  the  production  of 
a  youth,  displayed  an  amount  and  accuracy  of  learning 
which  would  have  done  honour  to  any  man  of  the  most 
mature  years  and  scholarship.  In  the  Assembly  of  Divines, 
though  much  the  youngest  member  there,  he  proved  him- 
self one  of  the  most  able  and  ready  debaters,  encountering, 
not  only  on  equal  terms,  but  often  with  triumphant  success, 
each  with  his  own  weapons,  the  most  learned,  subtile,  and 
profound  of  his  antagonists.  He  must  have  been  no  com- 
mon man  who  was  ready  on  any  emergency  to  meet,  and 
frequently  to  foil,  by  their  own  acknowledgment,  such  men 
as  Selden,  Lightfoot,  and  Coleman,  in  the  Erastian  contro- 
versy ;  and  Goodwin  and  Nye  in  their  argument  for  In- 
dependency. Eut  the  excessive  activity  of  his  ardent  and 
energetic  mind  wore  out  his  frame  ;  and  he  returned  from 
his  labours  in  the  Westminster  Assembly,  to  see  once  more 
the  church  and  the  land  of  his  fathers,  and  to  die. 

Samuel  Eutherford  gained,  and  still  holds,  an  extensive 
reputation  by  his  religious  works ;  but  he  was  not  less  emi- 
nent in  his  own  day  as  an  acute  and  able  controversialist. 
The  characteristics  of  his  mind  were,  clearness  of  intellect, 
warmth  and  earnestness  of  affection,  and  loftiness  and 
spirituality  of  devotional  feeling.  He  could  and  did  write 
vigorously  against  the  Independent  system,  and  at  the 
same  time,  love  and  esteem  the  men  who  held  it.  In  his 
celebrated  work,  "Lex  Eex,"  he  not  only  entered  the 
regions  of  constitutional  jurists,  but  even  produced  a  treatise 
unrivalled  yet  as  an  exposition  of  the  true  principles  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty.  His  "  Eeligious  Letters  "  have 
been  long  admired  by  all  who  could  understand  and  feel 
what  true  religion  is  ;  though  grovelling  and  impure  minds 


142  HISTORY   OF   THE 

have  striven  to  blight  their  reputation  by  dwelling  on 
occasional  forms  of  expression,  not  necessarily  unseemly  in 
the  homeliness  of  phrase  used  in  familiar  letters,  and  con- 
veying nothing  offensive  according  to  the  language  of  the 
times.  His  powers  of  debate  were  very  considerable,  being 
characterised  by  clearness  of  distinction  in  stating  his 
opinions,  and  a  close  syllogistic  style  of  reasoning ;  both 
the  result  of  his  remarkable  precision  of  thought. 

Robert  Batilie,  so  well  known  by  his  "  Letters  and 
Journals,**  was  a  man  of  extensive  and  varied  learning, 
both  in  languages  and  systematic  theology.  He  rarely 
mingled  in  debate  ;  but  his  sagacity  was  valuable  in  de- 
liberation, and  his  great  acquirements,  studious  habits,  and 
ready  use  of  his  pen,  rendered  him  an  important  member 
of  such  an  Assembly.  The  singular  ease  and  readiness  of 
Baillie  in  composition,  enabled  him  to  maintain  what  seems 
like  a  universal  correspondence ;  and  at  the  same  time  to 
present  in  a  vivid,  picturesque,  and  exquisitely  natural 
style,  the  very  form  and  impress  of  the  period  in  which  he 
lived,  and  the  great  events  in  which  he  bore  a  part.  And 
when  it  was  necessary  to  refute  errors  by  exhibiting  them 
in  their  real  aspect,  the  vast  reading  and  retentive  memory 
of  Baillie  enabled  him  to  produce  what  was  needed  with 
marvellous  rapidity  and  correctness.  Scarcely  ever  was 
any  man  more  qualified  to  "  catch  the  manners  living  as 
they  rise,"  and  at  the  same  time  to  point  out  with  instinctive 
sagacity  what  in  them  was  wrong  and  dangerous. 

Such  were  the  Scottish  Commissioners  ;  and  it  may 
easily  be  believed  that  they  acted  a  very  important  and 
influential  part  in  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines.1 

But  there  was  another  party  in  England,  though  not 
represented  in  the  Westminster  Assembly,  which  exercised 

i  For  additional  Scottish  Commissioners,  see  page  10G ;  also  Appen- 
dix. Note  D. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  143 

a  commanding  influence  in  the  affairs  of  that  momentous 
period.  Perhaps  it  is  not  strictly  correct  to  call  that  a 
party  which  was  rather  a  vast  mass  of  heterogeneous  ele- 
ments, without  any  principle  of  mutual  coherence,  except 
that  of  united  resistance  and  hostility  to  every  thing  that 
possessed  a  previous  and  authorised  existence.  But  the 
effect  on  the  country  was  even  more  powerful  for  evil  than 
it  could  have  been  had  the  numerous  sects  to  whom  we  are 
referring  been  organised  into  a  party  ;  for  in  that  case  their 
strength  could  have  been  estimated,  their  demands  brought 
forward  in  a  definite  form,  what  was  right  and  reasonable 
granted,  and  what  was  manifestly  wrong  and  unreasonable 
detected  and  exposed.  Even  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Long  Parliament,  there  had  sprung  up  a  great  number  of 
sects,  holding  all  various  shades  of  opinion  in  religious 
matters,  from  such  as  were  simply  absurd,  down  to  those 
that  were  licentiously  wild  and  daringly  blasphemous.  It 
is  almost  impossible  even  to  enumerate  the  Sectarians  that 
rushed  prominently  into  public  manifestation  when  the 
overthrow  of  the  Prelatic  hierarchy  and  government  ren- 
dered it  safe  for  them  to  appear  ;  and  it  would  be  wrong 
to  pollute  our  pages  with  a  statement  of  their  pernicious 
and  horrible  tenets.1  These  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Eaillie's 
"Dissuasive  from  the  Errors  of  the  Times,"  "Edward's 
Gangraena,"  "  A  Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  Jesus  Christ," 
by  the  London  Ministers,  and  other  similar  works  by 
Prynne,  Bastwick,  and  others. 

The  question  may  be  fairly  and  properly  asked,  How  it 

1  "  John  Lillburn  related  it  unto  me,  and  that  in  the  presence  of  others, 
that  returning  from  the  wars  to  London,  he  met  forty  new  sects,  many 
of  them  dangerous  ones,  and  some  so  pernicious,  that  howsoever,  as  he 
said,  he  was  in  Ins  judgment  for  toleration  of  all  religions,  yet  he  pro- 
fessed he  could  scarce  keep  his  hands  off  them,  so  blasphemous  they 
were  in  their  opinions." — Basiicick's  Second  Part  of  Independency,  post- 
script, p.  37.     Lillburn  was  himself  a  Leveller. 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE 

happened  that  so  many  strange  and  dangerous  sects  appeared 
at  that  peculiar  juncture1?  Prelatic  writers  have  been  in 
the  habit  of  asserting  that  it  was  in  consequence  of  the 
overthrow  of  the  Prelatic  Church  government,  when  people 
were  left  to  follow  the  vagaries  of  their  own  unguided 
imagination,  by  which  they  were  led  into  all  the  errors  of 
enthusiastic  frenzy  and  fanatical  darkness.  But  this  solu- 
tion does  not  touch  the  essence  of  the  inquiry,  How  came 
men  to  be  so  prone  to  follow  these  insane  and  dangerous 
errors  ]  In  answer  to  this  question  there  are  at  least  two 
points  to  be  carefully  considered, — how  had  Prelacy  governe d, 
and  how  had  Prelacy  taught,  the  people  of  England]  It 
has  been  already  shown,  that  from  the  very  commencement 
of  the  Eeformation  in  England,  the  principle  of  the  King's 
Supremacy  in  matters  ecclesiastical — a  principle  essentially 
despotic,  by  its  combination  of  civil  and  spiritual  jurisdiction 
— had  been  the  governing  principle  in  the  English  Church. 
At  first  it  showed  its  tyrannical  tendency,  by  imposing 
ceremonies  not  warranted  by  the  "Word  of  God,  and  asso- 
ciated with  Popery ;  and  by  enforcing  these  without  the 
slightest  regard  to  tenderness  of  feeling,  or  liberty  of  con- 
science. Advancing  on  its  despotic  career,  it  interfered 
with  the  forms  and  the  language  of  worship,  prescribing  to 
man  after  what  manner,  and  in  what  terms,  he  was  to 
address  his  Creator,  without  regard  to  that  Creator's  own 
commands.  At  length  it  reached  its  extreme  limits,  and 
presumed  to  exercise  absolute  control  over  the  doctrines 
which  Christ's  ambassadors  were  to  teach ;  thus  rashly 
interfering  not  merely  with  man's  approach  to  God,  but 
also  with  God's  message  to  man.  This  extreme  point  of 
spiritual  despotism  was  reached,  when  the  King  and  his 
Prelates  authoritatively  commanded  the  Lord's-day  to  be 
violated,  and  forbade  any  other  but  the  Arminian  system 
of  doctrine  to  be  preached.     Hence  it  appears  that  Prelatic 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  145 

Church  government  had  proved  itself  to  be  a  complete  and 
oppressive  despotism,  increasing  in  severity  as  it  increased 
in  power.  And  let  it  be  observed,  that  during  its  progress 
it  had  silenced  or  ejected  great  numbers  of  the  ablest  and 
best  ministers  throughout  the  kingdom,  without  scruple 
and  without  mercy.  Such  a  course  of  tyranny  could  not 
fail  to  produce  a  strong  reaction  in  a  high-minded  people 
like  the  English,  causing  them,  in  the  violence  of  the 
revulsion  and  recoil,  to  regard  every  form  of  ecclesiastical 
government  as  inevitably  tyrannical ;  just  as  the  extreme 
of  civil  despotism  tends  to  throw  a  nation  at  one  bound 
into  the  extreme  of  republicanism.  In  this  manner  Prelatic 
tyranny  was  the  very  cause  why  so  many  sects  sprung  up, 
repudiating  every  kind  of  ecclesiastical  government. 

Again,  with  regard  to  how  Prelacy  had  taught  the 
people  of  England,  there  needs  but  little  to  be  said ;  for  it 
is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  teaching  the  people  seems  never 
to  have  been  regarded  by  the  Church  of  England  as  neces« 
sarily  any  part  of  its  duty.  In  a  Church  where  a  despotic 
monarch  exercises  the  supremacy,  this  is  not  surprising ; 
for  it  requires  no  great  degree  of  penetration  to  perceive 
that  an  intelligent  and  truly  religious  people  cannot  be 
enslaved.  This  Elizabeth  well  knew,  and  therefore  she 
disapproved  of  preaching  ministers.  For  the  same  reason, 
what  were  termed  "  prophesyings,"  or  meetings  for  mutual 
instruction,  and  also  lecturings,  were  prohibited.  And 
perhaps  it  would  not  be  far  from  the  truth  were  we  to  con- 
jecture, that  the  reason  why  parochial  schools  were  never 
instituted  in  England,  is  to  be  found  in  the  same  despotic 
principle  which  led  the  English  kings  and  Church  to  wish 
the  people  to  remain  ignorant,  that  they  might  be  the  easier 
kept  in  a  state  of  blind  subjection.  It  will  be  remembered 
also,  that  whenever  the  Puritan  ministers  became  what 
was  thought  troublesome,  in  their  endeavours  to  teach  their 

K 


146  HISTORY  OF  THE 

poor  and  ignorant  countrymen,  they  were  immediately 
silenced ;  and,  as  toleration  was  then  unknown,  they  were 
compelled  to  desist  from  their  hallowed  labours,  on  pain 
of  imprisonment,  exile,  or  death.  Taking  this  view,  which 
is  the  true  one,  it  is  mere  mockery  to  say  that  Prelacy  had 
ever  even  attempted  to  teach  the  people  of  England  at  all, 
— unless,  indeed,  we  were  to  say  that  it  had  striven  earnestly 
to  teach  them,  that  external  rites  and  ceremonies  of  man's 
institution  are  more  important  than  the  Word  of  God,  and 
that  it  was  right  to  profane  that  day  which  God  has  com- 
manded to  be  remembered  and  kept  holy. 

Such  had  been  the  governing,  and  such  the  teaching  of 
Prelacy  in  England ;  and  it  was  not  strange  that  men, 
groaning  under  oppression,  and  kept  in  utter  darkness, 
should,  wrench  asunder  their  fetters  furiously,  and  should 
be  dazzled  when  they  rushed  at  once  into  unwonted  light. 
It  was  not  strange  that  they  should  hastily  conclude  that 
whatever  was  remotest  from  such  a  system  was  best ;  and 
should  therefore  be  eager  to  destroy  that  form  of  ecclesias- 
tical government,  and  to  resist  the  establishment  of  any 
other,  lest  it  should  prove  equally  despotic.  !Nor  was  it 
strange,  that  people  strongly  excited  on  the  subject  of  reli- 
gion, and  uninstructed  in  its  great  leading  truths  and 
principles,  should  very  readily  adopt  any  and  every  theory 
which  was  boldly  and  plausibly  promulgated.  Thus  it 
was  easy  for  any  man  who  possessed  sufficient  fluency  of 
speech  to  impose  upon  an  excited  and  ignorant  people,  to 
gain  a  number  of  adherents  to  his  opinions,  and  to  become 
the  founder  and  leader  of  a  sect.  It  has  often  been  said 
by  those  who  support  Prelacy,  not  as  of  divine  authority, 
but  as  a  useful  and  suitable  form  of  Church  government, 
that  it  was  devised  for  the  purpose  of  producing  and  pre- 
serving uniformity  in  the  Church.  Unfortunate  device  ! 
It  never  could  have  had  a  more  full  and  authoritative  sway 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  147 

than  that  which  it  enjoyed  during  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth, 
James,  and  Charles  I. ;  and  it  produced  the  most  complete 
anarchy,  and  gave  rise  to  Sectarianism  to  the  greatest  extent, 
and  in  the  most  repulsive  forms,  that  ever  shocked  the 
Christian  world.  It  at  once  kept  men  in  ignorance,  and 
drove  them  to  madness  ;  and  ever  since  it  has  appealed  to 
their  frantic  conduct  as  a  proof  of  its  own  calm  excellence. 
The  truth  of  this  view  may  be  shown  by  a  parallel,  but 
a  strongly  contrasted  instance.  After  the  restoration  of 
Charles  II.,  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland  was 
violently  overthown,  and  its  adherents  subjected  to  twenty- 
eight  years  of  terrific  and  relentless  persecution.  Did  the 
people  of  Scotland  split  into  innumerable  and  extravagant 
sects,  when  thus  deprived  of  their  religious  teachers,  and 
oppressed  with  the  most  remorseless  cruelty  2  They  did 
not.  One  sect  alone  appeared,  after  the  persecution  had 
lasted  twenty  years,  and  in  a  parish  where  there  had  been 
a  Prelatic  incumbent  all  that  time ;  it  never  mustered  more 
than  four  men,  and  twenty-five  or  twenty -six  women,  and 
it  perished  within  a  few  months.  What  caused  this  re- 
markable difference  1  One  answer  only  can  be  given — 
The  superiority  of  the  Presbyterian  system,  which  had  so 
thoroughly  instructed  the  people,  that  they  could  and  did 
retain  their  calm  and  regulated  consistency  of  doctrine  and 
character  in  the  midst  of  every  maddening  and  delusive 
element;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  when  the  Prelatic 
government  of  England  was  broken  up,  its  oppressed  and 
ignorant  people  rushed  headlong  into  the  most  wild,  extra- 
vagant, and  pernicious  errors.  This  we  believe  to  be  the 
true  explanation  of  the  matter,  though  we  are  well  aware 
that  it  will  not  be  readily  admitted  by  the  admirers  of 
Prelacy.  But  the  truth  must  be  stated  be  offended  who 
may ;  and  it  will  be  well  for  Britain,  and  for  Christendom, 
if,  should  a  period  of  similar  breaking  up  and  reconstruction 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE 

arrive,  men  will  learn  by  the  sad  experience  of  the  past, 
and  never  more  persume,  either  to  supersede  God's  institu- 
tions with  man's  inventions,  or,  in  their  violent  recoil, 
refuse  to  submit  themselves  to  what  God  has  appointed, 
and  has  so  often  and  so  manifestly  honoured  and  sanctioned 
with  His  blessing. 

The  pernicious  effect  of  these  multitudinous  sects  upon 
the  proceedings  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  we  shall 
have  occasion  hereafter  to  show.  It  will  be  enough  here 
to  suggest  what  will  then  be  proved.  Although  the  Inde- 
pendent party  in  the  Assembly  did  not  openly  avow,  or 
rather  disclaimed,  connection  with  the  Sectarians  that 
swarmed  throughout  the  kingdom,  yet  they  so  far  held 
intercourse  with  them,  and  occasionally  defended  them,  as 
to  secure  their  support,  and  thereby  to  render  themselves 
in  some  measure  the  representatives  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  English  community.  For  this  purpose  they  strove  to 
retard  the  progress  of  the  Assembly,  while  they  were  mus- 
tering their  adherents  and  concentrating  their  strength, — 
evidently  expecting  that  they  would  eventually  secure  the 
establishment  of  their  own  system.  In  the  Assembly  and 
Parliament  both,  they  had  the  aid  of  Sir  Harry  Vane  the 
younger,  one  of  the  most  subtle  politicians  of  the  age, — a 
man  whose  mind  was  full  of  theoretic  and  impracticable 
speculations,  and  whose  restless  activity  of  temperament 
kept  him  perpetually  scheming  or  executing  something 
new, — whose  very  constitution  of  mind  was  sectarian,  be- 
cause it  was  constructed  in  sections,  without  continuity  or 
harmony.  And  in  the  Parliament  and  army  they  had  the 
far  more  important  support  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  with  whom 
they  held  constant  intercourse,  and  by  whom  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  they  were  employed  and  overreached.  It 
is  not  meant,  that  the  Independent  members  of  Assembly 
were  completely  identified  with  the  political  Independents 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  149 

of  the  army ;  "but  there  was  so  much  of  a  community  of 
feeling  and  interest  between  them,  that  it  was  not  difficult 
for  such  a  man  as  Cromwell  to  employ  both  of  these  parties 
in  the  promotion  of  his  own  designs. 

What  we  have  termed  the  political  Independents  of 
the  army,  were  composed  of  sectarians  of  every  possible 
shade  of  opinion ;  and  from  them,  rather  than  from  the 
religious  Independents  in  the  Assembly,  arose  the  idea  of 
toleration,  of  which  so  much  use  was  subsequently  made. 
As  used  by  those  military  sectarians,  the  meaning  of  the 
term  was,  that  any  man  might  freely  utter  the  ravings  of 
his  own  heated  fancy,  and  endeavour  to  proselytise  others, 
be  his  opinions  what  they  might, — even  though  manifestly 
subversive  of  all  morality,  all  government,  and  all  revela- 
tion. Such  a  toleration,  for  instance,  as  would  include 
alike  Antinomians  and  Anabaptists,  though  teaching  that 
they  were  set  free  from  and  above  the  rules  of  moral  duty 
so  completely,  that  to  indulge  in  the  grossest  licentiousness 
was  in  them  no  sin ;  and  Levellers  and  Fifth-Monarchy 
Men,  whose  tenets  went  directly  to  the  subversion  of  every 
kind  of  constituted  government,  and  all  distinctions  in  rank 
and  property.  This  was  what  they  meant  by  toleration, — 
and  this  was  what  the  Puritans  and  Presbyterians  con- 
demned and  wrote  against  with  startled  vehemence.  And 
it  is  neither  to  the  credit  of  the  Independent  divines  of 
that  period,  nor  of  their  subsequent  admirers  and  followers, 
that  they  seem  to  countenance  such  a  toleration,  the  real 
meaning  of  which  was,  civil,  moral,  and  religious  anarchy. 
It  is,  however,  true,  that  out  of  the  discussions  which  this 
claim  of  unbounded  and  licentious  toleration  raised,  there 
was  at  length  evolved  the  idea  of  religious  toleration,  such 
as  is  demanded  by  man's  solemn  and  dread  characteristic 
of  personal  responsibility,  and  consequent  inalienable  right 
to  liberty  of  conscience.     And  let  it  be  noted,  that  this 


150  HISTORY   OF   THE 

great  idea  was  fully  admitted  by  those  who  reasoned  and 
wrote  most  strongly  against  the  "unbounded  toleration" 
claimed  by  the  Sectarians  ;  although,  in  their  opposition 
to  that  claim,  they  occasionally  used  language  which  might 
seem  to  condemn  what  in  reality  they  both  demanded  for 
themselves  and  readily  allowed  to  others.1  It  is  usual  for 
a  certain  class  of  writers  to  accuse  the  Presbyterians  of 
wishing  to  seize  and  wield  a  tyranny  as  severe  as  that  of 
Prelacy,  against  which  they  raised  such  loud  complaints. 
Without  undertaking  to  defend  all  that  they  said  and  did, 
this  may  be  safely  affirmed,  that  botli  the  principles  and 
the  constitution  of  a  rightly  formed  Presbyterian  Church 
render  the  usurpation  of  power  and  the  exercise  of  tyranny 
on  its  part  wholly  impossible.  A  Presbyterian  Church  in 
the  process  of  formation,  still  trembling  from  the  savage 
grasp  of  Prelacy,  and  surrounded  by  wild  and  fearful  forms 
of  sectarianism,  as  was  its  condition  at  the  time  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  might  act  with  some  rashness  and 
severity  ;  a  corrupt  Presbyterian  Church,  such  as  was  that 
of  Scotland  during  the  domination  of  Moderatism,  might 
act  despotically  ;  but  in  its  own  nature,  with  its  subordina- 
tion of  courts,  and  an  equal  or  preponderating  admixture 
of  elders  in  them  all,  it  can  neither  usurp  clerical  domina- 
tion nor  sink  into  jarring  anarchy.  In  its  purest  state  and 
its  fullest  exercise,  it  gives  and  preserves  both  civil  and 
religious  liberty, — both  doctrinal  truth  and  disciplinary 
purity, — both  national  instruction  and  national  peace.  On 
the  other  hand,  Prelacy,  in  its  most  powerful  and  active 
state,  has  ever  tended  to  destroy  both  civil  and  religious 
liberty ;  has  checked  doctrinal  truth,  and  disregarded  dis- 

1  "We  shall  have  occasion,  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  work,  to  prove 
that  the  true  idea  of  toleration,  in  its  right  moral  and  religious  sense, 
was  first  taught  and  first  exemplified  by  the  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Scotland,  next  by  the  Puritans,  and  then  adopted,  but  corrupted,  by  the 
Sectarians  and  Independents. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  151 

ciplinary  purity ;  has  never  attempted  to  instruct  the 
nation,  but  left  it  a  prey  to  ignorance  and  error ;  and  has, 
both  in  Scotland  and  England,  inflicted  the  most  cruel 
persecution,  and  given  rise  to  bloody  civil  wars.  This  is 
a  startling  contrast,  but  not  more  startling  than  true.  There 
is  yet  another  point  of  contrast.  During  the  past  century 
Prelacy  sunk  into  dormancy,  and  became  mild  and  inoffen- 
sive :  Presbytery  sunk  into  dormancy,  and  became  cruel 
and  oppressive,  as  if  agitated  by  wild  dreams  under  that 
fierce  incubus,  Moderatism.  Prelacy  has  awoke,  and  begins 
to  mutter  words  of  fearful  import,  indicating  the  return  of 
its  oppressive  spirit :  Presbytery  has  awoke,  and  has  begun 
her  hallowed  work  of  instructing  her  own  people,  while 
she  offers  her  cordial  fellowship  to  all  who  love  her  Divine 
and  holy  Head.  The  inference  is  obvious,  and  may  be 
thus  stated :  When  the  vital  spirit  of  Prelacy  is  inert,  it 
becomes  comparatively  harmless  :  when  the  vital  spirit  of 
Presbytery  is  inert,  or  repressed,  it  becomes  oppressive. 
Again,  when  the  vital  spirit  of  Prelacy  is  active,  it  becomes 
despotic  and  persecuting,  intolerant  and  illiberal :  when  the 
vital  spirit  of  Presbytery  is  active,  it  becomes  gracious  and 
compassionate,  tolerant  of  every  thing  but  sin,  and  generous 
to  all  who  believe  the  truth  and  love  the  Saviour.  Let  the 
thoughtful  reader  say,  which  system  is  of  human,  and  which 
of  divine  institution, — which  shows  a  spirit  of  the  earth, 
earthly,  and  which,  of  heavenly  origin  and  character. 


152  HISTORY   OF   THE 

CHAPTER    IV. 

THE  INDEPENDENT   CONTROVERSY,   ANNO.   1644. 

The  Assembly  directed  to  begin  the  subjects  of  Discipline,  Directory  ot 
Worship,  and  Government — The  subject  of  Church-Officers  stated 
and  Discussed — Pastor — Doctor — Ruling  Elder — Deacon — "Widow — 
Ordination  of  Ministers — Opposition  of  the  Independents — Consent 
of  the  Congregation,  or  Election — Contest  with  the  Parliament  about 
Ordination — Directory  for  Public  Worship — Propositions  concerning 
Presbyterial  Church  Government — The  Apologetical  Narration  by 
the  Independents 

About  a  fortnight  after  the  House  of  Commons  had  taken 
the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and  while  the  Assembly 
of  Divines  were  engaged  in  discussing  the  doctrinal  tenets 
of  the  Sixteenth  of  the  Church  of  England's  Thirty-Xine 
Articles,  on  the  12th  of  October  1643,  they  received  an 
order  from  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  requiring  them  to 
direct  their  deliberations  to  the  important  topics  of  discip- 
line, and  a  directory  of  worship  and  government.  The 
order  was  as  follows  : — 

"  Upon  serious  consideration  of  the  present  state  and  conjuncture  of 
the  affairs  of  this  kingdom,  the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled  in  Parlia- 
ment do  order,  that  the  Assembly  of  Divines  and  others  do  forthwith 
confer  and  treat  among  themselves,  of  such  a  discipline  and  government 
as  may  be  most  agreeable  to  God's  Holy  Word,  and  most  apt  to  procure 
and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  Church  at  home,  and  nearer  agreement 
with  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  other  Reformed  Churches  abroad, 
to  be  settled  in  this  Church  in  stead  and  place  of  the  present  Church 
government  by  archbishops,  bishops,  their  chancellors,  commissaries, 
deans,  deans  and  chapters,  archdeacons,  and  other  ecclesiastical  officers, 
depending  upon  the  hierarchy,  which  is  resolved  to  be  taken  away ;  and 
touching  and  concerning  the  Directory  of  Worship,  or  Liturgy,  here- 
after to  be  in  the  Church :  and  to  deliver  their  opinions  and  advices  of 
and  touching  the  same  to  both  or  either  House  of  Parliament  with  alJ 
the  covenient  speed  the}*  can." 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  153 

By  this  order  the  attention  of  the  Assembly  was  turned 
from  any  further  examination  of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles,  and 
fairly  directed  to  the  important  task  for  the  accomplishment 
of  which  they  had  been  called  together.  Baillie  informs  us 
that  Henderson  did  not  entertain  any  sanguine  expectations 
of  their  conformity  to  the  Church  of  Scotland,  till  they  should 
have  experienced  the  advantage  of  the  Scottish  army's  pre- 
sence in  England.1  This  proves  that  he  was  not  overreached 
by  the  English  Commissioners  in  the  framing  of  the  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,  but  was  quite  aware  of  the  views  and 
feelings  which  they  entertained,  although  he  cherished  the 
hope  that  circumstances  might  lead  to  a  better  result. 

After  having  made  some  preliminary  arrangements,  and 
prepared  their  own  minds  by  keeping  a  solemn  fast,  the 
Assembly  read  the  order  from  Parliament,  pointing  out  the 
new  field  of  deliberative  discussion  on  which  they  were 
to  enter.  The  first  question  that  arose  regarded  the  order 
of  procedure,  whether  they  should  begin  with  government 
or  discipline,  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  begin 
with  the  subject  of  Church  government.  This  suggested 
another  preliminary  point, — whether  the  Scriptures  contain 
a  rule  for  government.  Goodwin  and  the  other  Independ- 
ents eagerly  urged  that  this  question  should  be  first  of  all 
debated  and  decided,  he  expressing  his  conviction  that  the 
Word  of  God  did  contain  a  rule.  Lightfoot  opposed  this 
course,  and  wished  the  Assembly  first  of  all  to  give  a  defini- 
tion of  the  leading  term  of  all  their  discussions,  "a  Church." 
It  is  evident  that  this  would  have  been  the  most  logical 
course,  first  to  define  a  Church,  then  to  inquire  into  its 
government,  and  lastly  to  treat  of  discipline,  which  is  govern- 
ment in  operation.  But  it  was  felt  that  this  course  would 
bring  forward  first  the  very  points  on  which  the  greatest 
differences  of  opinion  were  known  to  exist;  and  therefore  it 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  104. 


154  HISTORY   OF   THE 

was  judged  prudent  rather  to  adopt  a  less  perfect  order  of  pro- 
cedure, for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  first  how  far  all  could 
agree,  in  the  hope  that  then  their  differences  would  either 
disappear,  or  be  capable  of  being  brought  into  some  general 
accommodation.  It  was  accordingly  resolved,  that  since  all 
admitted  the  existence  of  a  Church,  and  of  Church  govern- 
ment, however  they  might  differ  regarding  their  nature  and  ex- 
tent, these  subjects  should  be  left  for  the  present  indefinite, 
and  they  should  commence  with  the  subject  of  office-bearers 
in  the  Church,  or,  to  use  their  own  term,  Church-officers.1 

From  this  early,  and  comparatively  slight  discussion,  it 
was  evident  that  both  parties  in  the  Assembly  were  keenly 
vigilant  lest  any  thing  should  be  done  which  might  in  any 
degree  prejudge  their  opinions  j  and  consequently,  that 
their  debates  would  be  eager,  animated,  and  protracted,  on 
every  controverted  topic.  But  as  the  very  object  for  which 
the  Assembly  was  called  was  to  prepare  a  form  of  Church 
government,  of  discipline,  and  of  worship  for  the  nation, 
which  was  intended  to  be  final  and  lasting,  it  was  judged 
right  to  give  to  every  portion  of  their  great  work  the  benefit 
of  the  most  full  and  deliberate  discussion,  though  at  the 
expense  of  considerable  delay. 

Committees,  according  to  the  usual  arrangement,  had 
been  appointed  to  prepare  the  subject  of  Church-officers 
for  public  discussion,  and  gave  in  their  separate  reports. 
That  of  the  second  committee  began  thus  : — "  In  inquiring 
after  the  officers  belonging  to  the  Church  of  the  Xew  Tes- 
tament, we  first  find  that  Christ,  who  is  Priest,  Prophet, 
King,  and  Head  of  the  Church,  hath  fulness  of  power,  and 
containeth  all  other  offices,  by  way  of  eminency,  in  himself; 
and  therefore  hath  many  of  their  names  attributed  to  him." 
To  this  sacred  and  comprehensive  proposition  they  appended 
a  number  of  Scripture  proofs,  in  six  divisions.  The  follow- 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  20. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  155 

ing  names  of  Church-officers  were  mentioned  as  given  in 
Scripture  to  Christ: — 1.  Apostle;  2.  Pastor;  3.  Bishop; 
4.  Teacher;  5.  Minister,  or  Al&kovos ;  but  this  last  name 
was  rejected  by  the  Assembly,  as  not  meaning  a  Church- 
officer  in  the  passage  where  it  is  used.  The  report  of  the 
third  committee  was  similar  in  character,  ascribing,  in  Scrip- 
ture terms,  the  government  to  Jesus  Christ,  who,  being 
ascended  far  above  all  heavens,  "  hath  given  all  officers 
necessary  for  the  edification  of  his  Church ;  some  whereof 
are  extraordinary,  some  ordinary."  Out  of  the  Scriptures 
referred  to  they  found  the  following  officers  : — Apostles, 
Evangelists,  Prophets,  Pastors,  Teachers,  Bishops  or  Over- 
seers, Presbyters  or  Elders,  Deacons,  and  Widows.1 

In  the  discussion  which  followed  upon  the  reading  of 
these  reports,  it  is  rather  remarkable  that  the  Erastians 
took  no  part;  although  the  full  meaning  of  the  main 
proposition, — that  Christ  contains  all  offices,  by  way  of 
eminency,  in  Himself,  and  has  given  all  officers  necessary 
for  the  edification  of  His  Church, — seems  to  contain  enough 
to  preclude  the  Erastian  theory.  But  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  show  the  reason  why  they  allowed  this  proposition  to 
pass  unchallenged.  It  did  not,  however,  escape  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  Independents.  Mr  Goodwin  opposed  it,  as 
anticipating  the  Assembly's  work,  and  concluding  that 
Christ's  influence  into  His  Church  is  through  His  officers, 
whereas  He  questions  whether  it  be  conveyed  that  way  or 
not.  Again,  when  the  kingly  office  of  Christ  was  under 
discussion,  Goodwin  doubted  whether  the  Scriptures  prove 
that  Christ  is  King,  in  regard  of  discipline  in  the  Church. 
He  questioned  also  whether  the  Headship  of  Christ  should 
be  specified,  as  being  no  office  in  the  Church.  All  these 
objections  were  overruled,  and  the  reports  approved,  as  thp 
basis  of  subsequent  deliberations. 

1  Lightfoot,  p.  23. 


15t> 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


The  four  following  questions  were  also  reported  by  the 
third  committee  : — "  1.  What  officers  are  mentioned  in  the 
Xew  Testament  ]  2.  "What  officers  of  these  were  pro  tem- 
pore, and  what  permanent  1  3.  "What  names  were  common 
to  divers  officers,  and  what  restrained  ]  4.  What  the  office 
of  those  standing  officers  1 "  The  general  names  of  officers 
having  been  already  stated,  the  debate  arose  on  the  second 
question, — "  What  officers  were  perpetual  1 "  The  office 
of  apostles  was  declared  to  be  only  pro  tempore,  and  extra- 
ordinary, for  the  eight  following  reasons  : — 1.  They  were 
immediately  called  by  Christ ;  2.  They  had  seen  Christ  ; 
3.  Their  commission  was  through  the  whole  world ;  4-.  They 
were  endued  with  the  spirit  of  infallibility  in  delivering 
the  truths  of  doctrine  to  the  churches  ;  5.  They  only  by 
special  commission  were  set  apart  to  be  personal  witnesses 
of  Christ's  resurrection  :  6.  They  had  power  to  give  the 
Holy  Ghost  j  7.  They  were  appointed  to  go  through  the 
world  to  settle  churches,  in  a  new  form  appointed  by  Christ ; 
8.  They  had  the  inspection  and  care  of  all  the  churches. 
Little  opposition  was  made  to  these  reasons,  and  that  little 
was  chieny  made  by  ^Ir  Goodwin, — particularly  respecting 
the  power  of  the  apostles  to  plant  and  settle  churches  ;  he 
being  afraid,  apparently,  that  if  he  admitted  this  power,  even 
in  apostles,  it  might  so  far  condemn  the  practice  of  the  In- 
dependents, where  ordinary  believers  formed  themselves  into 
churches,  and  appointed  their  own  officers  totally  without 
the  intervention  or  aid  of  any  other  church,  or  of  any  per- 
son previously  ordained.  Xot  a  single  voice  was  raised  in 
behalf  of  the  theory  first  started  by  Bancroft,  and  carried  to 
its  height  by  Laud, — that  prelates  are  the  successors  of  the 
apostles,  and  possess  their  office  and  its  authority,  in  virtue 
of  unbroken  personal  apostolic  succession, — this  extravagant 
absurdity  being  abandoned  by  all. 

Another  point  respecting  the  apostleship  was  introduced, 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  157 

which  led  to  considerable  discussion,  not  on  its  own  account, 
but  because  of  its  ultimate  consequence  : — That  the  apostles 
had  the  keys  (that  is,  the  power  of  government,  doctrine, 
and  discipline)  immediately  given  to  tlienu  The  import- 
ance of  this  point  consisted  in  its  bearing  upon  the  Inde- 
pendent theory ;  as  also,  though  not  so  directly,  upon 
Erastianism.  Lightfoot  granted  that  the  keys  were  uni- 
versally held  to  mean  the  government  of  the  Church  ;  but 
that  in  his  own  opinion  the  keys  were  given  to  Peter  only, 
to  open  the  door  of  admission  to  the  Gentiles  ;  and  that 
he  regarded  the  power  of  the  keys  as  merely  the  authority 
to  declare  doctrinal  truths.  In  this  view,  as  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  show,  lay  the  germ  of  Lightfoot's  Erastianism. 
The  Independent  brethren  resisted  the  idea  that  the  power 
of  the  keys  was  committed  to  the  apostles  in  any  sense 
implying  official  authority  ;  it  being  one  of  their  principles, 
that  the  Church,  in  their  sense  of  that  term,  namely,  ordi- 
nary believers,  possessed  all  power  and  authority.  Good- 
win, Simpson,  Burroughs,  and  Bridge,  all  engaged  in  this 
debate  on  the  negative  side ;  but  the  Assembly  affirmed 
the  proposition. 

The  next  discussion  arose  respecting  the  office  of  pastor, 
which  the  report  stated  to  be  perpetual,  and  to  consist  in 
feeding  the  flock,  and  in  the  dispensation  of  sacraments. 
In  the  term  "feeding"  was  included,  to  preach  and  teach, 
to  convince,  to  reprove,  to  exhort,  and  to  comfort.  Mr 
Coleman  questioned  whether  a  pastor,  in  the  Old  Testament, 
meant  the  ecclesiastical  officer  in  the  Church,  and  not  con- 
stantly the  civil.  This  was  supported  by  Lightfoot ;  and 
here  also  appeared  the  germ  of  their  Erastianism.  A  long 
discussion  followed  on  the  question,  Whether  the  public 
reading  of  the  Scriptures  be  the  pastor's  office  1  some  desir- 
ing to  retain  what  was  termed  "  a  reader  "  in  each  congre- 
gation ;  but  it  was  at  length  decided  to  belong  to  the 


158  HISTORY  OF  THE 

pastor's  office.  The  duty  of  catechising  was  also  assigned 
to  the  pastor  j  and  likewise  that  of  praying  when  he 
preached,  which  had  been  prohibited  by  the  bishops.  It 
was  also  held,  that  it  belongs  to  the  pastor  to  take  care  of 
the  poor,  though  not  to  supersede  the  deacon's  office. 

The  next  subject  which  occupied  the  Assembly's  atten- 
tion was  the  question,  whether  pastors  and  teachers,  or 
doctors,  formed  one  and  the  same  office.  The  Independents 
maintained  the  divine  institution  of  a  doctor,  as  distinct 
from  a  pastor,  in  every  congregation.  It  had  been  their 
own  practice  to  have  a  doctor  or  teacher,  as  holding  a  some- 
what subordinate  position  to  that  of  the  pastor, — one  to 
which  an  ordinary  member  might  readily  aspire,  forming  a 
connecting  link  between  the  pastor  and  the  people  ;  and 
they  were  exceedingly  desirous  to  persuade  the  Assembly 
to  retain  this  distinction.  On  the  other  hand,  this  was 
one  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Congregational  system,  dif- 
ferent from  what  prevailed  in  all  other  Churches,  and  it 
was  strenuously  and  even  keenly  resisted  by  the  Assembly. 
At  length  Henderson  interposed  to  procure  an  accommoda- 
tion and  agreement  between  the  contending  parties.  It 
was  at  last  concluded,  that  there  are  different  gifts,  and 
corresponding  difference  of  exercises  in  ministers,  though 
these  may  belong  to  the  same  person  ;  that  he  who  most 
excels  in  exposition  may  be  termed  a  doctor ;  that  such  a 
person  may  be  of  great  use  chiefly  in  universities  ;  and 
where  there  are  several  ministers  in  the  same  congregation, 
each  may  devote  himself  to  that  department  in  which  he 
most  excels  j  and  that  where  there  is  but  one,  he  must 
to  his  ability  perform  the  whole  work  of  the  ministry. 
Henderson  warned  the  Assembly  that  the  eyes  of  all  the 
Reformed  Churches  were  upon  them,  earnestly  watching 
whether  their  proceedings  would  be  such  as  to  promote  or 
prevent  the  desired  uniformity  of  all  Protestant  Christen- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  159 

dom  ;  entreating  them  not  to  be  too  minutely  metaphysical 
and  abstract  in  treating  of  such  matters,  but  rather  to  direct 
their  attention  to  leading  and  important  topics,  with  the 
view  of  securing  a  general  harmony,  though  smaller  points 
should  be  allowed  considerable  freedom  of  interpretation.1 

A  still  more  important  subject  then  came  before  the 
Assembly, — the  subject  of  ruling  elders;  on  the  right  under- 
standing and  decision  of  which  depended  the  adoption  or 
rejection  of  the  distinctive  principle  of  Presbyterian  Church 
government.  It  was  brought  forward  in  the  following 
terms  : — "  That  besides  those  presbyters  that  both  rule  well 
and  labour  in  the  word  and  doctrine,  there  be  other  presby- 
ters, who  especially  apply  themselves  to  ruling,  though 
they  labour  not  in  the  word  and  doctrine."  Aware  that 
this  order  of  Church-officers  was  almost  a  novelty  in  Eng- 
land, Henderson  took  an  early  part  in  the  debate,  showing 
that  it  had  been  used  in  the  Eeformed  Churches  at  a  very 
early  period, — even  before  its  institution  at  Geneva, — and 
that  it  had  proved  very  beneficial  to  the  Church  of  Scotland. 
Nearly  the  whole  talent  and  learning  of  the  Assembly  were 
called  into  long  and  strenuous  action  by  this  discussion, 
which  began  on  the  22d  of  November,  and  was  not  con- 
cluded till  the  8th  of  December.  The  institution  of  ruling 
elder  was  opposed  by  Dr  Temple,  Dr  Smith,  Mr  Gataker, 
Mr  Vines,  Mr  Price,  Mr  Hall,  Mr  Lightfoot,  Mr  Coleman, 
Mr  Palmer,  and  several  others,  besides  the  Independents, — 
of  whom,  however,  Nye  and  Bridge  opposed  but  partially. 
It  was  supported  by  Mr  Marshall,  Mr  Calamy,  Mr  Young, 
Mr  Seaman,  Mr  Walker,  Mr  Newcomen,  Mr  Herle,  Mr 
Whitaker,  and  the  Scottish  divines,  of  whom  Rutherford 
and  Gillespie  particularly  distinguished  themselves.  At 
length,  having  thoroughly  exhausted  their  arguments,  Hen- 
derson moved  that  a  committee  might  be  appointed  to  draw 
1  Lightfoot,  pp.  53,  58 ;  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  110. 


160  HISTORY   OF   THE 

up  a  statement  how  far  all  parties  were  agreed,  with  the 
new  of  arriving  at  some  fair  accommodation ;  and  being 
supported  by  Goodwin,  this  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  the 
debate  terminated.  The  report  of  the  committee  contained 
these  three  propositions : — 1.  Christ  hath  instituted  a  govern 
ment  and  governors  ecclesiastical  in  the  Church  ;  2.  Christ 
hath  furnished  some  in  His  Church  with  gifts  for  govern- 
ment, and  with  commission  to  exercise  the  same  when 
called  thereunto  ;  3.  It  is  agreeable  to,  and  warranted  by, 
the  Word  of  God,  that  some  others  beside  the  ministers  of 
the  Word,  or  Church-governors,  should  join  with  the  mini- 
sters in  the  government  of  the  Church."  To  these  proposi- 
tions were  added  the  texts,  Eom.  xii.  7,  8,  and  1  Cor.  xii 
28.  "  Some  liked  the  propositions,"  says  Lightfoot,  "  but 
not  the  applying  of  the  places  of  Scripture ;  and  of  that 
mind  was  I  myself, — for  the  proposition  I  understood  of 
magistracy."1  The  first  and  second  propositions  were,  how- 
ever, affirmed  without  opposition,  and  the  third  with  only 
the  negative  vote  of  Lightfoot  himself ;  the  texts  also  were 
approved,  with  the  additional  opposition  of  Dr  Temple. 

The  carrying  of  this  question  was  justly  regarded  as  of 
the  utmost  importance,  as  fixing  the  character  of  the  Church 
to  be  established  ;  and  it  is  matter  of  surprise  that  the  oppo- 
sition sunk  so  nearly  to  nothing.  Even  the  accommodation 
by  means  of  which  these  propositions  were  framed  and  car- 
ried, was  somewhat  of  a  perilous  experiment ;  for  it  narrowly 
missed  introducing  the  unsound  principle  of  admitting  into 
the  arrangments  of  the  church  what  had  no  higher  autho- 
rity than  considerations  of  expediency  and  prudence.  For 
all  were  willing  to  have  admitted  the  order  of  ruling  elders 
on  these  grounds  f  but  this  was  decidedly  rejected,  espe- 
cially by  the  Scottish  divines,  and  by  those  of  the  Puritans 
or  English  Presbyterians  who  fully  understood  the  nature 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  76.  2  Baillie,  vol.  ii  p.  111. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  161 

of  the  controversy  so  long  waged  by  their  predecessors, 
against  admitting  into  a  divine  institution  any  thing  of 
merely  human  invention. 

There  was  yet  one  point  to  be  discussed  respecting  the 
ruling  elder.  It  had  been  decided  that  this  officer  is  of 
divine  institution,  but  it  remained  to  define  in  what  his 
office  consisted ;  and  this  gave  rise  to  another,  and  a  very 
animated  debate.  In  the  previous  discussion  respecting  the 
office  itself,  considerable  weight  had  been  attached  to  the 
argument  drawn  from  the  constitution  of  the  Jewish  Church, 
and  from  the  elders  of  the  people  in  that  institution  ;  and 
when  preparing  to  define  the  office  of  an  elder  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  reference  was  again  made  to  the  correspond- 
ing functionary  among  the  Jews ;  and  the  question  arose, 
Whether  the  Hebrew  elders  were  chosen  purposely  for  eccle- 
siastical business  %  Coleman  first  brought  forward  the  inquiry  ? 
affirming  that  both  the  elders  and  the  seventy  senators  in 
the  sanhedrim  were  civil  officers :  Mr  Calamy  and  Dr 
Burgess  both  held  the  reverse ;  and  Mr  Gillespie  proved 
that  the  seventy  were  joined  with  both  Moses  and  Aaron 
at  their  institution, — that  the  elders  in  other  passages  of 
Scripture  are  joined  with  the  priests,  and  in  others  with 
prophets,  and  in  others  are  spoken  of  as  distinct  from  the 
rulers.1  Lightfoot  somewhat  differed  from  Coleman,  and 
also  from  Selden,  who  took  part  in  this  debate ;  and,  after 
a  very  learned  and  animated  discussion,  the  opinions  of  the 
Assembly  being  nearly  balanced,  the  subject  was  laid  aside 
for  a  time,  without  any  definite  conclusion. 

The  office  of  deacon  next  engaged  their  attention.  The 
institution  of  this  office  was  not  denied,  but  several  were 
of  opinion  that  it  was  of  a  temporary  nature.  This  view 
was  entertained  by  few  except  the  Erastians  ;  and  when 
the  Assembly  decided  that  the  office  of  deacon  was  of  a 
-  Lightfoot,  p.  78. 


162  HISTORY   OF   THE 

permanent  nature,  Lightfoot  alone  voted  in  the  negative, 
though  both  Coleman  and  Selden  had  spoken  against  it. 
The  opposition  to  the  permanency  of  this  office  seems  to 
have  arisen  chiefly  from  the  fact,  that  there  existed  in  Eng- 
land a  civil  poor-law,  instituted  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth ; 
which  led  some  to  oppose  the  deaconship  as  unnecessary, 
and  others,  as  interfering  with  a  civil  arrangement.  It 
was  well  suggested  by  Mr.  Vines,  "  That  the  provision  of 
civil  officers  made  by  the  civil  State  for  the  poor  should 
rather  slip  into  the  office  of  a  deacon,  than  the  reverse, 
because  the  latter  bears  the  badge  of  the  Lord." 

As  the  report  concerning  Church-officers  had  mentioned 
"  widows,"  this  was  the  last  point  to  be  discussed,  whether 
widows  were  to  be  considered  as  deaconesses,  and  their  office 
one  of  permanent  continuation  in  the  church.  Some  of  the 
Independents,  and  one  or  two  others,  were  inclined  to 
retain  this  office  j  but  after  some  debate  it  was  decided  that 
the  existence  of  such  an  office  in  the  church  was  not  proved. 
With  this  discussion  terminated  the  year  1643,  in  which 
the  business  of  the  Assembly  had  been  chiefly  of  a  preli- 
minary character.  It  had,  however,  been  solemnly  decided, 
that  Christ  is  so  completely  the  Head  of  the  Church,  that 
all  its  offices  are  essentially  in  him,  and  from  him  are  they 
all  primarily  and  authoritatively  derived  ;  that  of  these 
offices  some  are  extraordinary,  and  have  ceased, — those, 
namely,  of  apostles,  prophets,  and  evangelists  ;  that  pastors 
and  doctors,  or  teachers,  are  essentially  the  same,  and  form 
the  highest  order  of  divinely  appointed  officers  in  the 
church  ;  that  ruling  elders  are  also  of  divine  appointment, 
and  are  distinct  from  pastors  ;  and  that  deacons  are  like- 
wise of  divine  and  permanent  institution,  though  not  en- 
titled to  preach  or  to  rule,  but  to  take  charge  of  charitable 
and  pecuniary  concerns.  And  as  considerable  progress  had 
thus  been  made,  reasonable  hopes  might  have  been  cher- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  163 

ished  that  the  business  of  the  Assembly  would  continue  to 
proceed  with  as  much  celerity  as  was  consistent  with  the 
grave  deliberation  due  to  its  vast  importance. 

But  there  were  other  elements  of  a  less  propitious  nature 
at  work,  some  of  which  had  already  appeared,  and  others 
were  felt,  though  scarcely  yet  fully  visible.  On  the  19th 
of  October,  soon  after  the  Assembly  had  seriously  begun 
its  task,  the  House  of  Commons  intimated,  through  Dr 
Burgess,  their  desire  that  two  points  should  be  decided 
upon  as  speedily  as  possible,  namely,  an  arrangement  for 
the  ordination  of  ministers  ;  and  an  arrangement  for  their 
institution  and  induction  to  vacant  benefices.  The  former 
of  these  points  could  not  be  determined  till  the  Assembly 
should  have  discussed  the  subject  of  Church-ofhcers  in 
general.  But  as  the  latter  was  a  subject  of  immediate  and 
urgent  importance,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  determine 
in  what  manner  trial  should  be  made  of  the  qualifications  of 
those  who  might  apply  for  those  vacant  benefices.  Twenty- 
•one  rules  of  examination  were  at  length  drawn  up,  in  con- 
formity with  which  every  applicant  was  to  be  tried,  in 
order  to  ascertain  his  soundness  in  doctrine  and  fitness  for 
the  situation.  Application  was  frequently  made  by  ministers 
who  had  been  cruelly  plundered  by  the  King's  army,  and 
constrained  to  flee  to  London,  both  for  safety  and  to  seek 
some  kind  of  maintenance.  The  examination  of  such 
applicants  proved  to  be  a  very  delicate  task,  as  the  King's 
army  plundered  alike  the  sound  Puritans  and  the  erratic 
Sectarians, — so  that  persons  of  each  character  made  appli- 
cation to  the  Assembly.  Sometimes  the  Sectarians,  knowing 
that  no  rule  of  ordination  had  yet  been  framed,  procured 
ordination  from  other  Sectarians,  and  attempted  to  deceive 
the  examinators  :  and  when  this  was  either  not  attempted, 
or  found  impracticable,  they  then  endeavoured  to  form  a 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  24. 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE 

part)  among  the  citizens,  and  others  who  had  flocked  to 
London,  that  from  them  they  might  derive  a  means  of  sub- 
sistence. This  led  directly  to  a  prodigious  increase  of  sect 
arianism  in  London,  and  tended  to  throw  the  whole  city 
into  a  state  of  confusion  and  anarchy.  To  remedy  this 
state  of  matters,  the  city  ministers  presented  a  supplication 
to  the  Assembly,  lamenting  their  disturbed  condition ; 
requesting  order  to  be  taken  for  the  ordination  of  ministers  ; 
stating  the  fearful  increase  of  pernicious  sects,  and  com- 
plaining of  their  restless  endeavours  to  gather  separate  con- 
gregations ;  and  requesting  the  Assembly  to  intercede  with 
the  Parliament  for  the  redress  of  these  grievances,  and  for 
the  erection  of  a  college  at  London,  where  the  youth  might 
be  educated,  as  Oxford  was  in  the  possession  of  the  king.* 
The  Assembly  answered,  that  it  was  not  yet  safe  to  meddle 
with  the  ordination  of  ministers  ;  that  they  had  applied  to 
the  Parliament  for  redress  in  the  other  matters  ;  and  desired 
information  to  be  given  respecting  those  who  gather 
churches,  that  in  this  also  they  may  seek  redress.  Mr  Xye 
objected  to  the  expression  against  gathering  churches,  and 
was  sharply  answered.2  This  apparently  slight  incident 
we  have  mentioned,  because  it  indicates  the  line  of  policy 
which  the  Independent  party  were  beginning  to  pursue,  in 
connecting  themselves  with  the  mass  of  Sectarians  through- 
out the  kingdom,  in  which  ISTye  performed  so  active  a  part, 
and  of  which  he  seems  to  have  been  the  chief  contriver. 

[1644.]  The  year  1644  began  with  the  introduction 
into  the  Assembly  of  subjects  still  more  certain  to  produce 
disunion  than  any  that  had  been  previously  discussed.  The 
general  subject  of  Church-omcers  had  been  so  far  determined; 
but  the  most  important  parts  of  this  matter  remained  to  be 
debated,  namely,  the  method  of  appointing  Church-omcers, 
and  the  authority  which  they  ought  to  possess,  or,  in  other 
1  Lightfoot,  i>.  57  ;  Raillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  111.  2  Lightfoot,  p.  62. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  165 

words,  ordination  and  discipline.  Well  did  the  Assembly 
know  that  great  diversity  of  opinion  would  arise  on  these 
two  leading  points,  and  gladly  would  they  have  avoided 
entering  upon  them  till  a  subsequent  period,  had  it  been 
at  all  practicable.  But  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country, 
increased  and  aggravated  by  the  want  of  religious  ordinances 
and  government,  rendered  it  imperatively  necessary  that 
some  steps  should  be  taken  for  the  remedy  of  so  many  and 
such  great  national  maladies.  A  commission  had  been 
appointed  in  September  1643,  for  the  purpose  of  inquiring 
into  the  conduct  of  ministers  throughout  the  country,  and 
of  removing  all  such  as  were  convicted  of  scandalous  con- 
duct, or  proved  to  be  destitute  of  sufficient  qualifications. 
On  the  17th  of  ^November,  Parliament  authorised  the  pub- 
lication of  a  treatise,  entitled,  "  The  First  Century  of  Scan- 
dulous  and  Malignant  Priests  ;  or,  a  narration  of  the  causes 
for  which  Parliament  hath  ordered  the  sequestration  of  the 
benefices  of  several  ministers  complained  of  before  them," 
etc.  This  was  drawn  up  by  Mr  White,  M.P.,  the  chairman 
of  the  commission ;  and  it  certainly  proves  that  the  ministers 
so  sequestrated  were  utterly  unworthy  of  the  sacred  office, 
or  rather,  that  many  of  them  were  unworthy  of  the  name 
of  men,  though  we  cannot  pollute  our  pages  by  quotations.1 
The  reason  of  referring  to  the  subject,  is  to  show  the  neces- 
sity thence  arising  for  the  ordination  of  other  men  to  supply 
the  benefices  become  vacant  by  means  of  these  sequestra- 
tions. However  desirous,  therefore,  the  Assembly  were  to 
postpone  the  consideration  of  a  subject,  on  which  they  were 
certain  to  disagree,  till  they  should  have  framed  a  Confession 
of  Faith,  and  other  matters,  in  which  entire  unanimity  was 
expected,  they  were  constrained  reluctantly  to  proceed  to 
doubtful  disputations. 

There  is  considerable  difficulty  in  giving  a  direct  and 
1  First  Century,  etc. 


166  HISTORY   OF   THE 

continuous  view  of  the  discussions  on  which  we  are  now 
to  enter,  in  consequence  of  the  contemporaneous,  or  rather 
intertwined  manner  in  which  they  arose  and  were  conducted ; 
for  instead  of  continuing  steadily  to  prosecute  one  subject 
till  it  was  completed,  and  then  passing  on  to  another,  there 
were  generally  two  or  three  subjects  under  deliberation  at 
the  same  period,  each  being  peculiarly  intrusted  to  one  or 
other  of  the  committees  in  which  they  were  prepared  for 
public  debate,  and  were  successively  laid  aside  and  resumed 
according  to  their  respective  states  of  preparation.  For 
example,  on  the  2d  of  January  1644,  the  two  following 
subjects  were  both  brought  forward: — "  Pastors  and  teachers 
have  power  to  inquire  and  judge  who  are  fit  to  be  admitted 
to  the  sacraments,  or  kept  from  them ;  as  also  who  are  to 
be  excommunicated  or  absolved  from  that  censure  : "  and, 
"  The  apostles  had  power  to  ordain  officers  in  all  churches, 
and  to  appoint  evangelists  to  ordain."  Notwithstanding 
the  general  terms  employed,  it  was  impossible  to  discuss 
these  propositions  without  bringing  forward  the  very  points 
on  which  the  greatest  amount  of  division  existed,  namely, 
discipline  and  ordination ;  and  as  they  investigated  every 
topic  in  a  minute  and  scholastic  manner,  by  a  series  of  fine- 
drawn distinctions  and  syllogistic  propositions  previously 
prepared  in  the  committees,  it  almost  inevitably  followed, 
that  the  business  of  the  committees  came  before  the  Assembly 
on  alternate  days.  In  order  to  avoid  the  seeming  confusion 
of  such  a  mode  of  procedure,  it  will  be  expedient  for  us  to 
trace  each  separate  subject  till  its  completion,  instead  of 
attempting  to  carry  them  forward  contemporaneously,  as 
the  Assembly  did. 

It  was  in  consequence  of  the  method  of  treating  every 
subject  minutely,  and  as  convenience  served,  that  the  pro- 
position respecting  the  apostolic  office  was  thus  brought 
forward,  long  after  its  main  elements   had  been  defined, 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  167 

and  its  character  as  extraordinary  and  temporary  admitted. 
When  this  part  of  the  definition  was  stated,  namely,  "That 
the  apostles  had  power  to  ordain  officers  in  all  churches, 
and  to  appoint  evangelists  to  ordain ; "  the  Independents 
were  afraid,  that  if  this  passed  unquestioned,  it  might  be 
held  to  have  been  already  decided  that  the  apostles  alone 
had  that  power,  and  that  they  had  so  transmitted  it  by 
Church-officers  that  none  others  could  ordain ;  whereas 
they  held  that  the  Church  itself,  that  is,  ordinary  Church 
members  assembled,  possessed  that  power.  It  was  also 
disputed  whether  the  term  used,  Acts  xiv.  23,  xtlP0T0V'iai 
meant  ordination  or  election ;  and  on  this  point  a  long 
debate  took  place,  Gillespie,  Vines,  Simpson,  and  others, 
holding  that  election  was  the  proper  meaning.1  After  some 
further  debate  on  the  power  of  the  apostles  to  appoint 
evangelists  to  ordain,  the  whole  proposition  received  the 
sanction  of  the  Assembly. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  the  whole  question  of  ordination 
was  fairly  stated  by  Dr  Temple,  chairman  of  one  of  the 
committees,  in  the  following  series  of  interrogatory  proposi- 
tions : —  "1.  What  ordination  is  1  2.  Whether  necessarily 
to  be  continued  %  3.  Who  to  ordain  1  4.  What  persons 
to  be  ordained,  and  how  qualified'?  5.  The  manner  how1?" 
To  these  were  appended  the  following  answers  for  the 
Assembly's  consideration : — "  1.  Ordination  is  the  solemn 
setting  apart  of  a  person  to  some  public  office  in  the  Church. 
2.  It  is  necessarily  to  be  continued  in  the  Church.  3.  The 
apostles  ordained,  evangelists  did,  preaching  presbyters  did ; 
because  apostles  and  evangelists  are  officers  extraordinary, 
and  not  to  continue  in  the  Church  ;  and  since,  in  Scripture, 
we  find  ordination  in  no  other  hands,  we  humbly  conceive 
that  the  preaching  presbyters  are  only  to  ordain."  Th< 
first  proposition  was  affirmed  without  much  debate.  The 
1  Lightfoot,  pp.  100-102 ;  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  129. 


168  HISTORY    OF   THE 

second  was  opposed  chiefly  because  of  the  word  "  neces- 
sarily," Mr  Nye  questioning  whether  it  were  necessitate 
finis,  or  necessitate  precepti, — a  necessity  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  purpose,  or  a  necessity  arising  out  of  its  being 
commanded.  Both  sides  shrunk  from  the  danger  of  division 
on  this  point ;  and  having  changed  the  word  "  necessarily" 
into  "  always,"  the  proposition  was  affirmed.  In  the  next 
proposition  it  was  easily  admitted  that  apostles  and  evange- 
lists ordained;  but  when  that  passage,  1  Tim.  iv.  14,  was 
referred  to,  as  proving  that  preaching  presbyters  ordained, 
a  very  considerable  debate  arose,  Lightfoot,  in  particular, 
asserting  that  it  must  mean,  not  ordination,  but  admission 
to  be  an  elder ;  and  when  it  was  affirmed  by  the  Assembly, 
he  and  some  others  voted  in  the  negative.1 

This  was,  however,  merely  the  beginning  of  the  struggle. 
When  the  latter  part  of  the  proposition  was  brought  for- 
ward for  debate,  "  preaching  presbyters  were  only  to  ordain," 
it  was  felt  by  all,  that  to  this  the  Independents  would  not 
assent  without  some  modification.  Calamy,  Gillespie,  and 
Seaman,  proposed,  therefore,  that  a  committee  of  Inde- 
pendents might  be  chosen,  who  should,  in  their  own  terms, 
state  the  question  concerning  ordination ;  in  the  hope  that, 
by  having  both  views  of  the  subject  brought  forward  at 
once,  it  might  be  possible  to  fuse  and  blend  them  together, 
so  as  to  prevent  division.  Their  report  was  given  in  by 
Mr  Nye,  as  follows  : — "  1.  Ordination,  for  the  substance 
of  it,  is  the  solemnization  of  an  officer's  outward  call ;  in 
which  the  elders  of  the  Church,  in  the  name  of  Christ,  and 
for  the  Church,  do,  by  a  visible  sign,  design  the  person, 
and  ratify  his  separation  to  his  office,  with  prayer  for,  and 
blessing  upon  his  gifts  in  the  ministration  thereof.  2.  That 
the  power  that  gives  the  formal  being  to  an  officer,  should 
be  derived  by  Christ's  institution  from  the  power  that  is  in 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  113. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  169 

elders  as  such,  on  the  act  of  ordination, — as  yet,  we  find 
not  anywhere  held  forth  in  the  Word."  It  will  >;eadily  be 
supposed  that  the  Assembly  must  have  listened  to  such 
vague  and  unintelligible  propositions  with  considerable 
amazement,  not  unmingled  with  displeasure,  to  find  their 
courtesy  requited  by  such  studied  ambiguity,  certainly  not 
calculated,  and  it  could  scarcely  be  thought  intended,  to 
promote  agreement.  They  questioned  the  use  of  the  word 
u  elders,"  as  obscure  and  ambiguous  ;  also  the  expression 
"  for  the  Church,"  which  Nye  interpreted,  vice  ecclesiae,  in 
the  stead  of  the  Church.  "  Other  scrupulous  and  ambiguous 
passages,"  says  Lightfoot,  "  were  found ;  which,  after  a 
very  long  canvass  upon  them,  were  laid  by,  and  our  old 
proposition  re-assumed."  ! 

The  conduct  of  the  Independents,  on  this  occasion,  was 
both  discreditable  in  itself,  and  led  to  very  pernicious  results. 
It  was  discreditable  either  to  their  candour  or  their  talents, 
to  produce  propositions  couched  in  such  ambiguous  language, 
much  more  calculated  to  perplex  than  to  clear  the  subject ; 
and  as  they  were  men  of  decided  abilities,  the  accusation 
falls  upon  their  character,  and  constrains  us  to  regard  them 
as  uncandid  and  disingenuous.  But  finding  that  they  had 
succeeded  so  ill  in  their  attempt  to  deceive  or  confuse  in 
this  instance,  they  never  again  could  be  prevailed  upon  to 
state  to  the  Assembly  their  own  opinions  in  writing,  though 
sufficiently  pertinacious  in  retaining  them,  and  supporting 
them  by  every  kind  of  argument.  The  new  course  of  tactics 
thus  adopted  proved  the  means  of  retarding  the  Assembly 
beyond  measure,  and  ended  at  last  in  rendering  all  its  pro- 
longed toils  comparatively  abortive. 

When  the  Assembly  was  on  the  point  of  resuming  the 
consideration  of  its  own  propositions,  Lord  Manchester 
entered,  bringing  an  order  from  the  House  of  Lords,  which 

1  Lightfoot,  p.  115. 


170  HISTORY    OF    THE 

required  the  Assembly  to  make  haste  and  conclude  the  sub- 
ject of  ordination.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare 
the  matter  for  public  discussion  ;  and  next  day,  2 2d  January, 
the  two  following  propositions  were  reported : — "  1.  That 
in  extraordinary  cases  something  extraordinary  may  be  done, 
until  a  settled  order  may  be  had ;  yet  keeping  as  close  as 
may  be  to  the  rule.  2.  It  is  lawful,  and  according  to  the 
Word,  that  certain  ministers  of  the  city  be  desired  to  ordain 
ministers  in  the  city  and  vicinity,  jure  fraternitatis"  A 
keen  debate  ensued,  Coleman,  Goodwin,  and  Nye  opposing, 
— Vines,  Seaman,  Lightfoot,  and  others  supporting  the  re- 
port. Nye,  in  particular,  offered  the  most  determined  and 
pertinacious  resistance  to  the  clause  "  keeping  as  close  to 
the  rule  as  may  be."  "  Again,"  says  Lightfoot,  "  he  inter- 
posed, again,  and  again;"1  but,  in  the  end,  the  vote  was 
carried  in  the  affirmative.  Every  kind  of  scruple  was 
started,  every  kind  of  objection  brought  forward  by  the 
Independents,  aided  by  Selden,  with  whom  they  did  not 
hesitate  to  make  common  cause  in  this  matter.  Nye  even 
went  so  far  as  to  argue  that  bishops  might  still  ordain, 
rather  than  he  would  admit  the  case  to  be  extraordinary, 
requiring  a  prompt  remedial  measure.  In  order,  if  possible, 
to  end  the  tedious  debate,  it  was  proposed  by  Gillespie,  that 
the  question  of  a  presbytery  should  be  expressly  declared 
as  still  left  open ;  and  Vines  moved  that  the  Independents 
should  propose  their  own  way  for  the  supply  of  the  present 
necessity.  The  Earl  of  Pembroke  urged  haste,  as  both 
Church  and  kingdom  were  on  fire,  and  might  be  destroyed 
during  such  tedious  delays  ;  but  Nye  would  not  abate  his 
opposition.  After  a  keen  and  even  stormy  debate  of  four- 
teen days'  duration,  the  subject  was  laid  aside,  in  compliance 
with  the  request  of  Lord  Say,  who  supported  the  Independ- 
ents ;  and  who  suggested  that  it  would  really  expedite  the 

1  Lightfoot,  p.  117. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  171 

matter  first  to  decide  what  ought  to  be  the  ordinary  way 
and  rule  of  ordination,  to  which  any  thing  extraordinary 
could  be  then  made  to  conform.  The  cause  of  the  extreme 
obstinacy  of  the  Independents  in  this  discussion,  was  their 
fear  that  it  would  overrule  two  points  which  they  held  to 
be  of  vital  importance,  involving  the  very  essence  of  their 
system,  namely,  the  power  of  ordination  by  a  single  con- 
gregation j  and  the  existence  and  powers  of  a  presbytery. 
The  Assembly  repeatedly  assured  them  that  these  subjects 
should  not  be  regarded  as  in  any  respect  decided  ;  and 
Gillespie  tendered  four  distinct  arguments  to  show  that  it 
could  not  determine  the  question  of  a  presbytery.1 

The  subject  of  ordination  was  again  resumed  on  the  18th 
of  March,  partly  with  reference  to  the  existing  necessity, 
and  partly  as  occurring  in  the  course  of  discussion  respecting 
the  calling  and  appointment  of  ministers.  One  additional 
element  of  some  importance  was  now  introduced,  which  led 
to  another  still  more  important ; — the  first  was  the  necessity 
of  designation  to  some  particular  place,  to  avoid  disorder 
and  irregularity ;  and  the  second,  arising  out  of  this,  was, 
the  consent  of  the  congregation  to  which  the  pastor  is  to 
be  ordained.  The  form  of  the  proposition  brought  forward 
on  this  point  was,  "  That  he  be  recommended  to  that  con- 
gregation to  whom  he  is  to  be  a  minister,  and  have  their 
consent,  unless  they  can  show  just  cause  of  exception 
against  him."  Gillespie  proposed  to  add,  "Or  will  petition 
for  a  man  that  they  conceive  may  be  more  advantageous  to 
them  in  his  preaching,  and  more  powerful  upon  their  ex- 
perience." Henderson  wished  this  question  to  be  debated: 
"  The  presbytery  recommend  one,  and  the  people  desire 
another  j  how  shall  it  be  determined  V  Gillespie  desired 
that  this  might  hold :  "In  no  case,  in  a  settled  church,  a 
minister  may  be  obtruded  on  a  congregation."  Rutherford 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  130. 


172  HISTORY   OF   THE 

said,  "The  Scriptures  constantly  give  the  choice  of  the 
pastor  to  the  people.  The  act  of  electing  is  in  the  people  ; 
and  the  regulating  and  correcting  of  their  choice  is  in  the 
presbytery."  Gillespie  again  resumed  :  "But  if  they  cannot 
show  just  cause  against  him,  what  then  is  to  be  done? 
The  people  say,  We  see  no  error  in  him,  in  life  and  doctrine, 
but  honour  and  reverence  him  ;  but  we  can  better  profit  by 
another  :  what  is  to  be  done  in  this  case  V  He  then  moved 
that  this  proposition  might  be  debated  :  "He  that  is  to  be 
ordained  be  not  obtruded  against  the  will  of  the  congre- 
gation :  for  the  prelates  are  for  obtrusion,  the  separation 
for  a  popular  voting ;  therefore  let  us  go  in  a  medium."  At 
length  the  debate  terminated  by  the  passing  of  the  following 
proposition  : — "Xo  man  shall  be  ordained  a  minister  of  a 
particular  congregation,  if  they  can  show  any  just  cause  of 
exception  against  him."  x 

In  the  beginning  of  April  the  Assembly  completed  the 
doctrinal  part  of  ordination,  and  proceeded  to  frame  a  direc- 
tory how  it  should  be  conducted  A  committee  was  chosen 
to  prepare  it  for  debate,  consisting  of  Messrs  Palmer,  Herle, 
Marshall,  Tuckney,  Seaman,  Vines,  Goodwin,  Gataker,  and 
the  Scottish  Ministers.  Their  report  was  given  in  and  rati- 
fied on  the  19th  of  April,  and  next  day  laid  before  both 
Houses  of  Parliament.  Although  Parliament  had  repeatedly 
urged  the  Assembly  to  hasten  forward  the  directory  and 
rules  for  ordination,  yet,  when  this  had  been  done,  the 
matter  was  allowed  to  remain  inoperative,  for  want  of  the 
ratification  of  the  Legislature,  from  the  20th  of  April,  when 

1  Lightfoot,  pp.  230-233.  The  conduct  and  language  of  the  Scottish 
divines  in  this  debate  prove  clearly  that  they  held  the  principle  of  election 
by  the  people  to  be  the  right  one  ;  and  that  the  utmost  modification  of 
it  to  which  they  could  consent  was,  that  no  man  be  intruded.  They  were, 
in  short,  what  would  now  be  termed  "decided  Xon-lntrusionists."  at  the 
least ;  and  their  consent  to  a  modified  proposition  was  caused  by  their 
dread  of  the  sectarian  confusion  then  prevalent  in  England. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  173 

it  was  received,  till  the  15th  of  August..  Before  it  was 
returned,  some  rumours  had  been  in  circulation  that  con- 
siderable alterations  had  been  made  by  the  Parliament ; 
and  when  it  was  actually  produced  before  the  Assembly, 
these  were  found  to  be  more  extensive  than  had  even  been 
apprehended.  They  had  omitted  the  whole  doctrinal  part 
of  ordination,  and  all  the  scriptural  grounds  for  it ;  and 
they  had  chosen  only  the  extraordinary  way  of  ordination, 
and  even  in  that  part  had  struck  out  whatever  might  dis- 
please the  Independents,  the  patrons,  and  the  Erastians.1 
The  Scottish  Commissioners  would  by  no  means  consent  to 
these  alterations  ;  and,  in  an  address  to  the  Grand  Com- 
mittee of  Lords,  Commons,  and  the  Assembly,  they  ex- 
pressly condemned  them.  This  decided  conduct,  aided  by 
a  timely  petition  to  both  Houses  from  the  city  ministers, 
produced  the  desired  effect;2  and,  on  the  16th  of  September, 
the  Assembly's  directory  for  ordination  was  returned,  re- 
stored to  its  original  condition.  On  the  1 8th,  a  committee 
was  appointed  for  the  ordination  of  ministers,  consisting  of 
ten  of  the  Assembly  divines,  and  thirteen  of  those  belong- 
ing to  the  city  of  London.  This  was  ratified  by  both 
Houses  on  the  2d  of  October ;  and  thus  that  long  delayed 
point  was  concluded.3 

As  the  discussions  respecting  the  directory  for  public 
worship  were  not  of  such  importance  as  those  concerning 
government  and  discipline,  and  were  first  concluded,  though 
not  begun  till  after  the  other  had  continued  for  a  consider- 
able time,  it  will  conduce  to  simplicity  and  clearness  to  give 

»  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  pp.  198  and  221.  2  Rushworth,  vol.  v.  p.  780. 

3  Rush-worth,  vol.  v.  p.  781.  The  names  of  the  Assembly  divines 
were,  Drs  Burgess  and  Gouge,  Messrs  "Walker,  Conant,  Cawdry,  Calamy, 
Chambers,  Ley,  Gower,  and  Roborough.  The  city  ministers  were, 
Messrs  Downham.  Dod,  Clendon,  Bourne,  Roberts,  Offspring,  Crauford, 
Clarke,  Billers,  Cooke,  Lee,  Hortou,  and  Jackson.  A  similar  committee 
was  also  appointed  for  the  county  of  Lancaster. — XtaL  vol.  ii.  p.  273. 


174  HISTORY    OF    THE 

an  outline  of  the  former  of  these  topics  in  the  present 
place. 

On  the  21st  of  May  1644,  Mr  Rutherford  moved  for 
the  speeding  of  the  directory  for  public  worship,  to  which 
no  attention  had  hitherto  been  paid.  In  consequence  of 
this  motion,  Mr  Palmer,  chairman  of  the  committee  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose,  gave  in  a  report  on  the  24th, 
which  brought  the  subject  fairly  before  the  Assembly. 
Some  little  difference  of  opinion  arose,  whether  any  other 
person,  except  the  minister,  might  read  the  Scriptures  in 
the  time  of  public  worship ;  which  terminated  in  the 
occasional  permission  of  probationers.  But  when  the  sub- 
ject of  the  dispensation  of  the  Lord's  supper  came  under 
discussion,  it  gave  rise  to  a  sharp  and  protracted  debate, 
chiefly  between  the  Independents  and  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners. The  Independents  opposed  the  arrangement 
of  the  communicants,  as  seated  at  the  communion  table,  it 
being  the  custom  among  them  for  the  people  to  remain  in 
their  pews  ;  while  the  Scottish  members  urgently  defended 
the  proposed  method  of  seating  themselves  at  the  same 
table.  Another  disputed  point  was,  with  regard  to  the 
power  of  the  minister  to  exclude  ignorant  or  scandalous 
persons  from  communion.  The  debates  on  these  points 
occupied  the  Assembly  from  the  10th  of  June  to  the  10th 
of  July.  The  directory  for  the  sacrament  of  baptism  was 
also  the  subject  of  considerable  debate,  continued  from  the 
11th  of  July  to  the  8th  of  August.  The  directory  for  the 
sanctification  of  the  Sabbath  was  readily  received  ;  and  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  preface  for  the  com- 
pleted directory  for  public  worship.  This  committee  con- 
sisted of  Messrs  Goodwin,  Nye,  Bridge,  Burgess,  Reynolds, 
Vines,  Marshall,  and  Dr  Temple,  together  with  the  Scottish 
ministers.  The  appointment  of  so  many  of  the  Independents 
was  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  any  renewal  of  the  pro- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  175 

tracted  contentions  in  which  they  had  so  long  held  the 
Assembly,  as  we  learn  from  Baillie.1  This  part  of  the 
Assembly's  labours  received  the  ratification  of  Parliament 
on  the  22d  of  November  1644  ;  with  the  exception  of  the 
directions  for  marriage  and  burial,  which  were  finished  on 
the  27th  of  the  same  month,  and  soon  afterwards  the  whole 
received  the  full  ratification  of  Parliament. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Assembly  of  divines, 
when  required  by  Parliament  to  prepare  a  new  form  of 
government  and  discipline,  attempted  at  first  to  begin  and 
proceed  with  their  task  in  a  manner  strictly  systematic  and 
logical,  commencing  with  Christ,  the  Divine  Head  of  the 
Church,  who  possesses  all  power  and  all  offices  by  way  of 
•eminency  in  Himself;  from  that  they  proceeded  to  mention 
the  various  kinds  of  Church-officers  who  are  named  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  to  define  the  nature  of  their  official  powers 
and  duties,  intending  to  complete  this  part  before  under- 
taking any  other.  But  they  were  turned  aside  from  the 
systematic  course  of  procedure,  partly  by  the  urgency  of 
the  Parliament's  desire  to  obtain  a  directory  for  ordination 
to  supply  vacant  charges  ;  and  partly  by  their  own  wish  to 
avoid  the  discussion  of  controverted  topics  till  they  should 
have  agreed  on  as  many  as  possible.  Even  in  these  pre- 
liminary steps,  however,  they  came  into  contact  with  several 
points  which  led  to  keen  debates  between  the  Independent 
and  the  Presbyterian  parties,  proving  but  too  plainly  that  a 
full  agreement  was  scarcely  to  be  expected.  For  a  time  the 
Scottish  Commissioners  strove  to  act  the  part  of  peace- 
makers, and  repeatedly  moved  to  avoid  disputable  topics, 
and  to  direct  their  attention  chiefly  to  those  on  which  all 
might  be  united.  As  the  subjects  on  which  they  were 
-engaged  advanced,  this  became  impracticable,  and  all  parties 
prepared  for  the  struggle.  On  the  19th  of  January  1644, 
1  Laillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  242. 


176  HISTORY    OF   THE 

Dr  Burgess  reported  from  the  first  committee,  who  were 
to  draw  up  the  propositions  concerning  Presbytery  in  the 
following  terms  : — "  1.  That  the  Scripture  holdeth  out  a 
Presbytery  in  a  Church,  1  Tim.  iv.  14;  Acts  xv.  2,  4,  6. 
2.  That  a  Presbytery  consisteth  of  ministers  of  the  Word, 
and  such  other  public  officers  as  have  been  already  voted 
to  have  a  share  in  the  government  in  the  Church."  1 

The  subject  having  been  thus  brought  forward  in  the 
Assembly  in  the  due  order  of  procedure,  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners prepared  a  book  containing  an  outline  of  the 
Presbyterial  form  of  Church  government,  as  it  already 
existed  in  Scotland,  and  caused  a  copy  of  it  to  be  given  to 
each  member  of  Assembly.  They  also  prepared  a  paper 
containing  a  brief  statement  of  the  chief  heads  of  Church 
government,  which  having  been  laid  before  the  Grand 
Committee,  was  by  them  transmitted  to  the  Assembly  for 
their  consideration.  It  was  to  the  following  effect : — 
"  Assemblies  are  fourfold  :  1  Elderships  of  particular  con- 
gregations; 2.  Classical  Presbyteries;  3.  Provincial  Synods; 
4.  National  Assemblies.  Elderships  particular  are  war- 
ranted :  1.  By  Christ's  institution.  Matt,  xviii.  17  ;  2.  By 
the  common  light  of  nature  ;  3.  By  unavoidable  necessity. 
Classical  Presbyteries  are  warrantable  :  1.  By  Christ's  in- 
stitution, Matt,  xviii.  17  ;  2.  By  the  example  of  Apostolic 
Churches — instancing  in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem,  Antioch, 
Ephesus,  Corinth,  Eome,  etc."2  These  propositions  were 
given  to  the  committee  which  was  intrusted  with  the  pre- 
paration of  all  matters  connected  with  Presbytery,  as  the 
proper  channel  through  which  they  might  again  be  brought 
forward  in  the  Assembly ;  not,  however,  without  some 
opposition,  both  from  the  Independents  and  from  Selden. 
This  took  place  on  the  25th  of  January  ;  and  on  the  27th 
of  the  same  month,  Lord  Wharton  reported  from  the  House 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  115.  Lightfoot,  p.  119. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  177 

of  Lords,  that  a  person  named  Ogle,  formerly  a  royalist 
officer,  at  that  time  a  prisoner,  had  been  detected  holding 
correspondence  with  Lord  Bristol,  expressing  his  hope  that 
a  large  party  of  the  Parliament's  adherents  might  be  in- 
duced to  join  the  King,  "  if  the  moderate  Protestant  and 
the  fiery  Independent  could  be  brought  to  withstand  the 
Presbyterian."1  His  lordship  produced,  at  the  same  time, 
letters  from  the  Earl  of  Bristol,  encouraging  the  scheme  of 
bringing  in  the  Independents  to  the  support  of  the  royal 
cause.  In  this  plot  the  Independents  in  the  Assembly  da 
not  appear  to  have  been  directly  implicated  ;  for  Nye  and 
Goodwin  assisted  in  its  detection,  by  obtaining  permission 
to  hold  private  intercourse  with  Ogle,  and  to  seem  to  con- 
sent to  his  proposals,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  their 
full  extent  and  nature.2  Although  the  Assembly  Inde- 
pendents were  vindicated  from  participation  in  this  plot, 
yet  a  certain  amount  of  suspicion  rested  on  the  party  in 
general,  which,  together  with  the  points  of  difference  already 
stated,  and  those  on  the  brink  of  being  brought  forward, 
seem  to  have  induced  them  to  adopt  a  course  which  proved 
exceedingly  pernicious,  so  far  as  regarded  the  prospect  of 
arriving  at  ultimate  unanimity. 

1644.  About  the  end  of  January,  or  the  beginning  of 
February  1644,  they  published  a  treatise,  termed  "An  Apo- 
logetical  Narration,  humbly  submitted  to  the  Honourable 
Houses  of  Parliament,  by  Thomas  Goodwin,  Philip  Nye, 
Sidrach  Simpson,  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  William  Bridge." 
The  date  on  the  title-page  is  1643;  but  the  parliamentary  year 
commenced  on  the  25th  of  March,  according  to  the  English 
computation  ;  and  Baillie  mentions  this  treatise  as  newly 
published,  in  a  letter  dated  the  18th  of  February  1644,  he 
dating  the  beginning  of  the  year  from  January,  as  had  been 
the  custom  in  Scotland  from  the  year  1600.    The  language 

•  Ligktfnot,  p.  12G.  2  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  137. 

K 


178  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  Baillie  is  very  pointed  respecting  this  production.  "At 
last,"  says  he,  "  foreseeing  they  behoved  ere  long  to  come 
to  the  point,  they  put  out,  in  print,  on  a  sudden,  an  Apolo- 
getical  Narration  of  their  way,  which  long  had  lain  ready 
beside  them,  wherein  they  petition  the  Parliament,  in  a 
most  sly  and  cunning  way,  for  a  toleration  ;  and  withal 
lend  too  bold  wipes  to  all  the  Eeformed  Churches,  as  im- 
perfect yet  in  their  reformation,  till  their  new  model  be 
embraced."1  Baillie  further  insinuates,  that  the  appear- 
ance of  the  treatise  was  u  by  some  men  intended  to  con- 
tribute to  the  very  wicked  plot,  at  that  same  instant  a-work- 
ing,  but  shortly  after  discovered  almost  miraculously."  If 
this  conjecture  be  correct,  the  intercourse  of  Nye  and 
Goodwin  with  Ogle  may  have  been  for  the  purpose  of 
concealing  their  own  connection  with  the  plot,  rather  than 
to  aid  in  its  complete  detection.  We  are  not,  however, 
desirous  to  fix  upon  them  a  larger  amount  of  criminality, 
as  conducting  dark  and  treacherous  intrigues,  than  can  be 
maintained  by  the  clearest  and  most  irresistible  evidence, 
and  therefore  shall  not  at  once  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Baillie. 
The  publication  of  this  treatise,  the  "  Apologetical  Nar- 
ration," by  the  Independents,  tended  greatly  to  prevent 
the  probability  of  any  amicable  arrangement  in  which  all 
parties  might  agree.  Till  that  time  nothing  had  been  done 
which  foreclosed  the  possible  adjustment  of  at  least  all 
minor  differences  ;  and  the  Scottish  divines,  in  particular, 
had  striven  to  avoid  the  premature  determination  of  points 
disputed  by  the  Independents.  But  when  they  had  thus 
carried  the  controversy  away  from  the  Assembly  to  the 
Parliament,  and  had,  by  publishing  this  work,  laid  it  before 
the  world,  it  became  almost  morally  impossible  that  any 
accommodated  adjustment  could  take  place,  each  party 
feeling  bound  in  honour  to  make  out  its  own  cause,  and  to 

i  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  13U. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  179 

adhere  pertinaciously  to  the  views  thus  publicly  declared. 
It  may  be  remarked  also,  that  the  Scottish  Commissioners 
had  always  caused  their  publications  to  be  laid  before  the 
Assembly,  so  as  to  render  them  fairly  the  subjects  of  dis- 
cussion ;  whereas  the  Independents  addressed  their  produc- 
tion to  the  Parliament,  and  published  it  to  the  community, 
without  formally  giving  copies  to  the  Assembly ;  so  that, 
whatever  might  be  thought,  the  subject  could  not,  without 
violation  of  order  and  propriety,  be  taken  up  and  debated 
there.  This,  of  course,  led  to  the  publication  of  a  series  of 
answers,  in  which,  as  usual,  each  disputant  was  more  eager 
to  confute  his  antagonist  than  to  promote  peace  and  har- 
mony. From  that  time  forward  the  contest  between  the 
Independents  and  the  Presbyterians  became  one  of  irrecon- 
cilable rivalry,  to  which  the  utter  defeat  of  the  one  or  the 
other  was  the  only  possible  termination.  And  historical 
truth  compels  us  to  say,  that  as  this  bitter  warfare  was 
begun  by  the  Independents,  they  are  justly  chargeable  with 
all  the  consequences  of  the  fatal  feud. 

The  "  Apologetical  Narration"  is,  in  many  points  of 
view,  a  remarkable  production.  Though  it  extends  to  no 
more  than  thirty-one  pages  of  small  quarto,  it  contains  a 
very  plausible  account  of  the  history  of  the  five  Independent 
divines,  the  peculiar  tenets  of  Church  government  which 
they  held,  and  their  objections  against  the  Presbyterian 
system  ;  so  expressed  as  both  to  convey  a  highly  favourable 
view  of  themselves  and  their  opinions  to  Parliament,  and 
to  the  public,  and  to  serve  as  the  vehicle  of  skilfully  con- 
structed adulation  to  Parliament  itself.  The  treatise  begins 
by  complaining  of  the  accusations  which  were  generally 
urged  ("  though  not  expressly  directed  against  us  in  par- 
ticular, yet  in  the  interpretation  of  the  most  reflecting  on 
us,")  by  which  they  had  beeu  awakened  and  enforced  to 
anticipate  a  little  that  discovery  of  themselves  which  other- 


180  HISTORY   OF   THE 

wise  they  had  resolved  to  have  left  to  time  and  experience 
of  their  ways  and  spirits.     They  present  themselves,  there- 
fore, "  to  the  supreme  judicatory  of  this  kingdom  ;  which 
is,  and  hath  been  in  all  times,  the  most  just  and  severe 
tribunal  for  guiltiness  to  appear  before,  much  more  to  dare 
to  appeal  unto ;  and  yet,  withal,  the  most  sacred  refuge 
and  asylum  for  mistaken  and  misjudged  innocence."     They 
then  mention  that  most  of  them  had  enjoyed  stations  in 
the  ministry  ten  years  before,  which  they  had  been  con- 
strained to  abandon  in  consequence  of  the  corruptions  in 
the  public  worship  and  government  of  the  Church.    Having 
been  compelled  first  to  look  at  the  dark  -part,  as  they  term 
it,  or  the  actually  existing  evils,  which  forced  them  to  exile, 
they  next  began  to  inquire  into  and  examine  the  light  part, 
or  the  positive  part  of  Church  worship  and  government,  as 
stated  in  the  apostolic  directions,  and  the  examples  of  the 
primitive  New  Testament  Churches.     "  In  this  inquiry," 
say  they,  "  we  looked  upon  the  Word  of  Christ  as  impar- 
tially and  unprejudicedly  as  men  made  of  flesh  and  blood 
are  like  to  do  in  any  juncture  of  time  that  may  fall  out." — 
"  We  had  no  new  commonwealths  to  rear,  to  frame  Church 
government  unto  (a  hint  for  the  Erastians),  whereof  any 
one  piece  might  stand  in  the  other's  light,  to  cause  the 
least  variation  by  us  from  the  primitive  pattern  ;  we  had 
no  state  ends  or  political  interests  to  comply  with ;  no 
kingdoms  in  our  eye  to  subdue  unto  our  mould,  which  yet 
will  be  co-existent  with  the  peace  of  any  civil  government 
on  earth  ;  no  preferment  of  worldly  respects  to  shape  our 
opinions  for :  we  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  simply  and 
singly  to  consider  how  to  worship  God  acceptably,  and  so 
most  according  to  his  Word."1     These  good  men  do  not 
seem  to  have  perceived  that  a  precisely  similar  course  of 
reasoning,  in  a  closely  similar  condition,  led  to  the  erroneous 
1  Apologetical  Narration,  pp.  3,  4. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  181 

conclusions  of  the  ascetic  and  monastic  orders  in  the  early 
ages  of  Christianity,  nothing  being  more  common  than  for 
men  to  spring  from  one  extreme  into  that  which  is  most 
directly  and  remotely  opposite.  And  it  will  be  observed 
that  there  is  an  allusion  to  the  usual  charge  brought  against 
the  Scottish  Covenanters,  which  it  would  have  been  more 
in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  charity  and  peace  not  to 
have  made. 

They  next  proceed  to  point  out  the  advantages  which 
they  enjoyed  from  the  writings  of  the  Nonconformists— 
the  errors  of  the  Separatists,  or  Bro  waists — the  example  of 
other  Eeformed  Churches,  and  particularly  the  example  of 
their  expatriated  countrymen  in  new  England.  As  if  to 
prove  that  they  were  not  men  of  unaccommodating  temper, 
and  rigid  sectarian  spirit,  they  admit  that  even  in  the  worst 
times  of  the  Church  of  England,  "  multitudes  of  the  assem- 
blies and  parochial  congregations  thereof  were  the  true 
churches  and  body  of  Christ,  and  the  ministry  thereof  a 
true  ministry  "  (the  italics  are  in  the  work  itself) ;  "  and  that 
they  both  had  held,  and  would  hold,  communion  with  them 
as  the  churches  of  Christ,"  Mention  is  also  made  of  the 
friendly  terms  in  which  they  had  lived  with  the  National 
Presbyterian  Church  of  Holland,  as  a  further  proof  of  their 
truly  Christian  fairness  and  liberality  of  spirit. 

Having  given  this  general  view  of  their  own  feelings, 
they  proceed  to  state  briefly  the  way  and  practices  of  their 
churches,  which,  accordingly,  we  quote  in  their  own  words  : 
"  Our  public  worship  was  made  of  no  other  parts  than  the 
worship  of  all  other  Eeformed  Churches  doth  consist  of : 
As  public  and  solemn  prayers  for  kings  and  all  in  autho- 
rity, etc., — the  reading  the  Scriptuies  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments,  exposition  of  them  as  occasion  M*as  ;  and  con- 
stant preaching  of  the  Word,  the  administration  of  the 
two  sacraments,  baptism  to  infants,  and  the  Lord's  supper ; 


1  82  HISTORY  OF  THE 

singing  of  psalms,  collections  for  the  poor,  etc.,  every  Lord's 
flay.  For  officers  and  public  rulers  in  the  Church,  we  set 
up  no  other  but  the  very  same  which  the  Eeformed  Churches 
judge  necessary  and  sufficient,  and  as  instituted  by  Christ 
and  His  apostles  for  the  perpetual  government  of  His  Church; 
that  is,  pastors,  teachers,  ruling  elders  (with  us  not  lay, 
but  ecclesiastical  persons  separated  to  that  service),  and 
deacons.  And  for  the  matter  of  government  and  censures 
of  the  Church,  we  had  not  executed  any  other  but  what 
all  acknowledge,  namely,  admonition,  and  excommunication 
upon  obstinacy  and  impenitency  (which  we  bless  God  we 
never  exercised).  This  latter  we  judge  should  be  put  in 
execution  for  no  other  kind  of  sins  than  may  evidently  be 
presumed  to  be  perpetrated  against  the  party's  known  light. 
We  had  these  three  principles  more  especially  in  our  eye 
to  guide  and  steer  our  practice  by  :  First,  the  supreme  rule 
without  us  was  the  primitive  pattern  and  example  of  the 
churches  erected  by  the  apostles.  A  second  principle  we 
carried  along  with  us  in  all  our  resolutions  was,  not  to 
make  our  present  judgment  and  practice  a  binding  law  unto 
ourselves  for,  the  future,  which  we  in  like  manner  made 
continual  profession  of  upon  all  occasions  ;  which  principle 
we  wish  were  (next  to  that  most  supreme,  namely,  to  be  in 
all  things  guided  by  the  perfect  will  of  God)  enacted  as 
the  most  sacred  laiv  of  all  other,  in  the  midst  of  all  other 
laws  and  canons  ecclesiastical  in  Christian  State  and 
Churches  throughout  the  word.  Thirdly,  we  are  able  to 
hold  forth  this  true  and  just  apology  unto  the  world,  that 
in  the  matters  of  greatest  moment  and  controversy,  all 
still  chose  to  practise  safely,  and  so  as  we  had  reason  to 
judge  that  all  sorts,  or  the  most  of  all  the  churches,  did 
acknowledge  warrantable,  although  they  make  additaments 
thereunto." 

In  order  to  explain  what  they  mean  by  these  additameni^ 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  183 

they  proceed  to  say, — "  For  instance :  whereas  one  great 
controversy  of  these  times  is  about  the  qualification  of  the 
members  of  churches,  and  the  promiscuous  receiving  and 
mixture  of  good  and  bad ;  therein  we  chose  the  better  part, 
and  to  be  sure,  received  in  none  but  such  as  all  the  churches 
in  the  world,  by  the  balance  of  the  sanctuary,  acknowledge 
faithful."  With  regard  to  Church  government,  after  refer- 
ring to  the  Presbyterian  system  at  that  time  prevalent  in 
all  the  Eeformed  Churches,  except  that  of  England,  they 
say, — "  We  could  not  but  judge  it  a  safe  and  an  allowed 
way,  to  retain  the  government  of  our  several  congregations 
for  matters  of  discipline  within  themselves,  to  be  exercised 
by  their  own  elders,  whereof  we  had  (for  the  most  part  of 
the  time  we  were  abroad)  three  at  least  in  each  congregation, 
whom  we  were  subject  to ;  yet  not  claiming  to  ourselves 
an  independent  power  in  every  congregation,  to  give  account 
or  be  subject  to  none  others,  but  only  a  full  and  entire 
power  complete  within  ourselves,  until  we  should  be  chal- 
lenged to  err  grossly."  To  meet  the  objection,  that  such  a 
system  afforded  no  remedy  for  misconduct  in  any  erring 
congregation,  they  state,  that  when  one  church  gives  offence 
to  others,  they  ought  to  submit  to  trial  and  examination 
by  those  offended ;  and  if  the  offending  church  should 
persist  in  their  error,  then  the  others  are  "  to  pronounce 
that  heavy  sentence  against  them,  of  withdrawing  and 
renouncing  all  Christian  communion  with  them  until  they 
do  repent."  This  sentence  of  non-communion,  as  they  term 
it,  is  what  they  meant  by  excommunication;  and  as  its 
efficiency  was  questioned,  they  say,  in  answer  to  such  an 
objection :  ';  And  if  the  magistrate's  power  (to  which  we 
give  as  much,  and,  as  we  think,  more  than  the  principles 
of  the  Presbyterial  government  will  suffer  them  to  yield) 
do  but  assist  and  back  the  sentence  of  other  churches  de- 
nouncing this  non-communion  against  churches  miscarrying, 


184  HISTORY  OF  THE 

according  to  the  nature  of  the  crime,  as  they  judge 
meet,  and  as  they  would  the  sentence  of  churches  excom- 
municating other  churches  in  such  cases,  upon  their  own 
particular  judgment  of  the  cause  ;  then,  without  all  contro- 
versy, this,  our  way  of  Church  proceeding,  will  be  every 
way  as  effectual  as  their  other  can  be  supposed  to  be." 

A  short  narrative  is  then  given  of  the  way  in  which 
they  had  succeeded  in  terminating  a  dispute  which  had 
occurred  among  them  while  in  Holland ;  but  strict  truth 
constrains  us  to  say,  that  their  narrative  is  by  no  means  of 
an  impartial  character  ;  and  as  the  whole  facts  of  the  case 
were  well  known  to  many  of  the  Assembly  divines,  from 
their  intercourse  with  the  Netherlands,  they  could  not  fail 
to  be  displeased  with  this  apologetic  account  of  the  affair. 
The  relation  goes  on  to  suggest,  in  a  tone  of  considerable 
self-complacency,  that  though  the  Eeformed  Churches  had 
made  considerable  progress,  yet  it  seemed  likely  that  a  much 
more  perfect  reformation  might  be  obtained ;  manifestly 
implying  that  this  would  best  be  accomplished  by  following 
their  model.  Again  complaining  of  the  reproaches  and 
calumnies  which  they  had  endured,  they  mention,  as  among 
them,  "  That  proud  and  insolent  title  of  Independency  was 
affixed  unto  us,  as  our  claim ;  the  very  sound  of  which 
conveys  to  all  men's  apprehensions  the  challenge  of  an 
exemption  of  all  Churches  from  all  subjection  and  depend- 
ence, or  rather  a  trumpet  of  defiance  against  whatever  power, 
spiritual  or  civil ;  which  we  do  abhor  and  detest :  Or  else, 
the  odious  name  of  Brownism,  together  with  all  their 
opinions  as  they  have  stated  and  maintained  them,  must 
needs  be  owned  by  us  ;  although  upon  the  very  first  declar- 
ing our  judgments  in  the  chief  and  fundamental  point  of 
all  Church  discipline,  and  likewise  since,  it  hath  been  acknow- 
ledged that  we  differ  much  from  them.  And  we  did  then, 
and  do  here  publicly  profess,  we  believe  the  truth  to  lie  and 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  185 

consist  in  a  middle  way,  betwixt  that  which  is  falsely- 
charged  on  us,  Brownism ;  and  that  which  is  the  contention 
of  these  times,  the  authoritative  Presbyterial  government  in 
all  the  subordinations  and  proceedings  of  it." 1 

After  a  few  more  general  declarations  respecting  their 
own  "peaceable  practices,"  and  "constant  forbearance"  in 
the  midst  of  many  provocations,  and  their  resolution  to 
bear  all  "  with  a  quiet  and  strong  patience,"  they  intimate 
their  intention  to  decline  further  controversy,  reserving  the 
declaration  and  defence  of  their  opinions  to  the  Assembly. 
They  declare  also  their  full  agreement  with  the  Assembly 
in  all  points  of  doctrine  that  had  yet  been  discussed ;  and 
their  wish  to  yield  in  matters  of  discipline,  in  which  alone 
they  had  yet  differed,  to  the  utmost  latitude  of  their  light 
and  consciences.  And  finally,  they  conclude  their  Apolo- 
getical  Narration,  by  beseeching  the  Parliament  to  regard 
them  as  men  who,  if  they  cannot  be  promoters,  have  no 
wish  to  be  hinderers  of  further  reformation ;  who  differ 
less  from  the  Eeformed  Churches  and  their  brethren  than 
they  do  from  what  themselves  were  three  years  past ;  who 
have  long  been  exiles  and  are  now  sufferers  of  reproach ; 
and  who  pursue  no  other  design  but  a  subsistence,  be  it 
the  poorest  and  meanest,  in  their  own  land,  with  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  and  with  the  allowance 
of  a  latitude  to  some  lesser  differences  with  peaceableness, 
as  not  knowing  where  else  with  safety,  health,  and  liveli- 
hood, to  set  their  feet  on  earth. 

1  Apol.  Nar.,  pp.  23,  24. 

A  deputation  from  the  Dutch  Churches  came  to  the  Assembly, 
early  in  March,  bearing  a  letter,  in  Latin,  from  the  classes  of  Wallachia, 
censuring  the  Apologetic  Narration.  The  views  embodied  in  it  were 
substantially  the  same  as  those  set  forth  by  the  Scottish  Commissioners. 
This  letter,  after  having  been  translated  into  Euglish,  was  sent  to  be 
read  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament.— R.  W. 


1S6  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTEE  V. 

THE  INDEPENDENT   CONTROVERSY Continued. 

Answers  to  the  Apologetical  Narration — The  Antapologia — Views  of  the 
Independents — Keen  and  Protracted  Debates — Excommunication — 
Selden  and  Gillespie — Nye — Attempt  to  Accommodate — The  power 
of  Congregations — Suspension  and  Excommunication — Committee 
of  Accommodation — Proceedings  of  that  Committee  suspended — 
Reasons  of  Dissent  by  the  Independents — Answers  by  the  Assembly 
— General  Outline  of  these  Reasons  and  Answers — The  Independents 
requested  and  enjoined  to  state  their  own  model  of  Church  Govern- 
ment— The  Publication  of  a  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance — Assembly's 
Answer  to  it — The  Committee  of  Accommodation  Revived — Addi- 
tional Papers  prepared — Ends  without  effecting  an  Accommodation 
— Brief  Summary  of  the  Points  of  Disagreement  between  the  Pres- 
byterians and  Independents — Political  Intrigues — Errors  of  both 
Parties. 

The  publication  of  this  Apologetical  Narrative  operated 
instantaneously  like  a  declaration  of  war.  A  number  of 
answers  almost  immediately  appeared,  various  in  talent, 
learning,  and  power,  but  at  least  sufficiently  keen  and 
pointed.  Even  the  calm,  plausible,  and  stately  tone  of  the 
Narrative,  tended  to  provoke  their  antagonists  to  the  use 
of  undue  asperity  ;  for  they  regarded  it  as  an  attempt  to 
recommend  their  own  system,  and  disparage  others,  by 
means  of  careful  concealments,  plausible  evasions,  and 
alluring  insinuations  of  its  accommodating  nature,  skilfully 
contrasted  with  hints  and  suggestions  of  an  unfavourable 
kind  respecting  the  character  and  tendency  of  the  Presby- 
terian form  of  Church  government  and  discipline.  For 
this  reason  many  seemed  to  think  that  the  Narration  WM 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY,  187 

not  merely  to  be  answered,  but  assailed  'with  vehemence 
and  indignation.     In  this,  although   the   temptation  was 
great,   they  certainly  erred,   and  erred  grievously;    both 
because  such  a  method  is  not  likely  to  disarm  hostility,  or 
remove  prejudice,  and  because  it  seemed  to  prove  that  the 
charge  of  intolerance,  so  frequently  urged  against  them, 
was  but  too  well  founded.     Let  it,  however,  be  observed, 
that  none  of  the  Scottish  divines  entered  warmly  into  this 
controversy,   although  the   Independents  had  alluded   to 
them  in  a  manner  sufficiently  ungracious.     Baillie,  indeed, 
speaks  of  them  with  considerable  severity  in  some  parts  of 
his  letters  ;  and  the  view  which  he  gives  of  their  system  in 
his  "  Dissuasive,"  is  certainly  not  such  as  would  gratify  its 
adherents  ;  and  Eutherford  did  not  hesitate  to  encounter 
them  in  fair  argument,  in  several  of  his  works,  but  without 
any  asperity  of  temper,  or  harshness  of  language.     They 
were  answered  by  Mr  Herle,  in  his  treatise  entitled  "  The 
Independency   upon   Scripture    of   the   Independency   of 
Churches  ; "  and  he  also  retained  a  dignified  and  Chris- 
tian-like calmness  of  spirit  and  manner.     But  other  anta- 
gonists kept  no  such  terms.     Dr  Bastwick,  Mr  Vicars,  and 
Mr  Edwards,  assailed  the  Narration  with  not  less  keenness 
of  expression  than  strength  of  argument.    Of  these  answers, 
the  most  elaborate  was  that  entitled  "  Antapologia  ;  or,  a 
Full  Answer  to  the  Apologetical  Narration  ;  by  Thomas 
Edwards,"  extending  to   259  pages  of  small  quarto,  and 
embracing   every    disputed   or   suggested   topic.      It   will 
scarcely  be  denied,  by  those  who  have  carefully  perused 
the  Antapologia,  that  it  furnishes  a  very  ample  and  strong, 
but  most  ungracious  refutation  of  the  main  positions  taken 
up  by  the   authors   of  the  Apologetical   Narration.     No 
formal  reply  was  returned  by  the  Independents  to  the 
Antapologia  ;  but  Mr  Burroughs  sometime  afterwards  pub- 
lished a  vindication  of  himself  from  some  of  the  charges 


188  HISTORY  OF  THE 

that  had  been  urged  against  him.  To  that  vindication  we 
may  have  occasion  to  refer  subsequently,  for  another  purpose. 
Instead,  therefore,  of  tracing  the  Antapologia,  and  ex- 
tracting its  statements,  it  may  be  enough  to  advert  to  some 
of  the  main  points  in  which  it  answered  the  Narration. 
It  is  proved  clearly  by  facts,  that  the  Independent  brethren 
had  not  been  such  silent  and  retiring  men  as  they  repre- 
sented themselves  to  have  been  ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary, 
they  had  been  very  active  in  endeavouring  to  recommend 
and  spread  their  own  views  as  widely  as  possible  ;  that  in 
reality  all  their  principles,  of  which  they  spoke  as  in  a 
great  measure  discovered  by  themselves,  in  their  own  study 
of  the  Scriptures,  had  been  previously  promulgated  and 
acted  upon  by  others  ;  that,  in  effect,  their  boasted  theory 
of  non-communion  had  not  been  found  adequate  to  the 
maintenance  of  peace  among  them,  and  had  but  very  im- 
perfectly answered  the  end  in  the  case  to  which  they  re- 
ferred as  a  practical  instance  of  its  sufficiency ;  that  they 
had  not  experienced  any  peculiar  hardships  either  before  or 
during  their  exile ;  and  that,  since  their  return,  they  had 
enjoyed  comfort,  influence,  and  honour,  at  least  equal  to 
that  which  any  of  the  Presbyterians  had  obtained.  The 
insinuations  against  the  Presbyterian  system  were  shown 
to  be  invidious  and  unfounded,  and  were  very  sharply  re- 
torted against  themselves  and  their  course  of  procedure  ; 
and  their  practice  in  "  gathering  churches  out  of  churches," 
was  shown  to  be  contrary  to  their  own  declarations  as 
members  of  the  "Westminster  Assembly.  It  was  proved, 
also,  that  they  maintained  a  more  intimate  intercourse  with 
the  Brownists  and  other  Sectarians  than  they  were  willing 
to  admit ;  and  were  engaged  in  a  series  of  intrigues  which 
they  were  anxious  to  conceal.  All  these  points  appear  to 
be  proved  in  the  Antapologia  by  a  strength  and  minuteness 
of  evidence  which  could  not  be  set  aside,  and  which  they 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  189 

did  not  attempt  to  meet.  But  there  was  so  much  of  a 
fiercely  hostile  spirit  displayed  by  Edwards,  that  his  attack 
recoiled  somewhat  upon  himself,  and  diminished  consider- 
ably the  value  of  his  production,  while  it  furnished  a  kind 
of  excuse  for  his  antagonists  in  abstaining  from  giving  a 
direct  answer. 

Such  was  the  first  direct  outbreak  of  the  controversy 
between  the  Independents  and  the  Presbyterians, — a  con- 
troversy greatly  to  be  deplored,  as  having  proved  ultimately 
the  main  cause  why  the  Westminster  Assembly  failed  to 
accomplish  all  the  good  which  had  been  expected  from  its 
important  deliberations.  Viewed  as  a  theological  contro- 
versy alone,  it  contained  but  few,  and  these  not  vitally 
important  elements.  There  was  no  disagreement  between 
the  two  parties  in  matters  of  doctrine  ;  they  both  admitted 
the  same  orders  of  office-bearers  in  the  Church,  though  the 
Independents  would  have  recognised  more  than  the  Pres- 
byterians thought  either  necessary  or  commanded  in  the 
Scriptures  ;  and  they  differed  little  in  their  opinions  re- 
specting the  powers  properly  inherent  in  congregations. 
But  the  Independents  refused  to  recognise  the  Presbyterian 
system  of  successive  Church  courts, — as  presbyteries,  synods, 
and  assemblies, — possessing  authoritative  jurisdiction  over 
those  immediately  beneath  them,  though  they  were  willing 
to  admit  the  advantage  of  synods,  in  cases  of  difficulty,  to 
the  opinions  of  which  great  respect  would  be  due,  but  not 
subjection  and  necessary  obedience.  The  point,  however, 
on  which  the  greatest  disagreement  existed,  was  that  relat- 
ing to  the  ideas  which  they  attached  to  the  term,  Church. 
In  their  view,  each  company  of  believers,  though  not  more 
than  seven  in  number,  forms  a  church,  complete  in  itself, 
and  in  no  respect  subordinate  to,  or  requiring  the  aid  of, 
any  other  church.  Such  a  church  might,  at  its  first  forma- 
tion, be  entirely  without  pastors,  elders,  or  church-officers 


190  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  any  kind  ;  but  having  met  together,  and  made  a  solemn 
declaration  of  faith,  and  entered  into  a  mutual  church-cove- 
nant, they  immediately  became  possessed  of  such  inherent 
powers  as  to  entitle  them  to  choose  and  ordain  all  necessary 
church-officers,  without  the  presence  or  the  intervention  of 
any  pastor  previously  ordained.  Other  pastors  might  in- 
deed be  present,  but  their  presence  was  not  necessary  to 
the  validity  of  the  ordination  conferred.  In  the  same 
manner,  the  congregation  of  ordinary  members  might  cen- 
sure or  depose  their  office-bearers,  and  choose  and  ordain 
new  ones  whenever  they  thought  proper  ;  and  if  the  office- 
bearers did  not  readily  submit  and  become  private  members 
again,  the  congregation  were  entitled  to  withdraw  from 
communion  with  them  altogether,  and  to  reconstruct  their 
system  as  at  first  Against  such  proceedings  no  appeal 
could  be  taken  to  any  other  authority,  each  congregation 
possessing  all  power  in  itself,  and  being  free  to  have  re- 
course to  the  principle  of  non-communion  in  any  case, 
though  against  the  whole  Christian  Church.  Even  when 
thus  stated,  the  difference  between  the  Independent  and 
the  Presbyterian  systems  may  be  brought  within  a  very 
narrow  compass.  The  Presbyterians  never  denied  that  a 
company  of  true  believers  might  be  a  true  church,  though 
destitute  of  pastors  j  nor  that  they  might  select  the  most 
grave  and  pious  of  their  number,  and  set  him  solemnly 
apart  to  the  office  of  the  ministry,  without  the  presence  of 
any  ordained  pastor,  if  in  circumstances  where  that  could 
not  be  obtained.  They  admitted  that  the  Church  must 
possess  in  itself  the  power  of  all  that  is  necessary  to  the 
continuation  of  its  own  existence.  But  they  held,  also, 
that  Christ  himself  at  first  chose  and  appointed  office-bearers, 
and  gave  to  them  authority  to  ordain  others  ;  that  this  was 
matter  of  precept,  and  to  be  regularly  obeyed  in  every  in- 
stance where  that  was  possible,   because,  it  had  been  so 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  191 

commanded  ;  while  they  regarded  the  Congregational  mode 
as  a  matter  of  necessity,  justifiable  only  in.  cases  where 
without  it  the  enjoyment  of  Christian  ordinances  could  not 
he  obtained.  The  error  of  the  Independents  consisted  in 
adopting  as  the  ordinary  rule  the  case  of  necessity,  instead 
of  the  method  of  prece}Dt ;  and  in  adhering  so  pertinaciously 
to  this  view  as  to  condemn  and  refuse  to  admit  into  their 
communion  all  who  could  not  agree  with  them. 

It  was  a  necessary  consequence  of  this  essential  principle, 
that  the  Independents  held  the  theory  of  admitting  none  to 
be  members  of  their  churches  except  those  whom  they  be- 
lieved to  have  been  thoroughly  and  in  the  highest  sense 
regenerated,  or,  in  the  language  of  the  time,  "  true  saints," 
and  consequently,  perfectly  qualified  to  exercise  rightly  all 
the  high  and  sacred  functions  which  they  asserted  to  belong 
to  the  congregation,  as  in  itself  a  complete  church.  For  the 
same  reason,  they  necessarily  opposed  the  idea  of  a  national 
church,  in  any  other  sense  that  as  a  series  of  congregational 
churches,  gathering  together  true  believers  as  the  wheat, 
and  leaving  the  chaff  to  its  fearful  fate.  And  following  up 
this  theory,  they  regarded  it  as  perfectly  right  to  gather 
churches  of  their  own  kind  out  of  the  congregations  of  other 
ministers,- — a  process  which  necessarily  gave  great  offence 
to  those  whose  congregations  they  thus  divided  and  led 
away.  Nor  was  it  at  all  strange  that  considerable  numbers 
should  be  willing  to  join  a  system  which  gave  such  irre- 
sponsible power  to  ordinary  Church  members ;  and  which, 
at  the  same  time,  certainly  tended  to  encourage  the  feeling 
of  spiritual  pride  in  those  who,  in  being  admitted,  were 
recognised  as  truly  regenerated  persons.  In  one  point  of 
view  they  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  right.  It  must  always 
be  desirable  that  Church  members  should  be  real  believers, 
and  that  Christian  communion  should  be  enjoyed  by  none 
but  true  believers ;  "b  at  it  must  always  be  impossible  for 


192  HISTORY  OF   THE 

man,  who  cannot  read  the  heart,  to  avoid  being  deceived 
by  the  plausible  language  and  manners  of  skilful  hypocrisy 
— and  therefore  it  was  impossible  for  the  Congregational 
theory  to  be  fully  realized.  And  at  the  same  time,  while 
assuming  so  much  purity  and  reality  in  its  members,  its 
want  of  the  power  either  to  inflict  Church  censures  or  to  ap- 
peal to  higher  authority,  rendered  it  peculiarly  unable  to  pre- 
serve that  very  purity  in  which  it  assumed  its  superiority 
over  other  Churches  to  consist.  Still  further,  by  placing  the 
very  essence  of  its  system  in  congregational  power,  it  neces- 
sarily stood  closely  allied,  in  theory  at  least,  with  all  the 
multitudinous  sects  with  which  that  period  was  so  pro- 
digiously rife, — all  of  which  were  perfectly  ready  to  maintain 
the  sole  and  uncontrollable  power  of  separate  congregations  ; 
and  thus  the  Independents  were  in  a  manner  compelled  to 
become  the  head  sectarian  body,  and  to  defend  not  only 
their  own  religious  liberties,  but  also  the  liberty  claimed  by 
the  most  wild  and  monstrous  sects  to  hold  and  to  teach 
errors  the  most  immoral  and  blasphemous, — of  which  they 
by  no  means  approved,  or  rather,  which  they  strongly  con- 
demned, but  could  not  consistently  oppose.  They  were 
thus  led  to  advocate  a  toleration  in  theory  which  they 
never  granted  where  their  own  power  was  predominant,  as 
in  New  England, — and  which,  it  may  be  added,  they  never 
would  consent  to  grant  to  the  Presbyterians,  whom  they 
would  not  admit  to  communion  with  them  unless  they  were 
willing  to  abandon  Presbyterianism,  and  become  Congrega- 
tionalists.  But  as  the  subject  of  toleration  was  scarcely 
suggested  in  the  Apologetical  Narration,  we  shall  postpone 
the  consideration  of  it  till  we  reach  the  period  when  it  be- 
came a  leading  element  of  controversy. 

All  the  topics  which  have  been  stated  above  were  known 
to  the  two  parties  of  Presbyterians  and  Independents  in  the 
Assembly,  before  the  publication  of  the  Apologetic  Narration, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  193 

and  several  of  them  had  casually  become  the  subject  of 
debate ;  but  there  had  been  considerable  forbearance  on 
both  sides,  arising  from  the  natural  and  laudable  reluctance 
to  anticipate  a  perhaps  unavoidable  contest.  The  Scottish 
divines,  in  particular,  had  repeatedly  interposed  to  prevent 
any  premature  discussion  of  debatable  subjects,  and  had 
recommended  as  much  accommodation  to  the  views  of  the 
Independents  as  was  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of 
principle.  And  although  the  allusions  to  them  in  the 
Apologetical  Narration  were  sufficiently  ungracious  and  irri- 
tating, they  were  in  no  haste  to  show  resentment ;  being  far 
more  desirous  to  see  the  religious  welfare  of  the  community 
promoted  and  secured,  than  to  vindicate  their  own  character 
from  groundless  aspersions.  But,  nevertheless,  the  publica- 
tion of  that  most  ill-omened  production  caused  an  estrange- 
ment which  was  never  fully  removed,  and  led  to  a  degree 
of  keenness  and  obstinacy  in  all  the  subsequent  deliberations 
of  the  Assembly,  whenever  disputed  points  arose,  which 
tended  greatly  both  to  retard  their  proceedings  and  to 
obscure  the  prospect  of  ultimate  and  harmonious  success  in 
their  great  work.  And  having  thus  opened  the  subject  of 
the  Independent  controversy,  we  shall  now  proceed  to  trace 
it,  according  to  the  course  which  circumstances  led  it  to 
pursue. 

After  some  preliminary  arrangements,  in  which  it  was 
agreed  that  the  Independents  should  bring  forward  their 
objections  to  the  proposition  of  the  committee,  the  subject 
was  formally  stated,  on  the  6th  of  February,  in  the  following 
terms  : — "  The  Scripture  holdeth  forth  that  many  particular 
congregations  may  be  under  one  presbyterial  government." 
The  Independent  argument  against  this  proposition  was 
stated  by  Mr  Goodwin,  to  this  effect,  as  given  by  Lightfoot : 
— "If  many  elders  put  together  make  one  presbytery 
classical,  then  every  one  of  those  elders  is  to  be  reputed  as 

N 


194  HISTORY  OF  THE 

an  elder  to  every  one  of  those  churches  ;  but  the  Word  of 
God  doth  not  warrant  any  such  thing."  In  proof  of  the 
minor  proposition  he  argued  thus  : —  "  The  deacons  are  not 
to  be  officers  to  divers  churches,  therefore  not  the  pastor ; 
the  pastor  is  not  to  preach  in  divers  churches,  therefore 
not  to  rule;  the  several  congregations  are  not  to  give 
honour  or  maintenance  to  the  pastor  of  another  church  ;  one 
pastor  was  not  chosen,  ordained,  and  maintained  by  divers 
churches,  therefore  not  to  have  power  in  them ;  several 
offices  are  not  to  meet  in  one  and  the  same  person."1  It 
will  be  observed  that  this  argument  opposed  presbyterial 
government  not  on  scriptural  grounds,  but  on  the  supposed 
incongruities  and  inconveniences  of  the  system ;  and  this 
was  promptly  and  very  easily  met. 

Mr  Vines,  in  answer  to  the  major  proposition,  replied, 
that  "  what  belongs  to  the  whole,  as  such,  does  not  belong 
to  every  part ;"  but  the  presbytery  is  an  aggregate  whole, 
and  so  are  the  churches  combined  under  this  presbytery ; 
therefore  the  relations  borne  by  the  presbytery  to  the 
church  of  its  bounds  have  respect  to  the  aggregate  whole, 
and  do  not  interfere  with  the  peculiar  relations  which  the 
respective  pastors  and  congregations  bear  to  each  other. 
He  illustrated  his  argument  by  reference  to  the  original 
government  of  the  Hebrew  commonwealth,  where  the  heads 
of  the  tribes  governed  the  whole  community ;  but  this  did 
not  alter  the  relation  between  the  head  of  each  tribe  and 
that  particular  tribe  ;  and  he  showed  that  the  Independent 
argument  might  be  retorted  against  their  own  system.  Mr 
Marshall  began  by  proving  the  proposition  of  the  committee: 
— That  the  whole  Church  is  but  one  body,  and  its  members 
ought  to  act  not  as  distinct  persons,  but  as  joint-members; 
that  the  office-bearers  were  instituted  by  Christ,  for  the 
general  good  and  edification,  and  also  ought  to  act  in  unity: 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  132 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  195 

that  members  are  baptized  not  into  one  particular  congrega- 
tion, but  into  the  general  body;  and  that  this  general 
body  is  cast  into  societies,  which  are  called  by  divines 
instituted  churches.  He  further  reasoned,  that  it  appears 
from  Scripture,  that  when  so  many  were  converted  in  any 
city  as  to  make  a  congregation,  the  apostles  appointed  them 
elders ;  that  though  they  increased,  so  as  to  form  many 
congregations  in  that  city,  they  continued  to  be  but  one 
Church,  as  at  Jerusalem ;  that  though  not  specifically  de- 
clared, yet  it  seemed  probable  that  the  several  pastors  had 
their  several  charges :  and  that  this  pattern  ought  to  be 
followed.  Mr  Gillespie  pursued  a  similar  line  of  argument ; 
gave  an  illustration  from  the  representative  government  of 
the  States-General  in  the  Netherlands ;  and  added,  that 
the  power  of  government  in  a  presbytery  is  not  power  of 
order,  but  of  jurisdiction,  and  that  they  govern  not  as  pres- 
byters, but  as  a  presbytery.  Mr  Seaman  met  the  objections 
of  Mr  Goodwin,  by  proving  that  the  inconveniences  alleged 
against  the  presbyterial  government  of  churches  would, 
were  they  just,  apply  equally  to  civil  government  of  the 
representative  kind  :  but  no  such  inconveniences  or  incon- 
gruities were  experienced :  therefore  the  objections  urged 
by  Mr  Goodwin  could  not  be  well  founded.  He  proved, 
also,  that  a  minister  may  stand  in  relation  to  more  congre- 
gations than  one,  and  that  several  offices  may,  without 
incongruity,  meet  in  one  person  :  that  a  minister  may  do 
his  duty  in  one  congregation  and  also  in  the  presbytery,  as 
a  representative  may  to  his  own  constituents  and  also  to 
the  general  administration ;  and  that  the  people  may  enjoy 
their  full  rights  under  a  presbyterial  government,  in  the 
choice  of  their  pastor,  as  in  civil  matters  they  have  their 
full  rights  in  the  choice  of  their  parliamentary  represent- 
atives.1 

1  Lightfoot,  pp.  132-134 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


Such  is  a  fair  outline  of  the  arguments  used  on  both 
sides  at  the  commencement  of  the  main  stem  of  the  Inde- 
pendent controversy.  When  Mr  Goodwin  replied,  he  ad- 
mitted the  truth  and  applicability  of  the  logical  maxim, 
"  What  belongs  to  the  whole,  as  such,  does  not  equally 
belong  to  each  part ;"  for  the  whole  is  a  presbytery,  but 
every  member  of  it  is  not  a  presbytery.  Various  attempts 
were  made  by  him,  and  also  by  others  of  the  Independents, 
to  escape  from  the  force  of  the  argument,  and  to  support 
their  own  proposition,  but  without  success.  A  slight 
change  was  given  to  the  course  of  debate  by  the  reference 
which  Mr  Burroughs  made  to  1  Cor.  v.  4,  in  which  church 
censure  is  spoken  of  as  inflicted  in  the  presence  of  the 
church ;  and  this,  he  endeavoured  to  prove,  could  not  have 
taken  place  had  it  been  the  deed  of  a  presbytery.  A  length- 
ened discussion  arose  on  this  point,  in  which  much  minute- 
ness of  criticism  and  subtlety  of  argument  were  displayed 
on  both  sides,  till  the  topic  was  abandoned,  as  not  conclusive. 
During  this  debate,  Mr  Nye  admitted  that  there  was  a 
very  close  approximation  between  the  two  systems,  saying, 
that  the  Independents  "  held  classical  and  synodical  meet- 
ings very  useful  and  profitable,  yea,  possibly  agreeable  to 
the  institution  of  Christ ;  but  the  question  is  this,  Whether 
these  meetings  have  the  same  power  that  ecclesia  prima, 
or  one  single  congregation,  has1?"1  If  he  and  his  friends 
could  have  admitted  one  additional  elementary  principle, 
there  might  speedily  have  taken  place  a  complete  agree- 
ment,— namely,  that  the  power  of  presbyteries,  synods, 
and  assemblies,  is  cumulative,  not  privative ;  that  is,  that 
it  consists  in  the  collected  power  of  all  the  congregations 
of  which  it  is  composed,  and  in  reality  adds  to  the  power 
of  each,  rather  than  takes  away  its  proper  power  from  any. 
Becoming  weary  of  this  protracted  discussion,  several  of 
1  Ligbtfoot,  p.  144. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  197 

the  divines  proposed  that  they  should  leave  off  these  meta- 
physical disquisitions,  and  proceed  to  the  consideration  of 
those  passages  of  Scripture  which  might  be  brought  for- 
ward as  direct  proofs ;  but  by  the  vote  of  the  Assembly 
the  Independents  were  allowed  to  continue  bringing  for- 
ward all  their  objections.1  This  we  mention  in  order  to 
show  that  the  Assembly  treated  the  Dissenting  Brethren 
with  extreme  indulgence  and  toleration,  and  never  at- 
tempted to  run  them  down  by  the  force  of  numbers  and 
the  authority  of  a  vote,  as  they  could  have  so  easily  done, 
and  no  doubt  would  have  done,  had  they  been  the  intole- 
rant and  overbearing  bigots  which  they  have  been  so 
generally  and  so  unjustly  called. 

On  the  1 4th  of  February  the  first  committee  reported,  in 
confirmation  of  the  proposition  that  many  congregations 
may  be  under  one  presbytery,  the  following  instances  from 
Scripture  : — 1.  The  Church  of  Jerusalem;  2.  The  Church 
of  Corinth ;  3.  Of  Ephesus ;  4.  Of  Antioch.  Assuming 
that  the  existence  of  many  congregations,  and  but  one 
presbytery  at  Jerusalem,  had  been  proved  in  a  former 
debate,  the  other  instances  were  proved  by  the  following 
arguments  :  Corinth — from  the  time  of  Paul's  abode  there  ; 
from  the  different  places  of  meeting,  as  Cenchrea,  the  house 
of  Justus,  and  of  Chloe,  and  the  use  of  the  word  "  churches," 
in  the  plural :  and  from  the  multitude  of  pastors, — 1  Cor.  i. 
12  ;  iv.15  :  and  that  these  congregations  were  under  one  pres- 
bytery,— 1  Cor.  v. ;  2  Cor.  ii.  2  ;  Ephesus — from  Paul's  con- 
tinuance there  ;  the  special  effect,  and  the  reason  of  his  stay 
given ;  from  the  multitude  of  pastors,  termed  "  elders"  and 
"  overseers,"  or  bishops  ;  and  under  one  presbytery,  which 
exercised  jurisdiction, — Eev.  ii.  1,  2.  Antioch — from  a 
multitude  of  believers, — Acts  xi.  21-26  ;  and  from  numbers 
of  pastors  and  teachers, — Acts  xiii.  1 ;  xv.  35.  The  report 
1  Lightfoot,p.  1-17. 


1(JS  HISTORY  OF  THE 

concluded  with  this  argument — "  Where  there  were  more 
believers  than  could  meet  in  one  place,  and  more  pastors 
than  could  be  for  one  congregation,  then  there  were  more 
congregations  than  one  ;  but  it  was  so  in  these  Churches  ; 
and  it  was  lawful  for  these  to  be  under  one  presbyterial 
government;  therefore  it  is  so  now."1  These  propositions 
were,  as  usual,  laid  aside  until  the  objections  already  stated 
by  the  Independents  should  have  been  fully  debated. 

The  discussion  respecting  church  censure  and  excom- 
munication was  again  resumed,  with  reference  to  1  Cor.  v. ; 
and  Mr  Goodwin  argued  that  "  discipline  did  not  consti- 
tute a  church,  nor  is  any  note  of  a  church."  Selden  doubted 
whether  the  passage  referred  to  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
excommunication.  This  was  answered  very  strongly  by 
Mr  Vines  and  others ;  and  the  Independents  were  re- 
quested to  state  clearly  their  opinion  on  the  subject. 
To  this  Goodwin  answered,  "  That  the  people  cannot  ex- 
communicate ;  and  that  the  people,  if  need  be,  yet  must 
have  their  vote."  The  inference  was  immediately  drawn, 
that  if  the  elders  were  outvoted  the  excommunication 
would  be  prevented,  and  thus  the  theory  of  the  Independ- 
ents, of  simple  admonition  or  non-communicn,  would 
alone  be  practicable.  At  last  the  Assembly  decided,  that 
the  argument  of  the  Independents  was  not  proved,  and 
did  not  conclude  against  the  proposition. 

The  attention  of  the  Assembly  was  next  directed  to 
Matt,  xviii.  15-17,  by  Mr  Bridge,  who  endeavoured,  in  a 
very  elaborate  argument,  to  prove  that  the  church  there 
mentioned  was  not  a  civil  court,  not  a  Jewish  sanhedrim, 
not  a  presbytery  or  synod,  not  a  national  church,  but  a 
particular  congregation  only,  and  yet  that  it  had  the  power 
of  the  highest  censure,  without  appeal ;  therefore  every 
particular  congregation,  consisting  of  elders  and  brethren, 
1  Lightfoot.  p.  151. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  199 

should  have  entire  and  full  power  and  jurisdiction  within 
itself.  Mr  Marshall  met  the  argument  point  by  point,  in 
an  answer  equally  full  and  elaborate ;  assuming,  as  the 
basis  of  his  reply,  that  the  term  "  church  "  neither  meant 
universal,  national,  nor  provincial  only,  nor  a  single  con- 
gregation only ;  but  either,  or  all  in  turn,  as  the  occasion 
might  require.  Mr  Vines,  Mr  Gataker,  Mr  Goodwin,  Mr 
Calamy,  and  others,  took  part  in  the  debate,  which  was 
conducted  with  great  skill  and  ability. 

When  the  subject  was  resumed,  another  direction  was 
given  to  the  discussion  by  Selden,  who  produced  a  long 
and  learned  argument  to  prove  that  the  passage  of  Scrip- 
ture in  question  contained  no  authority  for  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction.  His  object  was,  to  guard  against  any  con- 
clusion of  the  Assembly,  which  might  contradict  the 
Erastian  theory,  and  therefore  he  laboured  to  represent 
the  whole  as  relating  to  the  ordinary  practice  of  the  Jews 
in  their  common  courts ;  by  whom,  as  he  asserted,  one 
sentence  was  excommunication,  pronounced  by  the  civil 
court.  Herle  and  Marshall  both  attempted  answers,  but, 
says  Lightfoot,  "  so  as  I  confess  gave  me  no  satisfaction." 
Gillespie  then  came  to  the  rescue,  and,  in  a  speech  of 
astonishing  power  and  acuteness,  completely  confuted 
Selden,  even  on  his  own  chosen  ground,  and  where  his 
strength  was  greatest.  He  proved  that  the  passage  could 
not  mean  a  civil  court,  because, — 1.  The  nature  of  the 
offence  and  cause  treated  of  is  spiritual  ;  2.  The  end  is 
spiritual,  for  it  is  not  restitution  or  satisfaction,  but  to 
gain  the  soul ;  3.  The  persons  are  spiritual,  for  Christ 
speaks  to  His  apostles ;  4.  The  manner  of  proceeding  is 
spiritual — all  is  done  in  the  name  of  Christ ;  5.  The  cen- 
sure is  spiritual,  for  it  is  binding  the  soul ;  G.  Christ  would 
not  have  sent  His  disciples  for  private  spiritual  injuries  to 
civil   courts ;    7.  The   Church  of  the  Jews   had  spiritual 


'200  HISTORY  OF  THE 

censures,  and  the  expression,  "  Let  him  be  as  a  heathen," 
imported  prohibition  from  sacred  things,  for  the  heathen 
might  not  come  into  the  temple ;  and  the  ceremonially 
unclean  might  not  enter,  much  more  the  morally  unclean.1 
This  appears  to  have  been  the  speech  referred  to  by 
'Wodrow,  and  of  which  there  stiU  exist  many  traditionary 
anecdotes,  illustrative  of  the  very  extraordinary  effect  pro- 
duced upon  all  that  heard  it.  Selden  himself  is  reported 
to  have  said,  at  its  conclusion,  "  That  young  man.  by  this 
single  speech,  has  swept  away  the  labours  of  ten  years  of 
my  life  ; " 2  and  it  is  remarkable  that  Selden  made  no 
attempt  to  reply  to  Gillespie,  though  he  answered  some  of 
the  arguments  used  by  others  who  spoke  after  him. 

About  the  same  time  Air  Xye  craftily  endeavoured  to  ex- 
cite the  jealousy  of  the  Parliament  against  presbyterial 
church  government,  but  overreached  himself.  He  had  at- 
tempted to  frame  an  argument  against  the  power  of  presby- 
teries, on  the  assumption  "  That  there  is  no  power  over 
another  power,  where  there  is  no  distinction  in  nature  nor 
difference  in  operation  ; "  but  he  was  called  to  order,  as 
not  speaking  to  the  question.  On  the  following  day.  find- 
ing the  Assembly  full  of  the  nobility  and  members  of  Par- 
liament, he  resumed  the  argument,  persisting  in  his  speech 
against  the  evident  feeling  of  the  House  ;  and  after  he  had 
attempted  to  show  that  the  admission  of  a  power  over  a 
power,  in  Church  courts,  would  lead  to  an  ecclesiastical 
government  commensurate  with  that  of  the  civil,  he  drew 
the  inference,  that  it  would  be  pernicious  for  a  great  com- 
monwealth were  so  great  a  body  to  be  permitted  to  grow 
up  within  it ;  in  short,  he  attempted  to  alarm  the  Parlia- 
ment, by  the  dread  of  that  phantom  of  which  so  much  has 
been  heard,  an  imjierium  in  imperio,  or  one  government 

1  Lightfoot.  pp.  165-168. 

1  Wodrow's  Aualecta  ;  M'Crie's  Sketches,  p.  300;  Appendix. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  201 

within  another,  as  a  formidable  and  monstrous  anomaly, 
dangerous  to  the  peace  of  states  and  kingdoms.  This  in- 
sidious attempt  caused  a  great  sensation  ;  some  proposed 
that  he  should  be  at  once  expelled,  others  declared  that 
his  language  was  seditious  •  and  it  was  voted  that  he  had 
spoken  against  order — which  was  the  highest  censure  that 
the  Assembly  inflicted.  Mr  Marshall  appealed  to  all  the 
parliamentary  members  present,  whether  the  presbyterial 
government  be  more  terrible  to  them  than  ten  thousand 
or  twenty  thousand  congregations,  none  in  reference  or  de- 
pendence to  another.  Warriston  showed  that  the  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil  governments  strengthened  each  other ;  and 
that  one  power  over  another  in  the  Church  no  more  tended 
to  produce  confusion  or  injury  than  in  civil  matters,  where 
one  court  is  subordinate  to  another,  and  yet  but  one  State. 
And  Mr  Whitelocke.  M.P.,  followed  a  similar  course  of 
illustration,  and  ended  his  remark  by  saying,  "  What  a  con- 
fusion it  will  prove  to  have  congregations  independent ! " 
This  debate,  ending  so  very  much  the  reverse  of  what  Nye 
expected,  caused  the  Independents  to  abate  their  opposition 
considerably ;  and  it  was  voted  that  their  arguments  had 
not  concluded  against  the  proposition  before  the  Assembly.1 
The  next  subject  was  respecting  the  instance  of  the 
Church  at  Jerusalem  as  proving  that  one  presbytery  was 
over  many  congregations.  Although  considerable  time  was 
spent  in  discussing  this  topic,  it  did  not  draw  forth  any 
great  exhibition  of  learning  or  power,  such  as  had  been 
previously  displayed.  Almost  the  only  idea  of  importance 
brought  out  in  this  discussion  was  that  suggested  by 
Gillespie,  namely,  that  there  could  be  no  other  principle 
whereby  several  congregations  could  be  one  church,  but 
only  government.  Their  dwelling  in  one  town  made  them 
a  civil  body,  but  not  an  ecclesiastical ;  their  ecclesiastical 
1  Lightfoot,  pp.  168-170  ;  Kaillie,  vol.  ii.  pp.  146, 147 ;  Appendix,  Nye. 


202  HISTORY  OF   THE 

union  could  not  be  but  in  a  presbytery,  for  they  could  not 
meet  together  in  one  place  :  therefore  it  was  only  as  form- 
ing a  presbytery,  and  in  respect  to  government,  which  is 
the  function  of  a  presbytery,  that  they  could  be  one 
ecclesiastical  body.  Once  more  the  Independents  were 
staggered,  and  could  not  answer.  Both  Goodwin  and  Nye 
admitted  that  at  least  the  keys  of  doctrine  are  in  the  hands 
of  a  Synod  or  Assembly;  and  that  as  many  men  united 
have  more  moral  power  than  one  man,  so  many  churches 
joining  together  must  have  more  ecclesiastical  power  than 
one  church.  And  in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  this  re- 
newed approximation,  the  Assembly,  on  the  motion  of 
Mr  Henderson,  proposed  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of 
attempting  to  obtain  an  accommodation  with  the  Inde- 
pendents j  and  Messrs  Seaman,  Vines,  Palmer,  Marshall, 
Goodwin,  Xye,  Burroughs,  and  Bridge,  together  with  the 
four  Scottish  divines,  were  named  for  the  committee.  On 
the  14th  of  March  this  committee  reported  that  the  Inde- 
pendents had  agreed  to  the  following  propositions : — 
"1.  That  there  be  a  presbytery,  or  meeting  of  the  elders 
of  many  neighbouring  congregations,  to  consult  upon  such 
things  as  concern  those  congregations  in  matters  ecclesi- 
astical ;  and  such  presbyteries  are  the  ordinances  of  Christ, 
having  His  power  and  authority.  2.  Such  presbyteries 
have  power,  in  cases  that  are  to  come  before  them,  to  de- 
clare and  determine  doctrinally  what  is  agreeable  to  God's 
Word ;  and  this  judgment  of  theirs  is  to  be  received  with 
reverence  and  obligation,  as  Christ's  ordinance.  3.  They 
have  power  to  require  the  elders  of  those  congregations  to 
give  an  account  of  any  thing  scandalous  in  doctrine  or 
practice."1  The  Assembly  agreed  to  the  continuance  of 
the  committee,  and  granted  them  liberty  to  take  into  con- 
sideration any  thing  that  might  tend  to  accommodation, 
1  Ligktfoot,  pp.  214.  215. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  203 

and  to  report  when  convenient.  Thus,  again,  it  appears 
that  the  Assembly  was  the  very  reverse  of  intolerant  and 
overhearing. 

Another  report  was  brought  forward  from  this  com- 
mittee about  a  week  afterwards,  containing  two  additional 
propositions,  forming  five  in  all,  as  follow :  —  "4.  The 
churches  and  elderships  being  offended,  let  them  examine, 
admonish,  and,  in  case  of  obstinacy,  declare  them  either 
disturbers  of  the  peace,  or  subverters  of  the  faith,  or  other- 
wise, as  the  nature  and  degree  of  the  offence  shall  require. 
5.  In  case  that  the  particular  church  or  eldership  shall  re- 
fuse to  reform  that  scandalous  doctrine  or  practice,  then 
that  meeting  of  elders,  which  is  assembled  from  several 
churches  and  congregations,  shall  acquaint  their  several 
congregations  respectively,  and  withdraw  from  them,  and 
deny  Church  communion  and  fellowship  with  them."1  The 
account  given  by  Baillie,  though  less  minute,  and  not 
using  the  very  language  of  the  committee,  expresses  his 
view  of  the  result  even  more  strongly  :  "  We  have  agreed 
on  five  or  six  propositions,  hoping,  by  God's  grace,  to  agree 
in  more.  They  yield,  that  a  presbytery,  even  as  we  take 
it,  is  an  ordinance  of  God,  which  hath  power  and  authority 
from  Christ  to  call  the  ministers  and  elders,  or  any  in  their 
bounds,  before  them,  to  account  for  any  offence  in  life  or 
doctrine,  to  try  and  examine  the  cause, — to  admonish  and 
rebuke,  and  if  they  be  obstinate,  to  declare  them  as  heathens 
and  publicans,  and  give  them  over  to  the  punishment  of 
the  magistrates ;  also  doctrinally,  to  declare  the  mind  of 
God  in  all  questions  of  religion,  with  such  authority  as 
obliges  to  receive  their  just  sentences ;  and  that  they  will 
be  members  of  such  fixed  presbyteries,  keep  the  meetings, 
preach  as  it  comes  to  their  turn,  and  join  in  the  discipline 
after  doctrine."2  Surely  but  very  little  more  was  necessary 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  229.  2  Eaillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  148. 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE 

to  have  produced  a  complete  agreement  between  the  Pres- 
byterians and  the  Independents,  since  the  latter  party  had 
thus  assented  to  all  that  was  essential  to  Presbyterian 
Church  government :  but,  unhappily,  they  seemed  to  dread 
that  by  uniting  with  the  Presbyterians,  they  should  lose 
their  influence  among  the  Sectaries,  and  in  the  army ;  and 
Nye  in  particular  was  too  deeply  engaged  in  the  political 
intrigues  of  Vane  and  Cromwell  to  be  willing  to  relinquish 
that  influence  which  rendered  him  a  person  of  import- 
ance.1 

On  the  13th  of  March  the  discussion  terminated  in  the 
affirmation  of  the  propositions  respecting  Church  govern- 
ment, so  far  as  regarded  the  general  statement,  and  the 
proofs  from  the  instances  of  Jerusalem  and  Corinth,  after 
having  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Assembly  for  thirty 
days  passed  in  earnest  and  strenuous  debate,  during  which 
all  the  arguments  which  profound  learning  and  acute  inge- 
nuity could  devise  were  brought  forward  and  discussed  with 
equal  minuteness  and  ability.  The  subject  was  then  re- 
ferred to  the  committee,  that  all  the  points  which  had  been 
decided  might  be  systematically  arranged,  partly  to  be  ready 
to  be  reported  to  the  Parliament,  and  partly  for  the  satis- 
faction of  the  Assembly  itself,  and  for  the  sake  of  order. 
This  report  was  produced  on  the  10th  of  April,  the  Assem- 
bly having  been  occupied  in  the  interim  with  the  subject 
of  ordination,  as  already  related.  The  propositions  re- 
ported were  the  three  following  : — "  1.  The  Scripture  doth 
hold  out  a  presbytery  in  a  church ;  2.  A  presbytery  con- 
sisteth  of  ministers  of  the  Word,  and  such  other  public 
officers  as  are  agreeable  to  and  warranted  by  the  "Word  of 
God,  to  be  Church  governors,  to  join  with  the  ministers  in 
the  government  of  the  Church  ;  3.  the  Scripture  holds  forth 
that  many  congregations  may  be  under  one  presbyterial 
1  Appendix,  Nye. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  205 

government.  Proved  by  the  instance  of  the  Church  at 
Jerusalem."  The  instance  of  the  Church  of  Corinth  was 
not  given,  as  it  had  been  adduced  chiefly  for  the  purpose 
of  proving  the  power  of  Church  censures.  Though  the  Inde- 
pendents had  assented  to  the  essence  of  these  propositions 
in  the  committee  for  accommodation,  yet  they  vehemently 
opposed  the  sending  of  them  to  the  Parliament  for  ratifica- 
tion ;  and  the  Assembly,  on  the  motion  of  Mr  Marshall, 
again  consented  to  lay  them  aside  for  a  time.1 

The  Assembly  resumed  the  subject  on  the  16th  of  April, 
to  prove  Presbyterial  government  from  the  instance  of  the 
Church  of  Ephesus ;  and  after  some  debate,  this  instance 
was  sustained  as  a  proof  of  the  main  proposition.  Another 
topic  followed,  which  cost  some  discussion,  namely,  that  so 
many  visible  saints  as  dwelt  in  one  city  were  but  one  Church 
in  regard  of  Church  government.  On  this  point,  Rutherford 
was  anxious  to  guard  against  any  infringement  of  the  due 
power  in  censure  and  government  in  particular  congrega- 
tions ;  and  in  this  he  was  supported  by  Henderson.  This 
guard  was  necessary,  in  consequence  of  extreme  views  held  by 
some  English  Presbyterian  divines,  who,  in  order,  apparently, 
to  keep  as  far  as  possible  remote  from  the  Independent 
system,  opposed  any  power  of  censure  or  government  in 
congregations,  and  denied  the  right  or  propriety  of  congre- 
gational elderships.2  This  is  mentioned  chiefly  for  the 
purpose  of  corroborating  an  idea  which  has  been  repeatedly 
suggested, —  that  instead  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  being 
the  direct  instigators  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  to  aim 
at  a  rigid  and  unaccommodating  form  of  Church  govern- 
ment essentially  intolerant  and  tyrannical,  the  very  reverse 
is  the  truth  ;  for  while  they  refused  all  compromise  of 
fundamental  principles,  they  were  exceedingly  desirous  to 
remove  every  thing  in  minor  matters  to  which  their  brethren 

'  Lighfcfoot,  p.  250.    2  Lightfoot,  pp.  255,  250  ;  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  177. 


206  HISTORY   OF   THE 

could  not  readily  assent,  or  from  which  they  dreaded  an 
interference  with  their  own  conscientious  scruples. 

Some  difficulty  was  encountered  in  stating  how  Chris- 
tians should  be  most  conveniently  and  regularly  formed 
into  distinct  congregations,  so  as  best  to  obtain  the  benefit 
of  pastoral  instruction  and  superintendence.  This  the 
Assembly  thought  should  be  by  the  bounds  of  their  dwell- 
ings,— that  is,  by  the  parochial  system  ;  but  the  Independ- 
ents opposed  it,  because  it  was  contrary  to  their  mode  of 
"  gathering  churches,"  as  it  was  termed.  The  proposition 
was  however  affirmed. 

The  subject  of  ruling  elders  was  again  resumed,  on  the 
3d  of  May,  after  having  been  laid  aside  for  a  considerable 
time.  At  first  it  was  proposed  that  there  should  be  at  least 
one  ruling  elder  in  every  congregation  ;  but  this  was  stren- 
uously opposed  by  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  as  in  reality 
not  forming  a  congregational  eldership.  It  was  at  length 
decided,  that  in  every  congregation  there  should  be,  besides 
the  minister,  others  to  assist  him  in  ruling,  as  elders ;  and 
some  to  take  care  for  the  poor,  as  deacons  ;  the  number  of 
each  to  be  proportioned  to  the  congregation. 

Another  topic  then  called  forth  a  strenuous  debate  of 
five  days'  duration,  namely,  "  That  no  single  congregation, 
which  may  conveniently  join  together  in  an  association, 
may  assume  unto  itself  all  and  sole  power  of  ordination." 
Against  this  proposition  the  Independents  mustered  all 
their  adherents,  and  put  forth  their  whole  strength,  because 
it  condemned  the  central  principle  of  their  system.  When 
it  came  to  the  vote,  "  it  was  affirmed  by  twenty-seven,  and 
denied  by  nineteen  ;  and  this  business,"  adds  Lightfoot, 
"  had  been  managed  with  the  most  heat  and  confusion  of 
any  thing  that  had  happened  among  us."1  When  the 
reasons  to  prove  the  general  propositions  were  brought 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  2(52. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  207 

forward,  another  keen  struggle  took  place,  the  first  reason 
being  carried  by  a  majority  of  four  votes,  the  second  by  a 
majority  of  five.1 

The  committee  appointed  to  frame  a  summary  of  Church 
government,  produced,  instead  of  a  report,  a  proposition  to 
be  debated,  to  the  following  effect : — "  Concerning  the 
ruling  officers  of  particular  congregations,  they  have  power, 
— 1.  Authoritatively  to  call  before  them  scandalous  or  sus- 
pected persons  ;  2.  To  admonish  or  rebuke  authoritatively  \ 
3.  To  keep  from  the  sacrament  authoritatively ;  4.  To  ex- 
communicate." The  first  topic  was  easily  admitted,  with  a 
slight  change  on  its  terms ;  as  was  also  the  second ;  but 
the  third  led  to  a  protracted  and  very  learned  debate,  hav- 
ing been  recast  into  this  form  :  "  Authoritative  suspension 
from  the  Lord's  table  of  a  person  not  yet  cast  out  of  the 
church,  is  agreeable  to  the  Scripture.2  This  proposition 
was  opposed  by  Coleman,  Herle,  Case,  and  particularly  by 
Lightfoot,  who  attempted  to  prove  his  view  by  the  instance 
of  Judas;  and  this  led  to  a  discussion  on  that  point,  in 
which  scarcely  any  agreed  with  Lightfoot' s  opinion.  The 
chief  advocates  of  suspending  scandalous  persons  were 
Young,  Calamy,  Gillespie,  Rutherford,  Reynolds,  Burgess, 
and  Dr  Hoyle.  The  Independents  did  not  enter  warmly 
into  the  discussion ;  and  Goodwin,  after  endeavouring  to 
represent  it  as  differing  little  from  admonition,  concluded 
by  saying,  that  his  judgment  fell  in  with  the  proposition, 
only  he  liked  not  the  authoritative  doing  of  it.  It  was  at 
length  decided  in  the  affirmative,  none  voting  against  it 
but  Lightfoot.  But  though  the  proposition  had  thus  ob- 
tained the  sanction  of  the  Assembly,  it  was  afterwards  op- 
posed by  the  Parliament ;  as,  indeed,  might  have  been 
expected,  from  the  lax  notions  entertained  generally  by 
men  of  the  world  on  all  such  subjects. 

1  Lightfoot,  p.  267.  8  Ibid.,  p.  268. 


208  HISTORY  OF   THE 

The  subject  of  excommunication  -was  not  again  resumed 
till  the  lGth  of  October,  when  two  passages  of  Scripture 
were  brought  forward  to  prove  it,  namely,  1  Cor.  v.,  and 
Matt,  xviii.  17,  18.  Both  were  admitted,  and  the  proposi- 
tion was  further  supported  by  this  argument :  "  They  that 
have  authority  to  judge  of  and  admit  to  the  sacrament  such 
as  are  to  receive  it,  have  authority  to  keep  back  such  as  shall 
be  found  unworthy."  Against  this  Lightfoot  alone  voted 
in  the  negative ;  and  that  chiefly  because  he  was  not  con- 
vinced that  there  is  suspension  or  excommunication,  as  a 
power  belonging  to  the  Church, — an  opinion  which  sprung 
from  his  Erastianism.  Thus  terminated  the  debates  on  that 
much  contested  point,  on  the  25th  of  October,  so  far  as  the 
Assembly  was  concerned  :  the  opinions  of  the  Parliament 
will  fall  under  our  observation  when  we  come  to  the 
Erastian  controversy. 

Affairs  had  now  attained  so  much  maturity  that  a  crisis 
had  become  inevitable ;  for  every  point  having  been  very 
fully  debated  between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Inde- 
pendents, they  must  either  unite,  or  adopt  some  new  course 
which  should  render  union  impossible.  The  Presbyterians 
had  done  every  thing  in  their  power  to  meet  the  scruples 
of  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  both  by  allowing  them  to  bring 
forward  every  objection  which  they  could  devise,  and  to 
debate  till  all  were  thoroughly  exhausted,  and  also  by  ap- 
pointing a  committee  of  their  own  number  to  confer 
with  them,  in  the  hope  of  avoiding  a  final  disruption. 
But  when  the  Dissenting  Brethern  could  not  persuade  the 
Assembly  to  adopt  their  views  in  preference  to  its  own, 
they  renewed  their  intrigues  with  the  Independents  in  the 
army,  by  whose  influence  they  knew  they  would  be  sup- 
ported. The  state  of  political  affairs  was  favourable  to 
their  schemes.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Marston,  in  which 
the  King's  army  sustained  such  a  severe  defeat,  proposals 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  209 

were  made  for  a  treaty  of  peace,  of  which  the  Presbyterians 
in  the  Parliament  were  cordially  desirous,  if  it  could  be 
obtained  on  terms  sufficient  to  secure  the  liberties  of  the 
kingdom.  But  this  was  by  no  means  what  the  Independ- 
ents in  both  Parliament  and  army  desired,  consequently 
the  scene  of  contest  was  removed  from  the  tented  field  to 
the  legislative  assemblies ;  and  this  brought  Oliver  Crom- 
well to  the  House  of  Commons.  This  deep-minded  and 
far-foreseeing  man  perceived  clearly  that  were  a  peace  con- 
cluded, and  Church  government  established,  his  ambitious 
prospects  must  be  completely  destroyed ;  and  with  his 
usual  sagacity,  anticipating  the  unyielding  obstinacy  of  the 
King,  which  would  render  any  satisfactory  pacific  arrange- 
ment impossible,  he  set  himself  chiefly  to  prevent  the 
settlement  of  the  Church  by  means  of  a  Presbyterian  esta- 
blishment. "This  day"  (13th  September),  says  Baillie, 
"  Cromwell  has  obtained  an  order  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons to  refer  to  the  committee  of  both  kingdoms  the 
accommodation  or  toleration  of  the  Independents, — a  high 
and  unexpected  order."  In  another  passage,  referring  to 
the  same  event,  Baillie  adds,  that  "  this  was  done  without 
the  least  advertisement  to  any  of  us  or  of  the  Assembly." 
"  This  has  much  affected  us.  These  men  have  retarded 
the  Assembly  these  long  twelve  months.  This  is  the  fruit 
of  their  disservice,  to  obtain  really  an  Act  of  Parliament  for 
their  toleration,  before  we  have  got  any  thing  for  Presby- 
tery either  in  Assembly  or  Parliament."  x 

The  order  from  the  House  of  Commons  was  produced 
in  the  Assembly  on  the  16th  of  September,  in  the  following 
terms  : — "That  the  committee  of  Lords  and  Commons  ap- 
pointed to  treat  with  the  Commissioners  of  Scotland,  and 
the  committee  of  the  Assembly,  do  take  into  consideration 
the  differences  of  the  opinions  of  the  members  of  the  As- 

1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  pp.  226,  230. 
O 


210 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


sembly  in  point  of  Church  government,  and  to  endeavour 
an  union,  if  it  be  possible.  And  in  case  that  cannot  be 
done,  to  endeavour  the  finding  out  some  way  how  far 
tender  consciences,  who  cannot  in  all  things  submit  to  the 
same  rule  which  shall  be  established,  may  be  borne  with 
according  to  the  Word,  and  as  may  stand  with  the  public 
peace  ;  that  so  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  may  not  be 
so  much  retarded."  1  In  compliance  with  this  order,  the 
committee  met  on  the  20th  of  September,  and  appointed  a 
sub-committee,  consisting  of  Dr  Temple,  Messrs  Marshall, 
Herle,  Vines,  Goodwin,  and  iSye,  to  consider  of  the  differ- 
ences of  opinion  in  the  Assembly,  in  point  of  Church  go- 
vernment, and  to  report  to  the  Grand  Committee.  These 
divines  accordingly  formed  what  was  called  the  sub-com- 
mittee of  agreements ;  and  prepared  several  propositions 
concerning  the  government  of  particular  congregations,  or- 
dination, etc.,  which  they  laid  before  the  Grand  Committee 
on  the  11th  of  October.  Having  some  additional  proposi- 
tions to  frame  respecting  the  jurisdiction  of  Presbyteries  and 
Synods,  they  were  adjourned,  and  appointed  to  meet  again 
on  the  15th  of  October,  and  then  to  produce  a  completed 
report.  When  they  met  on  the  day  appointed,  their  addi- 
tional propositions  were  read  ;  but  when  it  was  proposed  to 
take  them  into  consideration,  it  was  objected,  that  it  was 
not  consistent  with  strict  propriety  to  discuss  objections 
against  a  proposed  rule  of  Church  government  till  that 
rule  itself  should  have  been  completed  by  the  Assembly 
and  the  Houses  of  Parliament.  The  proceedings  of  this 
Committee  of  Accommodation  were  therefore  suspended  by 
the  House  of  Commons  till  their  further  pleasure,  no  real 
progress  towards  an  agreement  having  been  made. 

Without  relating  minutely  the  proceedings  of  this  com- 
mittee, it  may  be  enough  to  state,  that  in  what  was  termed 
1  Papers  for  Accommodation,  p.  1. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  211 

the  preface  of  their  report,  they  expressed  their  confidence 
that  they  would  jointly  agree  in  one  Confession  of  Faith, 
and  in  one  Directory  of  Public  Worship,  their  only  difference 
being  in  points  of  Church  government.  They  framed  nine 
propositions  respecting  the  power  of  individual  congrega- 
tions, in  six  of  which  they  were  all  agreed,  with  a  slight 
and  unimportant  explanation.  The  points  of  the  other  three 
in  which  the  Independents  could  not  quite  agree  with  the 
Presbyterians,  respected  the  power  of  congregations  to  ex- 
communicate members,  or  ordain  elders  by  the  sole  authority 
of  the  people,  seeking  merely  the  advice  of  neighbouring 
ministers,  but  not  subject  to  the  control  of  a  presbytery ; 
and  the  parochial  system,  which  the  Independents  opposed, 
as  contrary  to  their  theory  of  gathering  churches  out  of 
other  churches.  To  this  system  of  the  Independents  the 
Presbyterians  would  not  consent,  as  giving  countenance  to 
schism,  and  perpetuating  strife  and  jealousy  among  both 
ministers  and  people.  With  regard  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
Presbyteries  and  Synods,  the  Independents  could  consent 
to  nothing  more  than  the  advice  of  neighbouring  ministers, 
to  be  respected,  but  not  authoritative  further  than  admoni- 
tion ;  and  in  case  of  the  offending  congregation  not  submit- 
ting, withdrawing  from  it,  and  denying  Church  communion 
and  fellowship,  but  without  any  actual  power  within  the 
range  of  any  particular  congregation  over  any  offending 
member,  though  the  congregation  itself  might  be  admo- 
nished for  not  putting  forth  its  own  power  to  reform  its 
own  members.  It  is  plain  that  the  essential  difference 
between  the  two  parties  remained  undiminished ;  the  In- 
dependents continued  to  maintain  the  sole  power  of  con- 
gregations to  exercise  Church  government,  and  to  demand 
the  privilege  of  gathering  churches,  or  congregations,  out 
of  the  congregations  of  th»  Presbyterians,  with  whom, 
nevertheless,  they  could  continue  to  hold  occasional  com- 


212 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


munion.  These  points  the  Presbyterians  regarded  as  utterly 
subversive  of  their  whole  system ;  and  though  they  would 
have  tolerated  in  practice,  they  could  not  consent  to  give 
it  an  avowed  and  legal  sanction,  regarding  it  as  nationally 
impolitic,  in  a  religious  point  of  view  sinful,  and  with  re- 
gard to  the  Covenant,  a  violation  of  their  oath,  being  virtu- 
ally to  sanction  and  legalize  schism.  Besides,  they  perceived 
clearly  that  this  avowed  and  legal  sanction  to  the  Independ- 
ent system  would  of  necessity  involve  an  equal  permission 
to  the  wildest  and  most  immoral  and  blasphemous  Sectarians 
to  frame  separate  congregations,  and  collect  adherents,  by 
every  artifice,  and  to  the  ruin  of  both  Church  and  kingdom. 

Although  no  accommodation  resulted  from  the  delibera- 
tions of  this  committee,  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that 
Cromwell  and  Nye  obtained  the  end  they  had  in  view 
when  it  was  proposed.  The  progress  of  both  Parliament 
and  Assembly  towards  the  ratification  of  the  propositions 
respecting  Church  government,  was  suspended,  and  time 
was  obtained  for  adopting  another  course.  Accordingly, 
on  the  7th  of  November,  the  Independents  began  to  talk 
of  giving  in  to  the  Assembly  their  reasons  of  dissent  from 
the  Assembly's  propositions  respecting  Church  government. 
On  the  14th  of  November  these  reasons  were  produced, 
and  on  the  following  day  were  read,  and  a  committee  of 
twenty  appointed  to  take  them  into  consideration.  The 
most  prominent  persons  of  that  committee  were,  Drs  Temple 
and  Hoyle,  Messrs  Marshall,  Tuckney,  Calamy,  Palmer, 
Vines,  Seaman,  and  Lightfoot ;  and  their  answers  to  the 
reasons  of  dissent  were  read  in  the  Assembly  on  the  1 7th 
day  of  December,  and  continued  on  the  following  days  till 
they  had  been  fully  heard,  previous  to  their  being  trans- 
mitted to  Parliament. 

Thus  terminated  the  deliberations  of  the  "Westminster 
Assembly,  so  far  as  regarded  the  proceedings  of  the  year 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  213 

1644.  But  as  these  proceedings  had  chiefly  involved  the 
controversy  between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independ- 
ents ;  and  as  the  points  in  which  they  differed  had  been  all 
thoroughly  debated  in  the  Assembly  in  the  course  of  the 
year  1644,  and  the  contest  had  now  assumed  a  literary 
character,  in  consequence  of  the  production  of  written  reasons 
of  dissent,  and  written  answers  to  those  reasons,  it  seems 
expedient  to  complete  our  brief  outline  of  this  important 
controversy,  though  touching  a  little  upon  the  events  of 
subsequent  years,  before  directing  our  attention  to  the 
Erastian  controversy. 

The  Dissenting  Brethren  entered  their  dissent  with 
reasons  in  writing,  to  be  presented  to  the  Honourable  Houses 
by  the  Assembly,  to  the  three  following  propositions,  as  the 
only  points  in  which  there  existed  direct  and  essential  dif- 
ferences between  them  and  the  Presbyterians,  namely, — 
"1.  To  the  third  proposition  concerning  presbyterial  govern- 
ment ;  2.  To  the  propositions  concerning  subordination  of 
assemblies  ;  3.  To  the  proposition  concerning  the  power  of 
ordination,  whether  in  a  particular  congregation,  though  it 
may  associate  icith  others." 

The  third  proposition  concerning  Presbyterial  Church 
government  was  as  follows  : — "  The  Scripture  doth  hold 
forth  that  many  congregations  may  be  under  one  presby- 
terial government.  This  is  proved  by  instances  :  1.  Of  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem,  which  consisted  of  more  congregations 
than  one,  and  all  those  congregations  were  under  one  pres- 
byterial government ;  2.  Of  the  Church  of  Ephesus,  in 
which  there  were  more  congregations  than  one,  and  where 
there  were  many  elders  over  those  congregations  as  one 
flock,  though  those  many  congregations  were  one  Church, 
and  under  one  presbyterial  government."  As  this  proposi- 
tion, together  with  its  subordinate  details,  and  the  Scripture 
texts  on  which  the  whole  is  founded,  are  stated  fully  in  the 


214 


HISTORY   OF    THE 


Confession  of  Faith,  and  Directory,  it  cannot  be  necessary 
to  occupy  space  by  their  insertion. 

The  Dissenting  Brethren  gave  in  reasons  against  the 
proposition  itself,  and  also  against  the  instances  by  which 
it  was  proved.  Their  argument  against  the  proposition  is 
in  the  following  terms  : — "  If  many  congregations  having 
all  elders  already  affixed  respectively  unto  them,  may  be 
under  a  presbyterial  government,  then  all  those  elders  must 
sustain  a  special  relation  of  elders  to  all  the  people  of  those 
congregations  as  one  Church,  and  to  every  one  as  a  member 
thereof ;  but  for  a  company  of  such  elders  already  affixed 
to  sustain  such  a  relation,  carries  with  it  so  great  and 
manifold  incongruities  and  inconsistencies  with  what  the 
Scriptures  speak  of  elders  in  their  relation  to  a  church 
committed  to  them,  and  likewise  with  the  principles  of  the 
Eeformed  Churches  themselves,  as  cannot  be  admitted 
and  therefore  such  a  government  may  not  be."  The  pro 
position  thus  stated  is  explained,  defended,  and  enforced 
in  a  treatise  of  forty  pages,  by  the  Dissenting  Brethren 
whose  names,  now  increased  to  seven,  are  subscribed  to  it 
namely,  Thomas  Goodwin,  Philip  Xye,  Jeremiah  Burroughs, 
Sidrach  Simpson,  "William  Bridge,  "William  Greenhill,  Wil 
liam  Carter.  It  does  not  appear  necessary  to  give  any 
summary  of  the  arguments  brought  forward  by  these 
brethren  against  the  Assembly,  or  in  illustration  of  their 
own  negative  proposition  ;  because,  from  the  proposition 
itself,  even'  reader  will  see  that  their  major  proposition 
rests  on  an  assumption  which  itself  required  to  be  both  ex- 
plained and  proved  ;  and  that  their  minor  proposition  was 
merely  a  congeries  of  supposed  incongruities  and  inconsist- 
encies, which  they  asserted  would  follow,  but  which  could 
not  be  proved  to  be  necessary  consequences,  and  had  not 
followed  in  churches  already  under  Presbyterian  government. 

The  answer  of  the  Assembly  extended  to  eighty  pages, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  215 

which,  in  one  point  of  view,  was  mnch  more  than  enough  ; 
but  aware  that  their  task  was  not  only  to  meet  the  argu- 
ment of  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  but  also  to  produce  a  de- 
fence of  Presbyterian  Church  government,  such  as  might 
be  laid  before  the  public,  they  entered  fully  into  the  subject, 
both  meeting  objections,  and  restating  their  own  arguments. 
In  this  manner  they  produced  an  exceedingly  able  treatise, 
exhibiting  clearly  and  amply  the  grounds  of  Scripture  and 
reason  on  which  the  Presbyterian  Church  government,  in 
their  opinion,  rested  ;  and  certainly  the  Dissenting  Breth- 
ren themselves,  must  have  felt  that  they  were  more  than 
answered,  even  allowing  for  their  natural  predilection  for 
their  own  system.  It  is  impossible  to  condense  this  able 
defence  of  Presbyterian  Church  government,  so  as  to  present 
it  within  the  limits  of  the  present  work.  This  only  can  we 
state,  that  the  Assembly's  answer  begins  by  proving  the 
fallacy,  and  the  pernicious  consequences  of  that  assumption 
on  which  the  main  argument  of  their  opponents  was  based. 
They  then  showed  that  the  argument  of  Independents  was 
really  directed  against  a  proposition  which  the  Assembly 
never  held,  and  therefore  that  it  was  beside  the  question 
altogether.  And  then,  returning  to  the  subject  as  stated 
by  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  and,  for  the  sake  of  argument, 
allowing  it  to  be  regarded  as  fairly  put,  they  proceeded  to 
meet  and  refute  it  point  by  point,  in  a  very  masterly  man- 
ner, uniting  extensive  learning,  acuteness  of  distinction, 
logical  precision  of  thought,  clear  and  energetic  language, 
and  a  profound  knowledge  of  Scripture,  and  veneration  of 
its  sacred  truths,  as  the  sole  rule  and  guide  in  all  matters  of 
a  religious  nature. 

The  second  subject  against  which  the  Independents 
entered  their  dissent  with  reasons  was,  The  propositions 
concerning  the  subordination  of  assemblies.  These  proposi- 
tions were  three  in  number,  but,  as  their  dissent  was  directed 


216 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


chiefly  against  the  third,  the  statement  of  it  may  be  enough : 
"  It  is  lawful  and  agreeable  to  the  Word  of  God,  that  there 
be  a  subordination  of  congregational,  classical,  provincial, 
and  national  assemblies  ;  that  so  appeals  be  made  from  the 
inferior  to  the  superior  respectively.  Proved  from  Matthew 
xviii.,  which,  holding  forth  the  subordination  of  an  offend- 
ing brother  to  a  particular  church,  it  doth  also,  by  a  parity 
of  reason,  hold  forth  the  subordination  of  a  congregation  to 
superior  assemblies."  The  Dissenting  Brethren  introduce 
their  argument  in  the  following  manner  : — "  Although  we 
judge  Synods  to  be  of  great  use,  for  the  finding  out  and 
declaring  of  truth  in  difficult  cases,  and  encouragement  to 
walk  in  the  truth  ;  for  the  healing  offences,  and  to  give 
advice  unto  the  magistrate  in  matters  of  religion ;  and 
although  we  give  great  honour  and  conscientious  respect 
unto  their  determinations  ;  yet  seeing  the  proposition  holds 
forth,  not  only  an  occasional,  but  a  standing  use  of  them, 
and  that  in  subordination  of  one  unto  another,  as  juridical, 
ecclesiastical  courts,  and  this  in  aU  cases,  we  humbly  pre- 
sent these  reasons  against  it : — 1.  All  such  subordinations 
of  courts,  having  greater  and  lesser  degrees  of  power,  to 
which,  in  their  order,  causes  are  to  be  brought,  must  have 
the  greatest  and  most  express  warrant  and  designment  for 
them  in  the  Word.  Whence  it  is  argued  thus  :  Those 
courts  that  must  have  the  most  express  warrant  and  design- 
ment for  them  in  the  Word,  and  have  not,  their  power  is 
to  be  suspected,  and  not  erected  in  the  Church  of  God  ; 
but  these  ought  to  have  so,  and  have  not :  therefore  their 
power  is  to  be  suspecred,  and  not  erected  in  the  Church  of 
God.  2.  If  there  be  such  a  subordination  of  Synods  in  the 
Church  of  Christ,  then  there  is  no  independency  but  in  an 
oecumenical  council.  3.  That  Church  power  which  cannot 
show  a  constant  divine  rule  for  its  variation,  and  subordina- 
tion, and  ultimate  independency,  is  not  of  God,  and  so  may 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  217 

not  be  ;  but  this  variation  of  Church  power  into  these  sub 
ordinations,  cannot  show  any  such  steady  and  constant  rule 
for  these  things  :  therefore  it  may  not  be.  4.  The  govern- 
ment which  necessarily  produceth  representations  of  spiritual 
power  out  of  other  representations,  with  a  derived  power 
therefrom,  there  is  no  warrant  for;  but  these  subordinations 
of  Synods,  provincial,  national,  oecumenical,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Church  do  so  :  therefore  for  them  there  is  no 
warrant."  To  these  they  added  some  arguments  against 
the  instances  from  Acts  xv.,  and  Matt,  xviii.,  which  had 
been  adduced  by  the  Assembly. 

In  the  reasonings  of  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  it  is  some- 
what curious  to  observe  that  they  made  use  of  both  the 
Erastian  and  the  Episcopalian  arguments,  as  these  seemed 
to  serve  their  purpose ;  as,  for  instance,  the  Erastian, 
41  Why  may  not  all  other  churches  be  governed  as  well  as 
that  of  Geneva,  without  appeals,  if  the  magistrate  oversees 
them,  and  keeps  each  to  their  duties'?"1  The  Episcopalian 
argument  is  not  so  succinctly  stated  ;  but  it  is  an  attempt 
to  turn  against  the  Presbyterians  the  argument  used  by 
them  against  the  Episcopalians,  of  the  want  of  an  express 
institution  of  the  subordination  of  office-bearers  in  the 
Church.  And,  in  the  course  of  their  argument  and  illus- 
trations, they  made  so  many  concessions,  that  it  is  rather 
difficult  to  conceive  on  what  their  final  opposition  rested. 
As,  for  instance,  they  admitted  "  that  synods  are  an  ordi- 
nance of  God  upon  all  occasions  of  difficulty  ;  that  all  the 
churches  of  a  province  may  call  a  single  congregation  to 
account ;  that  they  may  examine  and  admonish,  and,  in 
case  of  obstinacy,  may  declare  them  to  be  subverters  of  the 
faith  ;  that  they  may  have  authority  to  determine  in  con- 
troversies of  faith;  that  they  may  deny  Church  communion 
to  an  offending  and  obstinate  congregation,  and  that  this 
1  Reasons  of  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  p.  124. 


218 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


sentence  of  non-communion  may  be  enforced  by  the  autho- 
rity of  the  civil  magistrate ;  and  that  they  may  call  before 
them  any  person  within  their  bounds,  concerned  in  the 
ecclesiastical  business  before  them,  and  may  hear  and 
determine  such  causes  as  orderly  come  before  them."1 
Having  made  so  many  and  such  important  concessions,  the 
Independents  might,  with  very  little  difficulty,  have  as- 
sented fully  to  the  Assembly's  propositions  ;  and  probably 
would  have  done  so,  but  for  the  influence  of  intriguing 
politicians,  who  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  an  early  and 
harmonious  adjustment  of  all  differences  in  the  Assembly. 
The  answer  of  the  Assembly  began  by  laying  open  the 
essential  point  of  difference,  which  consisted,  not  in  a  denial 
of  synods,  but  of  the  standing  use  of  them,  and  their  sub- 
ordination of  one  another,  not  the  subordination  of  con- 
gregations to  them.  They  then  showed  that  the  main 
argument  of  the  Independents  was  not  directed  against 
the  proposition  of  the  Assembly,  but  against  a  peculiar 
construction  of  it  by  themselves,  and  that  too,  a  construc- 
tion disclaimed  by  the  Assembly.  Then,  as  in  their 
previous  answer,  they  proceed  to  consider  the  reasonings  of 
their  opponents,  sometimes  proving  that  these  are  self- 
destructive,  and  confute  their  own  theory,  sometimes  point- 
ing out  their  fallacious  character,  and  sometimes  meeting 
them  by  a  distinct  and  irresistible  refutation  of  a  strictly 
logical  kind.  In  one  instance,  the  mode  of  the  Dissenting 
Brethren's  argument  is  very  strongly  urged  against  them- 
selves ;  and  since  they  demand  ''the  greatest  and  most 
express  warrant  for  the  subordination  of  synods,"  they  are 
asked  to  prove  their  own  system,  viz.,  the  gathering  of 
churches  out  of  churches,  the  ordination  and  deposition  of 
ministers  by  the  people  alone,  the  passing  by  one  single 
congregation  of  the  sentence  of  non-communion  against  all 
1  Reasons  and  Answers,  p.  138. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  219 

the  churches  in  a  province  or  a  kingdom,  which  would 
surely  require  a  warrant  as  great  and  express,  or  should 
teach  them  somewhat  to  abate  in  their  demand.1  In  short, 
it  is  perfectly  clear,  in  our  apprehension,  that  both  in  point 
of  conformity  to  the  language  and  arrangements  of  Scripture, 
and  in  point  of  distinctness  and  strength  of  logical  reason- 
ing, the  answer  of  the  Assembly  is  abundantly  conclusive. 

The  third  subject  against  which  the  Independents  en- 
tered reasons  of  dissent  in  writing  was,  the  proposition 
concerning  the  power  of  ordination.  That  proposition  was 
in  the  following  terms : — "  It  is  very  requisite,  that  no 
single  congregation  that  can  conveniently  associate,  do 
assume  to  itself  all  and  sole  power  in  ordination."  Against 
this  they  offered  these  reasons  :  "  Where  there  is  a  sufficient 
presbytery,  all  and  sole  power  in  ordination  may  be  assumed 
though  association  may  be  had ;  but  there  may  be  a  sufficient 
presbytery  in  a  particular  congregation  :  therefore  a  parti- 
cular congregation  may  assume  all  and  sole  power  in  ordi- 
nation. That  which  two  apostles,  being  joined  together, 
might  do  in  a  particular  congregation,  that  ordinary  elders 
may  do  in  a  particular  congregation  ;  but  Paul  and  Barnabas 
ordained  elders  in  particular  congregations,  though  they  might 
associate  :  therefore  ordinary  elders  may  ordain  in  particular 
congregations."2  The  expansion  of  this  argument  served 
only  to  dilute  it  the  more,  and  to  make  its  fallacy  apparent. 

In  their  answer,  the  Assembly  Divines  seem  almost  to 
have  been  ashamed  to  analyze  and  expose  the  weak  sophistry 
of  the  Dissenting  Brethren's  argument.  "  We  expected," 
say  they,  "from  our  brethren,  in  a  search  for  truth,  not  a 
contest  for  victory,  arguments  to  prove,  that  every  single 
congregation  have  the  whole  power  of  ordination  within 
themselves,  and  that  none  but  themselves  may  ordain  for 
them ;  but  this  they  are  pleased  to  decline."  They  then 
*  Reasons  and  Answers,  p.  147.  2  Reasons  of  Dissent,  pp.  190, 191. 


220  HISTORY   OF   THE 

prove  that  the  argument  is  illogical  and  vicious,  containing 
more  in  the  conclusion  than  in  the  premises,  and  yet  not 
concluding  against  the  proposition  in  debate  ;  and,  entering 
into  a  more  minute  examination  of  it,  they  not  merely  refute 
it,  hut  availing  themselves  of  the  concessions  made  by  the 
Independents  in  the  course  of  their  own  illustrations,  they 
completely  overthrow  the  whole  Congregational  theory. 
For  the  Independents  had  admitted  that  association  of 
congregations  neither  adds  to  nor  diminishes  the  power  of 
a  presbytery,  but  is  by  way  of  accumulation,  not  privation  ; 
and  this  argument  is  itself  an  answer  to  all  their  own  accu- 
sations against  the  Presbyterian  system  of  Church  govern- 
ment, on  the  ground  of  its  depriving  congregations  of  their 
due  power,  since  the  association  of  congregations,  like  that 
of  elders,  is  by  way  of  accumulation,  not  privation.  It 
will  be  observed  also,  that  there  is  in  the  argument  of  the 
Independents,  a  deceptive  use  of  the  word  presbytery, 
which  they  employed  to  mean  the  elders  of  a  particular 
congregation,  whereas  the  proper  sense  of  the  term  implies 
the  collected  ministers  and  elders  of  several  contiguous  con- 
gregations. The  answer  of  such  arguments  was  an  easy 
task,  and  was  very  successfully  accomplished. 

These  Eeasons  of  Dissent,  and  the  Answers  by  the 
Assembly,  occupied  the  attention  of  that  venerable  body 
during  the  conclusion  of  the  year  1614,  and  the  early  part 
of  the  year  1645  ;  and  when  full}-  completed,  both  the 
reasons  and  the  answers  were  submitted  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Parliament.  After  remaining  in  possession  of 
the  Parliament  for  a  considerable  time,  and  when  the  dis- 
cussions of  the  Assembly  had  terminated,  an  order  was 
issued  by  the  House  of  Lords,  on  the  24th  of  January 
1648  (or  1647,  according  to  their  style),  that  these  reasons 
and  answers  should  be  printed  from  the  papers  in  the  hands 
of  Adoniram  Byfield,  one  of  the  Assembly's  scribes,  after 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  221 

having  been  inspected  by  Messrs  Goodwin  and  Whittaker, 
to  secure  their  genuineness  and  authenticity;  and  they 
were  published  in  the  same  year,  under  the  title  of  "  The 
Keasons  presented  by  the  Dissenting  Brethren  against  cer- 
tain Propositions  concerning  Presbyterial  Government; 
together  with  the  Answers  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines  to 
those  Eeasons  of  Dissent."  In  the  year  1652,  the  same 
publication  received  a  new  title-page,  and  was  called  "  The 
Grand  Debate  concerning  Presbytery  and  Independency, 
by  the  Assembly  of  Divines  convened  at  Westminster  by 
authority  of  Parliament."  This  a  careful  examination  of 
several  copies  of  both  dates  and  titles  enables  me  to  state 
with  perfect  certainty,  not  only  the  pages,  but  the  verbal 
and  literal  errors  being  everywhere  identical ;  and  this  is 
here  mentioned  in  order  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  any  per- 
son who  may  possess  the  volume  to  verify  the  preceding 
account,  whether  as  here  given,  or  as  referred  to  by  other 
authors  under  the  title  of  "  The  Grand  Debate." 

About  the  time  when  these  written  discussions  began  to 
be  interchanged,  there  was  one  remaining  topic  unsettled, 
on  which  some  difference  of  opinion  was  entertained.  The 
Assembly  had  unanimously  agreed,  that  "  excommunica- 
tion is  an  ordinance  of  Christ ; "  but  some  difference  of 
opinion  existed  respecting  the  body  to  which  properly  the 
power  of  excommunication  belonged.  A  small  committee 
was  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  attempting  an  accommo- 
dation between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents  on 
this  point;  and  on  the  10th  of  January  1645,  this  com- 
mittee gave  in  a  report  to  which  all  assented,  and  it  re- 
ceived the  unanimous  and  glad  sanction  of  the  Assembly. 
Four  days  afterwards,  the  Independents  requested  that  the 
whole  directory  of  excommunication  might  be  referred  to  a 
similar  committee  of  accommodation;  and  this,  too,  the 
Assembly  granted,  in  the  hope  of  at  last  obtaining  an 


222  HISTORY    OF   THE 

amicable  and  harmonious  arrangement.  Yet,  when  the 
report  of  that  committee  had  been  produced,  assented  to 
by  the  Assembly,  and  voted  to  be  transmitted  to  the 
Houses  of  Parliament,  the  Independents  entered  their  dis- 
sent from  it,  as  an  accommodation  "  in  any  other  sense 
than  that  each  might  interpret  and  use  it  according  to 
their  own  peculiar  views.1  Against  this  procedure  the 
Assembly  complained,  regarding  it  as  a  deceptive  evasion, 
much  more  fitted  to  perpetuate  disagreement  than  to  pro- 
mote accommodation,  and  lead  to  union. 

The  Assembly  further  complained,  that  the  Dissenting 
Brethren  never  gave  any  definite  statement  of  what  they 
really  wished,  but  merely  opposed  almost  every  proposition 
respecting  Church  government,  and  brought  forward  objec- 
tions. At  length  one  of  the  Independents,  on  the  11th  of 
February  1645,  said  that  they  were  willing  to  be  formed 
into  a  committee  to  frame  and  report  their  judgment  re- 
specting the  best  model  of  Church  government.  This  the 
Assembly  gladly  hailed,  declaring  that  there  was  nothing 
which  they  more  earnestly  desired  than  to  know  the  full 
mind  and  wish  of  the  Dissenting  Brethren.  Immediately 
the  Independents  recoiled  from  their  proposal,  and  declined 
being  made  a  committee  for  that  purpose.  On  the  21st  of 
March  they  were  urged  to  enter  upon  the  task,  and  one  of 
them  read  a  paper  containing  seven  propositions,  but  re- 
fused to  give  it  to  the  scribe,  would  not  reproduce  it,  and 
finally  declined  the  discussion.  Again,  on  the  4th  of 
April,  the  Assembly  resumed  the  suggestion,  and  notwith- 
standing the  opposition  of  the  Independents,  resolved, 
<;  That  the  brethren  of  this  Assembly  that  had  formerly 
entered  their  dissent  to  the  propositions  about  Presbyterial 
government,  shall  be  a  committee  to  bring  in  the  whole 
frame  of  their  judgment  concerning  Church  government  in 

1  Answer  to  a  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance,  p.  16. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  223 

a  body,  with  their  grounds  and  reasons." '  Being  thus  in 
a  manner  constrained  to  prepare  their  own  desired  model, 
they  first  requested  that  it  might  be  brought  forward  and 
debated  part  by  part,  as  the  subject  of  Presbyterial  govern- 
ment had  been.  To  this  the  Assembly  objected,  both 
because  their  own  course  of  procedure  had  been  that  of 
necessity,  not  choice,  and  not,  in  their  opinion,  the  best 
mode,  and  because  there  were  not  many  points  against 
which  the  Independents  had  dissented,  so  that  the  whole 
might  most  easily  and  conveniently  be  brought  forward  at 
once.  The  Independents  then  obtained  permission  to 
refrain  from  attending  the  ordinary  committees,  that  they 
might  have  sufficient  leisure  to  prepare  their  own  model  of 
Church  government.  Long  and  anxiously  did  the  Assem- 
bly look  for  the  promised  model,  but  in  vain.  AVearied  at 
last  with  this  protracted  delay,  on  the  2 2d  of  September 
they  urged  the  Independents  to  make  all  convenient  speed, 
and  requested  them  to  give  in  a  report  of  what  they  had 
done  within  a  fortnight  if  possible. 

One  fortnight  passed,  and  no  report  was  produced; 
another  ran  its  round,  and  still  no  report  appeared.  But, 
on  the  22d  of  October  1645,  instead  of  the  long  expected 
model  of  Church  government,  the  Independents  laid  before 
the  Assembly  what  they  termed  a  Remonstrance,  stating 
the  reasons  why  they  declined  to  bring  forward  their 
model  of  Church  government.  This  was  soon  afterwards 
published,  without  the  authority  of  either  Assembly  or 
Parliament,  under  the  title  of  "  A  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance." 
The  Assembly  immediately  prepared  an  answer  to  this 
remonstrance  ;  and  having  laid  it  before  the  Houses  of 
Parliament,  it  was,  after  some  delay,  directed  to  be  printed, 
by  an   order  of  the  House  of  Lords,   bearing   date    2  4th 

»  Answer  to  a  Copy  of  a  Eemonstrance,  p.  19 ;  BailJie,  vol.  iii.  pp.  2G6, 
267. 


224  HISTORY   OF   THE 

February  1646  (or,  according  to  the  parliamentary  year, 
1645).1  The  answer  of  the  Assembly  is  expressed  in  some- 
what sharper  terms  than  any  of  their  preceding  papers; 
which  is  not  surprising,  considering  the  disingenuous  and 
evasive  conduct  of  the  Independent  party ;  and  it  certainly 
exposes  their  duplicity  in  a  manner  altogether  unanswer- 
able. The  conclusion  of  this  paper  is  peculiarly  significant : 
"Upon  which  considerations  we  think,  not  that  the 
brethren  have  any  cause  to  decline  the  bringing  in  of  their 
model  at  this  time,  but  that  they  have  some  other  cause 
than  what  they  pretend  to,  and  that  something  lies  behind 
the  curtain  which  doth  not  yet  appear :  possibly  not  any 
one  of  them  is  yet  at  a  point  in  his  own  judgment,  nor 
resolved  where  to  fix,  they  having  professed  to  keep  as  a 
reserve,  liberty  to  alter  and  retract ;  which,  if  their  model 
were  given  in,  they  could  not  so  fairly  and  honourably  do : 
or  possibly  they  are  not  all  fixed  in  one  and  the  same 
point :  possibly  they  cannot  agree  among  themselves,  for  it 
is  easier  to  agree  in  dissenting  than  in  affirming ;  or  pos- 
sibly if  they  seven  can  agree,  yet  some  other  of  their 
brethren  in  the  city,  to  whom  it  may  be  the  model  was 
communicated,  did  not  like  it ;  or  if  so,  yet  possibly  the 
brethren  might  foresee,  that  if  this  model  should  be  pub- 
lished, there  are  some  who  are  at  present  a  strength  to 
them,  and  expect  shelter  from  them,  who  may  be  disgusted 
by  it :  or,  at  least,  they  are  resolved  to  wait  a  further  oppor- 
tunity to  improve  what  they  have  prepared  ;  it  may  be  when 
the  Assembly  is  dissolved,  and  so  not  in  a  capacity  to 
answer  them  j  or  when  the  Presbyterian  government  be- 
gins to  be  set  up,  when  they  promise  to  themselves  there 
will  be  discontent  among  the  people,  and  look  upon  that, 
it  may  be,  as  the  most  advantageous  time  of  putting  pen 
to  paper.  But  whatever  the  cause  be,  we  commit  our 
'  Baillie,  vol.  iii.  p.  344. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  225 

cause  to  the  Lord,  who  loves  truth  and  simplicity,  and 
will,  we  doubt  not,  discover  it  in  due  time."  1 

Almost  simultaneous  with  the  production  of  these  papers, 
one  effort  more,  a  last  effort,  was  made  to  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, a  final  disagreement  between  the  Presbyterians  and 
the  Independents.  The  Committee  of  Accommodation, 
which  had  been  in  abeyance  for  nearly  a  year,  was  revived 
by  an  order  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  dated  6th  Novem- 
ber 1645.  This  committee  met  on  the  17  th  of  the  same 
month,  and  resumed  their  now  well-nigh  hopeless  task,  to 
find  some  ground  on  which  both  parties  could  harmoniously 
unite.  Several  meetings  were  held,  and  several  papers  framed 
by  each  party,  but  no  approximation  towards  union  appeared, 
both  retaining  their  peculiar  views,  with  little,  if  any  modi- 
fication. The  last  meeting  took  place  on  the  9th  of  March 
1646,  when  very  long  and  elaborate  answers  were  produced 
by  the  members  of  Assembly  to  the  opinions,  reasonings,  and 
requests  of  the  Dissenting  Brethren.  After  that  the  committee 
met  no  more,  the  controversy,  so  far  as  regarded  debate  and 
writing,  terminated  without  any  agreement :  and  the  matter 
became  a  conflict  of  principle  against  intrigue  and  power. 

It  is  impossible  to  review  this  protracted  controversy 
between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents  without 
the  deepest  regret.  Prom  the  very  beginning  it  greatly 
hampered  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly,  gave  rise  to 
excessively  protracted  discussions  on  almost  every  subject 
connected  with  Church  government  and  discipline,  exposed 
the  unsettled  affairs  of  both  Church  and  State  to  all  the 
perils  of  delay,  and  gave  time  to  every  hostile  element  to  ac- 
quire matured  strength,  and  every  dangerous  machination  to 
obtain  complete  development.  Yet  the  differences  between 
the  two  contending  parties  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
necessarily  irreconcilable,  had  it  not  been  for  the  perverting 

1  Answer  to  a  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance,  p.  24. 
P 


226  HISTORY   OF   THE 

power  of  political  influence.  In  point  of  doctrinal  views 
of  sacred  truth  and  modes  of  public  worship  there  existed 
no  material  disagreement  between  the  Presbyterians  and 
the  Independents.  In  matters  of  discipline,  the  difference 
of  opinion  became  narrowed  to  a  single  point,  and  even 
that  point  was  at  one  time  removed  in  the  Committee  of 
Accommodation,  though  it  was  again  partially  replaced  by 
the  Dissenting  Brethren.  The  three  propositions  against 
which  they  gave  in  reasons  of  dissent,  namely,  concerning 
presbyterial  government,  the  subordination  of  assemblies, 
and  the  power  of  ordination,  were  all  capable  of  being  re- 
duced to  one  point  also, — and  that  to  a  point  so  minute  as 
almost  to  disappear  under  discussion,  and  to  require  con- 
siderable dexterity  in  its  maintainers  to  discover,  and  again 
bring  it  into  prominent  manifestation.  For  the  admissions 
of  the  Independents  at  different  times  extended  so  far  as 
to  leave  nothing  in  dispute,  except  the  single  link  con- 
necting their  system  with  that  of  the  Brownists,  and 
the  other  Sectarians  of  the  period, — the  right  of  a  congre- 
gation, or  church,  to  use  their  own  term,  however  few  in 
regard  to  numbers,  and  even  though  devoid  of  a  pastor  and 
elders,  to  possess  and  to  exercise  all  and  sole  power  of 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  within  itself,  without  regard  to 
any  and  every  other  church  in  the  world,  and  accountable 
to  none  for  its  procedure,  be  that  what  it  might. 

How  the  Independents  contrived  to  reconcile  this 
central  principle  with  their  repeated  concessions  respecting 
xhe  authority  of  synods,  as  an  ordinance  of  God,  the  sen- 
tences of  which  might  be  enforced  by  the  civil  magistrate, 
it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  imagine.  Xor  did  they,  in  point 
of  practice,  act  according  to  this  principle,  or  theory ;  for 
in  the  churches  of  Xew  England,  which  were  all  con- 
structed according  to  the  Independent  system,  they  did 
not  hesitate  to  coerce  and  restrain,  with  great  rigour  and 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  227 

severity,  those  who  presumed  to  differ  from  them  in  reli- 
gious matters, — inflicting  the  sentences  of  imprisonment, 
banishment,  and  even  perpetual  slavery.1  Yet  had  they 
acted  according  to  their  own  theory,  they  ought  to  have 
passed  no  other  sentence  than  that  of  non-com m union, 
each  little  church  of  half  a  dozen  having  sole  power  in 
itself,  and  being  independent  of  every  other.  But  in  New 
England,  where  their  system  had  at  first  freedom  to  put 
forth  its  native  tendencies,  it  was  found  to  be  absolutely 
incompatible  with  the  peace  and  good  order  of  society; 
and,  therefore,  the  very  necessity  and  duty  of  self-preserva- 
tion constrained  the  Independents  of  that  country  to  make 
such  alterations  in  their  system  as  might  save  them  from 
total  disorganisation.  There  is  reason  to  believe,  that  the 
consciousness  of  these  inherent  defects  in  their  system 
operated  very  powerfully  in  causing  the  Dissenting  Breth- 
ren to  make  the  numerous  and  important  concessions  which 
have  been  stated  \  and  that  they  would  have  finally  em- 
braced the  Presbyterian  form  of  Church  government,  but 
for  the  existence  of  one  or  two  most  unfortunate  and  inju- 
rious preventing  causes.  They  had  become  involved  in 
the  political  movements  of  the  period,  chiefly  through  the 
intriguing  character  of  Nye,  and  the  influence  of  Cromwell 
and  Sir  Harry  Vane ;  and  the  position  which  they  occu- 
pied in  the  Assembly  rendered  them  in  a  manner  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  almost  innumerable  swarms  of  Sectarians 
with  which  the  kingdom  was  rife. 

Both  of  these  causes  operated  so  steadily  in  the  same 
direction  that  they  may  be  viewed  as  one,  and  the  effect 
may  be  thereby  the  more  clearly  traced.  The  civil  war 
between  the  King  and  the  Parliament  had  not  continued 
long  till  it  began  to  become  apparent  that  it  would  most 
probably  end  in  a  revolution,  and  a  change  in  the  form  of 
1  Bafflie,  vol.  ii.  p.  183 


228  HISTORY  OF  THE 

civil  government.  Whether  this  had  been  foreseen  from 
the  first  by  Cromwell,  and  his  own  conduct  guided  by  that 
anticipation,  cannot  be  certainly  known  ;  but  this,  at  least, 
may  be  safely  said,  that  such  an  idea  would  enable  us  to 
give  a  complete  explanation  of  all  the  proceedings  of  that 
otherwise  most  mysterious  man.  Let  it,  then,  be  assumed 
that  such  was  his  aim  and  expectation.  Nothing  could 
have  been  more  fatal  to  this  prospect  that  an  early  and 
amicable  settlement  of  a  pure,  free,  and  comprehensive 
system  of  Church  government,  whether  that  had  been  a 
modified  Episcopacy  on  Ussher's  model,  or  a  Presbyterian 
form,  similar  to  that  of  Scotland.  In  either  case  the  life 
and  sovereignty  of  the  King  would  have  been  preserved, 
even  in  spite  of  his  own  characteristic  obstinacy,  and  peace 
would  have  been  restored  to  the  country  without  an  abso- 
lute revolution.  It  was  therefore  Cromwell's  policy  to 
prevent,  by  every  possible  means,  an  early  settlement  of 
the  great  religious  questions  by  which  the  heart  of  the 
community  was  so  deeply  and  powerfully  stirred.  For  this 
purpose  he  maintained  a  secret  but  a  close  intercourse  with 
Nye,  and  induced  him  and  the  other  Dissenting  Brethren 
to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  in  retarding  the  progress 
of  the  Assembly.  When  that  could  no  longer  be  accom- 
plished by  mere  debate,  then  he  devised  the  Committee  of 
Accommodation,  by  means  of  which  new  methods  of  delay 
were  employed.  In  the  meantime,  he  availed  himself  of 
the  rapid  increase  of  Sectarians,  encouraged  their  enthusi- 
astic feelings,  new-modelled  the  army,  placing  them  in  its 
ranks  and  himself  at  its  head ;  then,  having  swept  the 
loose  and  disorderly,  though  daring,  cavaliers  of  Charles 
from  the  field,  he  was  able  to  dissolve  the  Parliament, 
break  up  the  Assembly,  assume  an  absolute  dictatorship  in 
all  matters,  civil  and  religious,  and  become  the  chief  of  a 
republic  or  commonwealth. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  229 

Such,  certainly,  was  the  issue ;  and  it  will  not  be  denied 
that  the  outline  we  have  traced  shows  how  all  these  events 
combined  to  lead  as  directly  to  the  result  as  if  they  had 
been  all  preconcerted  and  pre-arranged  in  the  powerful 
mind  of  one  bold  and  far-forecasting  man.  It  was  easy 
for  such  a  man  to  overreach  the  simple-minded,  and  to 
employ  the  crafty,  for  the  promotion  of  his  own  purposes, 
leading  them  all  the  while  to  imagine  that  they  could  not 
possibly  better  secure  the  triumph  of  their  peculiar  designs; 
and  it  may  be  fairly  supposed  that  Cromwell  did  deceive 
the  Independent  divines,  and  make  use  of  them  for  the 
accomplishment  of  an  object  which  they  had  never  con- 
templated, and  from  the  very  thought  of  which  they  would 
have  instantaneously  recoiled.  Yet  so  deeply  was  Nye 
implicated  in  the  political  intrigues  of  Cromwell,  that,  after 
the  Restoration,  it  was  debated  for  several  hours  in  council, 
whether  he  should  be  excepted  from  the  Act  of  Indemnity, 
and  expiate  his  conduct  by  the  forfeit  of  his  life.1  But 
whatever  Nye  might  have  known  of  Cromwell's  secret 
schemes,  and  though  his  brethren  were  greatly  led  by  him 
in  the  course  which  they  followed,  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  they  were  fully  aware  of  the  object  which  he 
had  in  view,  or  would  have  approved  it  if  they  had.  Cer- 
tainly Goodwin,  Burroughs,  and  Bridge,  were  men  of  too 
pure  and  spiritual  a  mould  to  have  lent  themselves  con- 
sciously to  the  promotion  of  any  merely  political  intrigue.2 

There  was  also  evidently  not  a  little  of  prejudice  and 

i  Palmer's  Nonconformist's  Memorial,  vol.  i.  p.  96  ;  Appendix,  Nye. 

2  This  I  hold  myself  quite  at  liberty  to  state,  from  a  careful  perusal 
of  the  writings  of  these  pious  men  ;  and  especially  from  Goodwin's  work 
"  On  the  Constitution,  Right,  Order,  and  Government,  of  the  Churches 
of  Christ,"  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  works ;  which  seems  to  be  the 
result  of  his  attempt  to  frame  a  model  of  the  Independent  system  of 
Church  government,  and  which,  with  all  its  defects,  shows  much  of  a 
Christian  spirit  and  temper. 


230 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


jealousy  on  both  sides.  The  Dissenting  Brethren  had  suf- 
fered so  much  from  prelatic  despotism,  that  they  entertained 
a  perfect  horror  of  all  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  even  to  a 
most  absurd  extent,  rendering  them  incapable  of  calm  de- 
liberation on  the  subject.  And,  on  the  otber  hand,  the 
Presbyterians  were  so  shocked  with  the  blasphemous  tenets 
and  enormous  immoralities  of  many  of  the  Sectarians,  that 
they  were  excited  to  use  the  language  of  intolerance,  in 
their  earnest  desire  to  procure  the  suppression  of  those  per- 
nicious errors  ;  and  they  were  led  also  to  regard  with  con- 
siderable distrust  the  requests  of  the  Independents  for  tolera- 
ation,  in  consequence  of  the  position  which  they  occupied,  as 
in  some  measure  the  representatives  of  the  Sectarians,  whose 
wild  and  dangerous  opinions  and  practices  might,  as  they 
dreaded,  be  sanctioned  under  a  general  toleration.  Neither 
party  took  a  sufficiently  comprehensive  view  of  their  own 
position  and  that  of  their  opponents,  and  consequently 
both  parties  erred,  and  contributed  to  each  other's  final 
overthrow,  when,  at  the  Restoration,  their  common  enemy 
was  placed  again  in  the  possesion  of  supreme  power.  Their 
treatment  of  each  other  was  mutuaUy  destructive,  and  we 
cannot  exculpate  either  party  from  blame,  though  we  think 
the  Independents  were  the  more  culpable.  And  it  is  but 
justice  to  state,  that,  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  Baillie 
alone  expressed  himself  with  bitterness  against  the  Inde- 
pendents ;  the  rest  making  many  an  earnest  attempt  t© 
allay  hostility  and  promote  harmony.  But  Baillie  was 
himself  tinged  with  prelatic  feelings,  and  had  a  tendency 
to  political  intrigues  ;  as  became  apparent  when  he  joined 
the  Besolutioners,  in  the  contest  which  divided  and  over- 
threw the  Church  of  Scotland. 

Some  very  important  lessons  may  be  learned  from  the 
errors  of  the  contending  parties  in  the  Westminster  Assem- 
bly.    Whenever  divines  intermeddle  with  political  affairs, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  231 

they  become  both  the  tools  and  the  victims  of  diplomatic 
craft,  and  promote  their  own  rnin.  A  Church  totally  dis- 
joined from  the  State,  and  even  incapable  of  junction  with 
it,  is  not  more,  perhaps  it  is  less,  free  from  the  dangers  of 
political  contamination  and  injury,  than  one  already  estab- 
lished, or  treating  about  the  terms  of  an  establishment. 
Such  was  the  fate  of  the  Independents  two  hundred  years 
ago,  equally  with  that  of  the  Presbyterians  ;  and  the  Dis- 
senters of  both  England  and  Scotland  of  the  present  day 
may  admit,  that  they  have  received  nothing  but  injury 
from  their  political  connections,  while  a  Church  holding 
the  Establishment  principle,  but  maintaining  spiritual  free- 
dom, will  have  to  encounter  the  hostility  of  all  political 
parties.  If  ever  a  thorough  and  cordial  union  of  evange- 
lical Christians  be  formed,  it  must  be  kept  perfectly  free 
from  the  perverting  influence  of  secular  considerations, — 
and  especially  from  the  intrigues  of  worldly  politicians. 
Christian  Churches  will  find  it  possible  to  agree  exactly 
in  proportion  as  they  are  pure  and  spiritual ;  and  where 
that  is  not  the  case,  any  agreement  will  be  but  a  deceitful 
truce  or  an  armed  neutrality, — incapable  of  producing  a 
lasting  peace,  and  liable  at  any  moment  to  be  changed  into 
keen  and  implacable  hostility. 


232 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


CHAPTER    YL 

THE   ERASTIAN   CONTROVERSY.    1645-6. 


Erastians  in  the  Assembly  and  in  Parliament — Theories  held  by  them-  - 
Beginning  of  the  Controversy— Excommunication — Selden's  Argu- 
ment— Answered  by  Gillespie — Discussion  on  the  Doctrinal  Part  of 
the  Directory  for  Ordination — Whitelocke's  Argument — Firmness 
and  Triumph  of  the  Assembly — Debate  in  Parliament  on  the  subject 
of  the  Jus  Divinum — Whitelocke — Suspending  from  the  Sacrament — 
Debate  in  Parliament — Selden  and  Whitelocke — Remarks — Con- 
tinued Struggle  with  the  Parliament — Ordinance  on  Suspending 
from  Communion,  and  Erastian  element  in  it — Firm  Conduct  of  the 
Assembly  and  the  City  Ministers — Ordinance  for  the  Election  of 
Ruling  Elders  and  the  Erection  of  Presbyteries,  and  Erastian  element 
in  it — Firm  Conduct  of  the  Assembly  and  the  City  Ministers — Inter- 
position of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  of  Parliament — Haughty 
Conduct  of  the  English  Parliament — Boldness  of  the  Assembly — 
Questions  respecting  the  Jus  Divinum — Main  Proposition  of  the 
Assembly's  Answer  Destructive  of  the  Erastian  Principle — General 
Answer — Change  in  the  Temper  of  Parliament,  and  One  Point 
yielded  to  the  Assembly. 

There  were  in  the  Westminster  Assembly,  as  has  been  al- 
ready stated,  three  parties,  the  Presbyterians,  the  Independ- 
ents, and  the  Erastians.  In  the  preceding  chapter  our 
attention  has  been  almost  solely  occupied  with  the  Inde- 
pendent controversy  ;  both  because  it  actually  occurred  first 
in  order  of  time,  and  because  it  seemed  expedient  to  com- 
plete a  general  view  of  it  before  entering  upon  the  con- 
sideration of  Erastianism,  although  some  discussions  on  that 
subject  were  intermingled  with  what  more  strictly  related 
to  the  prior  matter  of  debate.  And  in  order  to  obtain  a 
full  view  of  the  Erastian  controversy,  we  must  revert  a 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  233 

little  to  its  beginnings,  some  of  which  occurred  at  an  early- 
stage  of  the  Assembly's  deliberations,  although  the  main 
struggle  with  the  Erastians  took  place  after  that  with  the 
Independents  had  virtually  terminated,  so  far  at  least  as 
the  Assembly  was  concerned. 

It  was  somewhat  ominous  of  evil,  that  the  very  calling 
of  the  Assembly  was  solely  the  deed  of  the  civil  power, 
and  that  their  deliberations  were  limited  to  such  matters 
as  should  be  proposed  to  them  by  the  Parliament.  Yet,  in 
the  universal  confusion  into  which  both  Church  and  State 
had  been  cast,  this  was  unavoidable,  and  might  not  have 
led  to  any  evil  consequences,  had  the  civil  government  been 
satisfied  with  the  due  exercise  of  their  own  powers  in  call- 
ing forth  and  putting  into  operation  the  remedial  energies 
of  the  Church  in  its  own  sacred  province.  Nor  was  it 
strange,  that  men  who  had  so  recently  suffered  so  much 
from  prelatic  tyranny  should  regard  with  alarm  all  eccle- 
siastical power  whatever,  and  by  the  strength  of  a  violent 
revulsion  and  rebound,  should  spring  to  the  opposite  con- 
clusion, that  there  ought  to  be  no  power  or  jurisdiction, 
except  that  of  the  civil  magistrate.  Such  appears  to  have 
been  the  predominant  state  of  mind  and  feeling  among  the 
members  of  the  Long  Parliament  in  general,  together  with 
the  peculiar  opinions  held  by  individuals,  and  caused  by 
their  diversities  of  studies  or  professional  pursuits.  "  Most 
of  the  lawyers,"  says  Baillie,  "  are  strong  Erastians,  and 
would  have  all  the  Church  government  depend  absolutely 
upon  the  Parliament."  And  of  Selden,  he  says,  "  This  man 
is  the  head  of  the  Erastians  ;  his  glory  is  most  in  the  Jewish 
learning ;  he  avows  everywhere  that  the  Jewish  State  and 
Church  were  all  one,  and  that  so  in  England  it  must  be, 
that  the  Parliament  is  the  Church."  *  Lightfoot  and  Cole- 
man, the  only  Erastian  divines  in  the  Assembly,  adopted 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  266. 


234 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  same  line  of  thought  and  argument  with  Selden,  and 
reasoned  from  the  blended  polity,  as  they  affirmed  it  to  be, 
which  prevailed  among  the  Jews,  in  order  to  maintain  that 
a  similar  arrangement  should  exist  in  Christian  States,  in 
which  the  civil  magistrate,  being  a  Christian  ought  to  possess 
and  wield  all  jurisdiction  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical.  The 
mere  lawyers,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  the  Erastian 
theory  on  the  weaker  and  more  easily  refuted  argument, 
that  unless  the  civil  magistrate  possessed  all  jurisdiction 
there  would  arise  the  intolerable  anomaly  of  an  imperium 
in  imperiOj — one  independent  government  within  another; 
which  in  their  opinion  would  be  fatal  to  all  good  govern- 
ment, and  produce  inextricable  confusion. 

The  easy  connection  between  this  theory  and  that  which 
had  long  prevailed  in  the  Church  of  England,  will  be 
readily  perceived.  The  ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the 
English  monarchs  was  held  to  be  similar  to  that  which  had 
been  held  by  the  Jewish  kings,  and  by  the  Christian  em- 
perors ;  and  it  was  with  some  plausibility  argued,  that  these 
formed  authoritative  precedents  for  a  Christian  sovereign's 
possession  and  exercise  of  jurisdiction  within  the  Church, 
in  all  matters  of  censure,  although  it  gave  no  authority  to 
interfere  in  the  administration  of  ordinances,  or  in  the  ordi- 
nation or  deposition  of  ministers,  which  accordingly  were 
left  theoretically  free,  though  practically  they  were  subject 
to  the  most  absolute  control.  For  the  same  reason,  no 
opposition  was  made  by  the  Erastians  to  the  great  idea 
stated  by  the  Westminster  Assembly,  that  "  Christ,  who  is 
prophet,  priest,  king,  and  head  of  the  Church,  hath  fulness 
of  power,  and  containeth  all  other  offices  by  way  of  eminency 
in  himself;  "  because  they  were  prepared  to  hold,  that  in  a 
Christian  state,  Christ  had  delegated  the  power  of  jurisdic- 
tion to  the  Christian  civil  magistrate,  defending  that  opinion 
by  the  analogy  of  the  Jewish  state  and  kings.     The  kind 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  235 

of  arguments  brought  forward  by  them  in  support  of  this 
theory,  and  the  counter  arguments  by  which  these  were 
met,  we  must  now  proceed  to  state ;  which  we  shall  en- 
deavour to  do  with  all  possible  impartiality. 

It  will  be  evident  to  every  intelligent  reader,  that  the 
ground  taken  by  the  learned  and  able  Erastians  of  that 
period*,  while  it  was  one  of  very  considerable  plausibility, 
led  them  to  assail  directly  that  element  of  Church  govern- 
ment which  involves  the  exercise  of  discipline,  or  Church 
censure ;  because,  since  the  only  authority  which  a  Church 
can  possess  is  over  the  conscience,  the  only  way  in  which 
it  can  have,  and  exercise  jurisdiction,  is  by  spiritual  censures 
directly  affecting  the  conscience  of  delinquents  ;  so  that  it 
a  Church  cannot  inflict  censures,  it  cannot  possibly  have  a 
distinct  and  independent  government  of  its  own.  The 
Erastians  of  the  Parliament  were  aware  that  it  would  be 
absurd  for  them  to  call  themselves  a  Church,  in  the  strict 
sense  of  that  term,  and,  consequently,  that  it  would  be 
absurd  to  pretend  that  they  could  themselves  admit  and 
ordain  ministers,  a  matter  which  manifestly  belongs  to  the 
function  of  Church-officers ;  but  they  perceived  that  they 
might  more  plausibly  and  successfully  assail  the  power  of 
inflicting  censures,  and  thereby  overthrow  Church  govern- 
ment, on  the  ground  that  all  jurisdiction  belonged  to  the 
civil  magistrate,  even  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  in  Christian 
States,  though  they  admitted  that  it  might  properly  be 
held  and  exercised  by  the  Church  under  a  heathen  govern- 
ment. 

The  first  intimation  of  the  controversy  occurred  on  the 
8th  of  January  1644,  when  the  second  committee  gave  in 
a  report  concerning  the  work  of  pastors,  to  the  following 
effect : — "Pastors  and  teachers  have  power  to  inquire  and 
judge  who  are  fit  to  be  admitted  to  the  sacraments,  or  kept 
from  them  ;   and  also  who  are  to  be  excommunicated  or 


236 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


absolved  from  that  censure."  This  proposition  the  Erastians 
could  not  permit  to  pass  unchallenged  ;  and  therefore  Selden 
interposed,  and  "  desired  that  the  business  of  excommunica- 
tion might  first  be  looked  upon,  for  that  very  much  may 
be  said  to  prove  that  there  is  no  excommunication  at  all ; 
and  for  that,  in  this  kingdom ,  ever  since  it  was  a  kingdom, 
Christian  excommunication  hath  ever  been  by  a  temporal 
power  j  as  in  the  Pope's  rule  here,  his  own  excommunication 
could  not  be  brought  in  hither,  but  by  permission  of  the 
secular  power,  otherwise  it  was  death  to  him  that  brought 
it ;  and  excepting  the  case  of  heresy  and  concubitus  illicitus, 
the  Episcopacy  never  had  power  to  excommunicate."1  This 
was  sufficiently  intelligible ;  but  though  the  Assembly 
perceived  clearly  the  import  of  Selden's  remarks,  it  was 
not  judged  expedient  to  enter  upon  the  subject  precipitately; 
and  therefore  it  was  remitted  to  the  second  committee  to 
take  the  whole  business  of  excommunication  and  censures 
into  consideration. 

Although  the  Assembly  did  not  wish  to  provoke  an 
early  discussion  with  the  Erastians,  and  especially  were 
desirous  to  have  as  many  points  ratified  as  might  be  possible, 
before  a  final  struggle  on  the  essential  elements  of  disagree- 
ment, still  it  was  not  practicable  to  avoid  coming  into 
collision  whenever  the  controverted  topics  occurred  in  the 
course  of  debate.  Thus  the  question  respecting  excom- 
munication again  arose  when  the  Assembly  were  debating 
this  proposition, — "  Scripture  holdeth  forth  that  many 
particular  congregations  may  be  under  one  presbyterial 
government ;"  for  the  Independents  opposed  that  proposi- 
tion on  the  ground,  that  it  would  destroy  the  rights  and 
powers  of  particular  congregations  in  the  important  point 
of  maintaining  their  own  purity  by  excommunicating  guilty 
members,  since  the  Scripture  rule,  as  they  argued,  is  "In 
1  Lfchtf oot,  p.  106. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  237 

the  presence  of  the  people,"  which  cannot  take  place  if  a 
presbytery  excommunicate,  and  must  therefore  be  done  by 
a  single  congregation.  During  the  greater  part  of  the 
discussion  which  followed  on  this  point,  the  Erastians  con- 
tinued silent,  and  allowed  the  Independents  to  bring  for- 
ward every  argument  which  they  could  devise,  being  quite 
willing  that  the  Presbyterian  system  should  be  defeated  if 
possible  by  the  Dissenting  Brethren,  whose  own  plan  they 
would  themselves  take  care  to  nullify.  But  when  the 
Independent  arguments  had  been  all  heard  and  answered 
at  great  length,  Selden  interposed,  and  brought  forward 
his  own  view  in  the  following  manner,  as  given  by  Lightfoot, 
who  concurred  with  him,  and  whose  report  may  be  depended 
on  as  stating  the  argument  in  its  most  favourable  aspect. 

The  passage  of  Scripture  under  discussion  was  1  Cor. 
v.  4 :  "  In  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  when  ye  are 
gathered  together,  and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ."  "  Mr  Selden,"  says  Lightfoot,  "  ques- 
tioned whether  this  place  have  anything  to  do  with  excom- 
munication \  and  that  avva%QkvTi))V  Vfiwv  icai  tov  kjxov  7rvevfiaT0Q, 
must  be  joined  together  to  this  sense,  '  seeing  that  you  and 
my  spirit  are  together ;'  or,  it  may  bear  this,  '  when  my 
spirit  and  you  shall  come  together;'  or,  'howsoever  you 
have  not  been  humbled  as  you  ought,  yet  my  spirit  and  you 
agreeing  now  at  last.'  And  so,  Neh.  iv.  8,  (rwrixdrjaav  is 
meant,  and  is  of  the  same  sense  with  convenire,  either  in 
loco  or  animo.  And  he  cited  Faber  Stapulensis,  that  takes 
the  word  from  cvvaxBo}iai,  '  to  mourn  or  grieve.'  Ergo, 
there  being  so  many  interpretations,  it  is  not  fit  to  build 
upon.  This  epistle  is  written  to  the  Church  and  to  the 
saints ;  where  the  Church  signifieth  the  governing  body  of 
the  Church.  2.  The  Jews  had  two  kinds  of  sanhedrims, 
the  great  and  the  less  ;  and,  Numb,  xxxv.,  the  congregation 
must  judge  the  heedless  murderer,  which  the  Jews  generally 


238  HISTORY   OF   THE 

understood  of  HD37  POtDp,  and  Lev.  iv.  13,  'If  the  whole 
congregation  have  sinned,' — the  Jews  constantly  understand 
this  of  the  great  sanhedrim.  And  so  might  the  presbytery 
here  though  hacKtyriac  avvaxQuoriQ  had  been  the  phrase.  About 
Jerusalem  it  was  still  called  the  Church,  not  only  under 
Judaism,  but  also  under  Christianity.  3.  Ancient  times, 
indeed,  have  called  excommunication  '  giving  up  to  Satan, 
and  our  own  kingdom  hath  called  the  excommunicated  person 
'the  devil's  person;'  but  for  the  first  three  hundred  years 
most  [none?]  of  the  Fathers  take  this  place  for  excom- 
munication j  and  he  also  showed  that  P.  Molinos  proves 
that  it  meaneth  no  such  thing.  He  queried  whether  this 
were  the  incestuous,  he  that  is  mentioned  to  be  excom- 
municated hereafter,  who  is  called  *  the  evil  person  to  be 
taken  away,'  in  the  last  verse,  where  many  copies  have  ra, 
and  not  tov  7rovr]pov"^ 

This  argument  produced  little  effect  upon  the  Assembly, 
and  after  Mr  Vines  had  answered  it,  the  discussion  with 
the  Independents  was  resumed. 

Having  failed  on  this  point,  Selden  prepared  to  put  forth 
all  the  strength  of  his  rabbinical  lore  in  the  discussion 
concerning  the  meaning  of  Matt,  xviii.  15-18,  winch  was 
brought  forward  to  prove  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  also 
the  subordination  of  Church  courts,  and  successive  appeals 
ending  in  excommunication.  The  Independents  had  ad- 
mitted that  the  passage  did  prove  jurisdiction  and  Church 
censure,  but  laboured  to  limit  the  whole  procedure  within 
one  congregation,  so  to  deny  appeals  to  presbyteries.  Sel- 
den again  came  forward,  and  again  we  shall  give  his  argu- 
ment as  reported  by  Lightfoot : — 

"Air  Selden  confessed  that  he  could  not  find  any  kind  of  jurisdiction 
in  this  chapter ;  and  he  told  a  story  of  a  Jesuit,  Xavier,  that  turns  the 
place  in  Persic,  '  Die  principi  ecclesiae.'     Also,  that  all  the  Fathers  in  the 

1  Lighfoot,  pp.  153, 154. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  239 

first  times  do  never  apply  this  text  to  jurisdiction,  before  Rome  Church 
grew  high,  namely,  not  in  the  first  four  centuries,  unless  it  be  in  the 
forged  book  of  Cyprian,  De  Abusionibus  Saeculi.  Then  he  offered  these 
things:  1.  To  consider  the  time,  place,  and  way  of  writing  of  this. 
Matthew's  Gospel  was  first  written,  viz.,  about  eight  years  after  Christ's 
ascension ;  so  it  is  in  an  old  copy  of  Greek  used  by  Beza,  and  an  Arabic. 
2.  It  is  conceived  it  was  written  in  Hebrew,  for  the  Hebrews,  and  as  the 

Syrian  J*17XH*  Now,  in  the  Hebrew  text  it  is  n*lV  *n  these  two 
editions  we  have,  and  belike  in  Matthew's;  now  in  chapter  xvi.  it  is 

/Pip*  Now,  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  which  is  the  first  place  we  find 
ecclesia  in.  was  not  written  of  fourteen  years  after  this  of  Matthew. 
Now,  the  course  of  admonition  among  the  Jews  was  :  They  distinguished 
betwixt  offences  betwixt  man  and  man,  and  betwixt  man  and  God. 
Now  he  that  had  been  offended  by  man  was  to  go  single  and  desire 
satisfaction  ;   and  if  he  would  not  hearken,  then  take  more  company, 

and  if  J^fe?  )¥&  then  H3il  D^7-  Now  every  one  of  the  courts 
was  called  HIV-  Excommunication  among  the  Jews  might  be  inflicted 
by  any  of  twelve  years  old;  and  so,  by  consequence,  every  court 
might  do  it ;  but  the  synagogue  did  use  it,  and  aTroovvayioyoQ  was  not 
utterly  outlawed  from  the  synagogue,  but  some  part  of  ordinary  free 
conversation  denied  him.  Now,  H*"!^  /Dp'  ecclesia,  etc.,  must  be 
interpreted,  according  to  the  occasion,  for  a  certain  number,  secundum 
subjeciam  materiam,  as  Deut.  xxiii., «  An  Ammonite  may  not  enter  7Hp^  : 

that  is,  of  women  ;  for  the  Jews  understood  it  of  marrying  an  Israelitish 
woman.  He  concluded  that  this  place  might  very  well  mean  a  sanhedrim. 
Christ  was  in  Capernaum  now,  when  he  spake  this,  where  there  was  a 
sanhedrim.  Now  his  speech  is  so  Jewish,  that  it  results  to  this,  If  an 
Israelite  offend  thee,  tell  the  sanhedrim.  To  the  objection,  but  what 
means, '  Let  him  be  unto  thee  an  heathen  ? '  he  answered,  Tbis  indeed  may 
be  excommunication  by  the  court ;  or,  by  himself :  '  If  thy  brother  offend,' 
etc.,  after  such  and  such  admonition,  sue  him  at  the  court,  or  else  inform 
of  him  there ;  if  he  will  not  obey  the  court,  do  thou  excommunicate  him."1 

Such  was  the  boasted  argument  of  the  man  emphatically 

styled  "  the  learned  Selden."     Its  object  was,  to  explain 

away  the  force  of  the  term  ecclesia,  or  "  church,"  and  to 

reduce  the  passage  to  a  strictly  Jewish  application  ;  then, 

by  allusions  to  some  indefinite  Hebrew  customs,  to  resolve 

the  matter  into  a  mere  application  to  a  civil  court,  in  cases 

1  Lightfoot,  pp.  165, 166. 


240  HISTORY   OF   THE 

where  a  private  and  friendly  arrangement  could  not  be 
effected  ;  reducing,  at  the  same  time,  the  meaning  of  the 
term  "excommunication"  into  the  act  of  one  person  merely 
declining  to  hold  intercourse  with  another  person  from 
whom  he  had  received  offence.  Yet  the  ostentatious  dis- 
play of  minute  rabbinical  lore  which  he  brought  forward, 
seems  to  have  somewhat  staggered  the  Assembly,  as  appears 
from  the  inconclusive  remarks  of  Herle  and  Marshall,  as 
reported  by  Lightfoot.  But  Gillespie  saw  through  the 
fallacious  character  of  Selden's  argument  j  and  in  a  speech 
of  singular  ability  and  power  completely  refuted  his  learned 
antagonist,  proving  that  the  passage  could  not  be  inter- 
preted or  explained  away  to  mean  a  mere  reference  to  a 
civil  court.  By  seven  distinct  arguments  he  proved  that 
the  whole  subject  was  of  a  spiritual  nature,  not  within  the 
cognizance  of  civil  courts  ;  and  he  proved  also,  that  the 
Church  of  the  Jews  had  and  exercised  the  power  of  spiritual 
censures.  The  effect  of  Gillespie's  speech  was  so  great  as 
to  astonish  and  confound  Selden  himself,  who  made  no 
attempt  to  reply  ;  and  the  result  was,  that  the  Assembly 
soon  afterwards  decided  that  the  negative  arguments  of 
Selden  and  the  Independents  were  not  conclusive,  and  the 
proposition  was  affirmed.1 

Closely  connected  with  this  subject  was  the  proposition 
which  asserted  "  that  authoritative  suspension  from  the 
Lord's  table  of  a  person  not  yet  cast  out  of  the  Church,  is 
agreeable  to  the  Scripture  ; "  and  this  point  held  the  As- 
sembly in  debate  from  the  20th  to  the  24th  of  May  1644, 
when  it  was  affirmed  j  the  opposition  being  made  chiefly 
by  the  Independents,  while  the  Erastians  reserved  their 
strength  for  the  Parliament,  well  knowing  that  their  views 
would  coincide  with  the  notions  of  men  of  the  world,  and 
would  not  be  subjected  to  such  a  narrow  scrutiny  there  as 
1  See  before,  pp.  201,  202;  also  Appendix 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 


241 


in  the  Assembly.     The  subject  will  come  before  us  again, 
when  we  come  to  treat  of  the  Parliament's  proceedings. 

It  was  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter,  that  when 
the  Assembly  had  completed  the  Directory  for  Ordination, 
the  result  was  laid  before  the  Parliament  to  receive  its 
ratification,  that  it  might  have  the  authority  of  law  ;  and 
that  the  Parliament  allowed  it  to  lie  past  for  some  time, 
and  then  made  considerable  alterations  upon  it  before  re- 
turning it  to  the  Assembly,  which  they  did  on  the  15th  of 
August  1644.  These  alterations  were  so  many,  and  of  such 
importance,  striking  out  the  doctrinal  part  of  the  Directory, 
that  the  Assembly  refused  to  consent  to  them,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  debate  afresh  the  topics  so  altered  or  struck  out. 
Mr  Whitelocke,  a  leading  member  of  the  Commons,  entered 
into  the  debate ;  and  passing  from  the  direct  point  in  hand, 
made  a  long,  and  certainly  not  a  peculiarly  able  speech  on 
the  question,  whether  Presbyterial  Church  government  be 
jure  divino, — of  divine  institution.  He  admitted  that 
Church  government,  in  the  abstract,  is  of  divine  institution, 
but  held  it  doubtful  whether  any  peculiar  form,  Episcopacy, 
Presbytery,  or  Independency,  can  claim  that  high  authority; 
nor  did  he  think  it  of  any  importance  to  determine  the 
point,  because  no  decision  could  alter  its  nature  ;  if  of 
divine  institution,  it  would  remain  so,  whether  men  affirmed 
it  or  not ;  and  if  not  so,  the  authority  of  man  could  not 
elevate  it  to  that  height.  He  advised  the  Assembly,  there- 
fore, to  be  content  with  stating  to  the  Parliament,  "  that 
the  government  of  the  Church  by  presbyteries  is  most  agree- 
able to  the  Word  of  God,  and  most  fit  to  be  settled  in  this 
kingdom."1  It  is  easy  to  see  the  tact  of  the  politician  in 
Whitelocke' s  suggestion,  which,  according  to  his  own  un- 
derstanding of  it,  left  it  in  the  power  of  the  civil  govern- 
ment to  establish  any  form  of  Church  government  of 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  95. 
Q 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE 

>\iiich  they  might  approve,  and  to  change  it  as  they  might 
think  it  expedient  :  while,  if  the  strictest  sense  of  the 
words  were  held,  Presbyterians  might  very  properly  con- 
clude that  the  Church  government  which  is  "  most  agree- 
able to  the  Word  of  God,"  must  therefore  be  of  divine 
institution. 

But  the  Assembly  were  neither  to  be  overawed  nor  de- 
ceived in  this  matter.  Information  of  these  alterations  was 
communicated  to  the  Scottish  Commissioners,  before  it  was 
made  known  to  the  Assembly  ;  the  effect  of  which  was, 
first  a  private  remonstrance  to  certain  of  the  Parliament, 
and  then  a  preparation  for  a  strenuous  struggle  in  the  As- 
sembly itself.1  The  Scottish  Commissioners  further  ad- 
dressed the  Grand  Committee  on  the  evils  resulting  from 
such  a  prolonged  delay,  in  the  conclusion  of  which  they  ex- 
pressly condemned  the  Parliament's  alterations,  stating  the 
reasons  of  their  disapprobation,  This  bold  course  was 
seconded  by  a  petition  from  the  city  ministers,  on  the  1 8th 
of  September ;  and  on  the  2d  of  October  the  Parliament 
issued  an  ordinance,  sanctioning  the  Assembly's  Directory 
of  Ordination,  and  appointing  a  committee  of  divines  to 
ordain  ministers  in  London.  The  difference  between  the 
conduct  of  the  Assembly  in  this  point,  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  acted  towards  the  Independents,  must  strike 
every  attentive  and  candid  reader.  Although  highly  dis- 
approving of  the  pertinacious  obstinacy  with  which  the 
Dissenting  Brethren  clung  to  their  own  views,  and  threw 
every  possible  obstacle  in  the  way  of  an  early  and  satis- 
factory settlement  of  Church  government,  yet  the  Assembly 
continued  to  treat  them  as  brethren,  bore  with  their 
lengthened  speeches  and  sub-distinctions,  admitted  many 
modifications  of  their  own  opinions,  and  did  their  utmost  to 
procure  an  amicable  adjustment  of  all  differences,  so  far  as 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  198. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  243 

the  conscientious  views  of  both  parties  conld  be  reconciled. 
But  when  the  Parliament  attempted  to  exercise  an  Erastian 
supremacy,  and  to  strike  out  what  they  believed  to  have 
the  authoritative  sanction  of  the  "Word  of  God,  they  refused 
to  yield ;  and  in  this  instance  their  firmness  and  energy 
were  crowned  with  success.  It  was,  no  doubt,  in  the  power 
of  the  Parliament  to  refuse  to  sanction  the  Directory  of 
Ordination  ;  but  it  was  also  in  the  power  of  the  Assembly 
and  the  city  ministers  to  refuse  to  ordain  on  Erastian 
principles  ;  and  the  Parliament,  aware  that  they  could  not, 
even  plausibly,  attempt  to  compel  ministers  to  ordain, 
yielded  the  point,  and  reserved  their  Erastianism  for  the 
still  undecided  subject  of  Church  censures. 

The  leading  propositions  respecting  Church  government 
having  been  nearly  completed,  several  members  of  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  attended  the  Assembly,  7th  Novem- 
ber 1644,  and  required  them  to  hasten  a  report  of  what 
had  been  done  "  concerning  the  government  of  the  Church; 
and  the  rather,  because  they "  (Parliament)  "  had  been 
solicited  by  the  Committee  of  the  State  of  Scotland  for  it."1 
Dr  Burgess  and  a  select  committee  were  directed  to  prepare 
all  that  had  been  voted  by  the  Assembly,  that  it  might  be 
laid  before  Parliament  in  proper  form  with  all  convenient 
speed.  This  was  done,  read  over  in  the  Assembly,  com- 
pared with  the  papers  in  the  hands  of  the  scribes,  and  a 
committee  named  to  lay  the  whole  before  the  House  of 
Commons  on  the  15th  of  November.  The  account  of  what 
took  place  in  the  House  of  Commons,  upon  the  presenting 
of  this  paper,  is  both  curious  and  instructive,  as  an  exhibi- 
tion of  political  management.  "  The  Assembly  of  Divines, 
as  soon  as  the  House  of  Commons  were  sate,  and  before 
they  were  full,  came  to  the  House  and  presented  them  with 
the  Assembly's  advice  and  opinion  for  the  Presbyterian 
1  Lightfoot,  p.  323. 


244  HISTORY    OF    THE 

government  to  be  settled;  and  an  expression  was  in  their 
advice,  that  the  Presbyterian  government  was  jure  divino. 
Glyn  and  Whitelocke  were  then  in  the  House,  and  few 
others  but  those  who  concurred  in  judgment  with  the 
Assembly,  and  had  notice  to  be  there  early,  thinking  to 
pass  this  business  before  the  House  should  be  full.  Glyn 
stood  up  and  spoke  an  hour  to  the  point  of  jus  divinum 
and  the  Presbyterian  government ;  in  which  time  the  House 
filled  apace  :  and  then  "Whitelocke  spoke  to  the  same 
points,  enlarging  his  discourse  to  a  much  longer  time  than 
ordinary,  and  purposely  that  the  House  might  be  full, — as 
it  Mas  before  he  had  made  an  end.  And  then  upon  the 
question  it  was  carried,  to  lay  aside  the  point  of  jus  divi- 
num; and  herein  Glyn  and  Whitelocke  had  thanks  from 
divers,  for  preventing  the  surprisal  of  the  House  upon  this 
great  question."1  Such  is  the  account  given  by  White- 
locke, in  a  tone  of  evident  self-complacency,  looking  upon 
himself  as  having  materially  aided  in  the  achievement  of  a 
meritorious  exploit.  How  far  we  are  to  believe  his  sugges- 
tion respecting  the  crafty  design  of  the  Assembly,  to  pro- 
cure a  ratification  of  their  opinion  concerning  the  divine 
right  of  Presbyterian  Church  government  in  a  thinly  at- 
tended House,  composed  chiefly  of  their  friends,  may  well 
be  doubted,  since  the  order  for  the  Assembly's  committee 
to  lay  their  propositions  before  Parliament  "to-morrow 
morning  "  was  publicly  given,  as  Lightfoot  states, — and  of 
course  in  the  hearing  of  Lightfoot  himself  who  could  easily 
have  notified  the  matter  to  his  Erastian  friends,  so  as  to 
prepare  them  for  the  stratagem,  had  such  a  thing  been  in- 
tended. In  truth,  the  publicity  of  the  direction  renders 
the  idea  of  an  intended  stratagem  on  the  part  of  the  As- 
sembly incredible  ;  while  Whitelocke's  account  proves  him 
to  have  been  sufficiently  on  his  guard,  whatever  may  have 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  106. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  245 

been  the  case  with  others.  And  it  will  he  observed,  that 
the  House  did  not  at  that  time  positively  reject,  but  merely 
"  lay  aside,"  or  postpone,  the  consideration  of  the  claim  of 
divine  right.1 

[1645.]  From  about  the  close  of  the  year  1644  till 
about  April  1645,  the  Assembly  was  chiefly  engaged  in  the 
Independent  controversy,  receiving  the  written  reasons  of 
dissent,  and  returning  written  answers  to  these  reasons. 
During  that  period  the  debates  of  the  Assembly  were  of 
little  importance,  and  the  Erastian  controversy  also  re- 
mained in  comparative  abeyance.  Indeed  the  debates  of 
the  Assembly  may  be  said  to  have  almost  terminated  with 
the  close  of  1644 ;  for  their  public  deliberations  after  that 
time  were  chiefly  occupied  with  the  framing  of  the  Cate- 
chisms and  the  Confession  of  Faith ;  and  although  the 
very  solemn  and  important  nature  of  these  subjects  re- 
quired mature  study  and  great  precision  of  language,  which 
formed  necessarily  a  work  of  considerable  time,  yet  there 
existed  so  much  harmony  of  doctrinal  principles  among 
them,  that  their  discussions  very  seldom  assumed  the  dis- 
tinctive character  of  debate.  The  chief  cause,  probably, 
why  the  Erastian  controversy  was  allowed  to  slumber  dur- 
ing that  period,  was,  that  the  Parliamentary  politicians  were 
engaged  in  the  treaty  of  Uxbridge  with  the  King,  and  were 
exceedingly  anxious  to  conclude  a  peace  with  his  majesty, 
if  possible,  being  apprehensive  that  the  self-denying  ordi- 
nance would  be  carried  by  the  intrigues  of  Cromwell,  and 
the  sword  be  thereby  wrested  from  their  grasp.  That 
ordinance,  after  a  struggle  of  nearly  three  months,  was  at 
last  ratified  by  both  Houses  on  the  3d  of  April  1645,  and 

1  The  account  of  tins  matter  given  by  Neal  is  worse  than  inaccurate. 
He  says,  "  When  the  question  was  put,  it  was  carried  in  the  negative ; ' 
whereas  it  was  only  "  laid  aside,"  not  negatived.  Neal  thought  it  a  vic- 
tory over  the  Presbyterians, — hence  his  misrepresentation. 


24 G  HISTORY  OF   THE 

from  that  time  the  army  was  virtually  independent  of  the 
Parliament,  and  ere  long  became  its  master,  or  rather,  the 
tyrant  of  both  Parliament  and  kingdom. 

Mention  has  been  already  made  of  the  disinclination  of 
the  Parliament  to  agree  to  the  Assembly's  proposition  re- 
specting the  power  of  ministers  to  keep  back  from  the 
Lord's  table  persons  not  yet  cut  off  from  the  Church. 
Tliis  power  the  Erastians  were  reluctant  to  sanction ;  and 
the  Assembly  was  equally  urgent  that  it  should  be  fully 
sanctioned,  both  because  they  believed  it  to  be  necessary, 
to  prevent  that  sacred  ordinance  from  being  profaned,  and 
because  one  point  strongly  urged  by  the  Independents,  in 
defence  of  their  separation,  was  the  want  of  sufficient  re- 
formation in  congregations.  The  subject  was  laid  before 
the  Parliament  on  the  6th  of  March  1645,  by  the  Assem- 
bly, and  on  the  10th  of  the  same  month  by  the  city  minis- 
ters.1 On  the  21st  the  Parliament  took  the  subject  into 
consideration,  and  on  the  25th  some  votes  were  passed 
respecting  it,  in  some  particular  points.  Again,  on  the 
2 7  th  the  Assembly  gave  to  the  House  their  advice  con- 
cerning not  admitting  scandalous  and  ignorant  persons  to 
the  sacrament.  Thus  urged  to  what  they  had  no  mind  to 
grant,  the  Parliament,  on  the  1st  of  April,  emitted  an 
order,  "  That  the  Assembly  set  down  in  particular  what 
measure  of  understanding  persons  ought  to  have  of  the 
Trinity,  and  other  points  debated,  before  they  be  admitted 
to  the  sacrament."2  The  object  of  this  order  was  evidently 
to  engage  the  Assembly  in  a  discussion  which  might  occupy 
their  attention  for  a  considerable  time,  and  perhaps  involve 
so  much  confusion  and  disagreement  of  opinion  as  should 
render  a  definite  answer  impracticable.  But  the  desire  of 
the  Assembly  was  not  to  be  so  evaded  ;  and  they  expe- 
rienced less  difficulty  in  answering  the  question  of  the  Par- 
i  Whitelocke,  pp.  130, 131  2  Ibid.,  p.  134. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  247 

liament  than  Erastian  lawyers  had  expected.  Some  addi- 
tional votes  respecting  Church  government  were  about  the 
same  time  passed  by  the  Parliament,  the  purport  of  which 
is  thus  stated  by  Baillie : — "  They  have  passed  a  vote  in 
the  House  of  Cominocs,  for  appeals  from  Sessions  to  Pres- 
byteries, from  these  to  Synods,  from  these  to  National  As- 
semblies, and  from  these  to  the  Parliament.  We  mind  to 
be  silent  for  some  time  on  this,  lest  we  mar  the  erection  of 
the  ecclesiastical  courts ;  but  when  we  find  it  seasonable, 
we  mind  to  make  much  ado  before  it  go  so.  We  are  hope- 
ful to  make  them  declare,  that  they  mean  no  other  thing, 
by  their  appeals  from  the  National  Assembly  to  a  Parlia- 
ment, than  a  complaint  of  an  injurious  proceeding ;  which 
we  did  never  deny." 

Eepeated  debates  took  place  in  Parliament  respecting 
the  demands  of  the  Assembly,  during  the  months  of  May, 
June,  and  July,  though  without  arriving  at  any  conclusion. 
On  the  30th  of  July  Coleman  preached  a  sermon  before 
the  House  of  Commons,  of  the  most  perfectly  Erastian 
character,  to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  more 
particularly  to  refer.  On  the  second  day  after,  viz.,  on  the 
1st  of  August,  the  Assembly  sent  a  deputation  to  the 
House,  desiring  "  that  a  speedy  course  might  be  taken 
about  those  who  should  be  thought  not  fit  to  be  admitted 
to  the  sacrament,  namely,  the  ignorant,  scandalous,  and 
profane :  it  being  a  thing  that,  if  effected  exactly  to  the 
rule,  would  tend  much  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good 
of  this  whole  kingdom."  The  Speaker  answered,  "  That 
the  House  was  in  debate  of  the  same  business  long  before 
their  coming,  and  that  they  would  expedite  it  with  as 
much  conveniency  as  could  be."2  Not  dismayed  by  this 
short  answer,  the  Assembly,  on  the  8th,  presented  a 
petition,  in  which  they  "  declared  plainly  their  claim,  jure 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  267.  2  Whitelocke.  p.  158. 


248  HISTORY    OF    THE 

divino,  of  power  to  suspend  from  the  sacrament  all  such  as 
they  should  judge  to  be  scandalous  or  ignorant ;  M1  and  on 
the  11th  a  petition  of  a  similar  nature  was  presented  to  the 
House  of  Lords.  Parliament  was  thus  constrained  to  take 
the  subject  into  full  consideration,  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
a  clear  and  decided  deliverance  concerning  it ;  and  an  ela- 
borate discussion  took  place  on  the  3d  of  September,  in 
which  the  Erastians  declared  their  opinions  fully. 

"  The  House  fell  into  debate,"  says  Whitelocke,  "  of 
the  great  business  of  the  Church, — the  points  of  excom- 
munication and  suspension  from  the  sacrament.  Selden 
declared  his  opinion,  '  That  for  four  thousand  years  there 
was  no  sign  of  any  law  to  suspend  persons  from  religious 
exercises.  That  under  the  Law  every  sinner  was,  eo 
nnmine,  to  come  to  offer,  as  he  was  a  sinner ;  and  no  priest, 
or  other  authority,  had  to  do  with  him,  unless  it  might  be 
made  appear  to  them,  whether  another  did  repent  or  not, — 
which  was  hard  to  be  done.  Strangers  were  kept  away 
from  the  passover,  but  these  were  Pagans,  and  such  as 
were  not  of  the  Jewish  religion.  The  question  is  not  now 
for  keeping  away  Pagans  in  times  of  Christianity,  but  Pro- 
testants from  Protestant  worship.  No  divine  ( can  show 
that  there  is  any  such  command  as  this  to  suspend  from 
the  sacrament.  If,  after  Christ  suffered,  the  Jews  had  be- 
come Christians,  the  same  ground  upon  which  they  went 
as  to  their  sacrifices  would  have  been  as  to  the  sacrament , 
and  certainly  no  way  nor  command  to  keep  any  one  from 
partaking  of  it.  No  man  is  kept  from  the  sacrament,  eo 
nomine,  because  he  is  guilty  of  any  sin,  by  the  constitution 
of  the  Eeformed  Churches,  or  because  he  hath  not  made 
satisfaction.  Every  man  is  a  sinner,  the  difference  is  only, 
the  one  is  in  private,  and  the  other  a  sinner  in  public.  The 
one  is  as  much  against  God  as  the  other.     Die  Ecclesia 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  160. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  249 

('Tell  it  to  the  Church.'),  in  St  Matthew,  was  to  the 
courts  of  law  which  then  sat  in  Jerusalem.  No  man  can 
show  any  excommunication  till  the  Popes  Victor  and 
Zephorinus,  two  hundred  years  after  Christ,  first  began  to 
use  it  upon  private  quarrels.  Thereby  (it  appears)  excom- 
munication is  but  human  invention  \  it  was  taken  from  the 
heathens.'  ", 

Such  was  the  argument  of  "  the  learned  Selden  ;"  and 
very  probably  the  members  of  the  House  thought  it  very 
learned,  and  fraught  with  sound  theology.  If  it  had  been 
delivered  in  the  Assembly  it  would  have  been  estimated  by 
a  different  standard,  and  subjected  to  a  more  searching 
scrutiny, — as  had  been  been  the  case  with  arguments  and 
assertions  of  a  similar  character  as  an  instance  already 
related. 

The  substance  of  Mr  Whitelocke's  speech  was  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  The  Assembly  of  Divines  have  petitioned  and  advised  the  House  of 
Commons,  that  in  every  presbytery,  or  Presbyterian  congregation,  the 
pastors  and  ruling  elders  may  have  the  power  of  excommunication,  and 
the  power  of  suspending  such  as  they  shall  judge  ignorant  or  scan- 
dalous persons  from  the  sacrament.  By  '  pastors  '  1  suppose  they  mean 
themselves,  and  others  who  are,  or  may  be,  preachers  in  the  several 
congregations,  and  would  be  e7ri<7K07roi,  '  bishops,'  or  overseers  of  these 
congregations.  By  '  ruling  elders '  I  take  their  meaning  to  be,  a  select 
number  of  such  as  in  every  one  of  these  congregations  shall  be  chosen 
for  the  execution  of  the  church  government  and  discipline  in  them  re- 
spectively. They  may  properly  enough  be  called  pastors,  from  our 
Saviour's  charge  to  His  disciples, '  Feed  my  sheep; '  so  that  a  pastor  is 
to  feed  those  committed  to  his  charge,  with  spiritual  food,  as  the  shep- 
herd feeds  his  flock  with  temporal.  If  so,  how  improper,  then,  will  it 
be  for  those  who  are  to  feed  the  flock,  to  desire  the  power  to  excom- 
municate any, — to  keep  them  from  food, — to  suspend  any  from  the 
sacrament, — to  drive  them  from  feeding  on  the  bread  of  life, — to  for- 
bid any  to  eat  of  that  whereof  Christ,  the  great  Shepherd  of  our  souls, 
hath  said,  '  Take,  eat,' — to  forbid  those  to  drink  whom  they  shall  judge 
unworthy,  when  our  Saviour  himself  said,  '  Drink  ye  all  of  this.'     In 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  163;  Eushworth,  vol.  vi.  p.  203. 


250 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


the  Old  Testament,  '  Ho,  every  one  that  thirsteth,'  etc.,  said  the  pro- 
phet ;  yet  now  his  successors  would  be  authorised  to  say  to  some  per- 
sons, '  You  do  not  thirst,'  though  they  themselves  say  they  do,  aud  to 
deny  them  milk  and  water,  bread  and  wine,  when  they  desire  it. 
Surely  it  is  not  proper  for  pastors,  for  feeders  of  flocks,  to  deny  food 
to  any  of  their  flock  who  shall  desire  it.  But  some  have  said,  that  it 
is  the  part  of  a  good  shepherd,  if  he  see  one  of  his  sheep  going  astray 
into  a  ground  where  the  grass  will  bring  the  rot,  to  chase  him  out  of 
that  pasture.  And  they  apply  it  to  spiritual  pastors  suspending  those 
from  the  sacrament  whom  they  fear,  by  the  unworthy  receiving  of  it, 
may  eat  and  drink  their  own  damnation.  This  may  be  a  charitable 
simile,  but  will  hardly  be  found  a  full  answer ;  for  it  is  not  the  re- 
ceiving of  the  sacrament,  but  the  unworthiness  of  the  receiver,  that 
brings  destruction.  And  whether  he  be  unworthy  or  not,  it  is  not  in 
the  judgment  of  pastor,  or  of  any  other,  but  of  the  party  only  who  ia 
the  sinner ;  for  none  can  know  his  heart  but  himself,  and  a  commission 
will  scarce  be  produced  for  any  other  to  be  judge  thereof.  The  person 
refused  may  say  to  the  pastor  in  this  case,  '  Who  made  thee  judge?' 
Besides,  the  authority  desired  is  not  only  of  suspension,  but  of  excom- 
munication,— which  is  a  total  driving  or  thundering  away  of  the  party 
from  all  spiritual  food  whatsoever.  And  if  a  shepherd  shall  chase  away 
his  sheep  from  all  pastures,  that  indeed  will  bring  the  hunger-rot  upon 
them.  The  more  sinful  persons  are,  the  more  they  have  need  of  in- 
struction ;  and  where  can  they  have  it  better  than  from  the  lips  of  the 
learned  and  pious  pastors,  who  ought  to  preserve  knowledge. 

"  But  it  hath  been  said  that  the  ruling  elders  are  to  join  with 
them  ;  let  us  inquire  who  they  are.  In  some  congregations  in  country 
villages,  perhaps  they  may  not  be  very  learned  themselves ;  yet  the 
authority  to  be  given  them  is  sufficiently  great.  The  word  '  elders,' 
among  the  Hebrews,  signified  the  men  of  greatest  power  and  dignity; 
the  members  of  their  great  sanhedrim  were  styled  elders ;  so  were  the 
princes  of  their  tribes."  [Then,  as  if  in  rivalry  of  Selden,  he  enlarged 
upon  the  use  of  a  similar  title  among  the  Grecians,  the  Phoenicians,  the 
Tyriaus,  the  Romans,  the  Spaniards,  the  Italians,  the  Saxons, — giving 
the  etymology  of  Earl,  Alderman,  and  Sir.]  "  And  so  they  may  allow 
the  title  of  elders  to  the  chief  and  select  men  of  every  presbytery.  Yet 
if  this  power  (excommunication  and  suspension)  be  allowed  them, 
they  may  well  challenge  the  title  of  elders  in  the  highest  signification. 
The  power  of  the  keys  is  a  great  power;  tho  Romish  Church  will 
acknowledge  it,  and  the  foundation  of  their  supremacy  to  be  built 
upon.  Whatsoever  they  bind  or  loose  upon  earth  to  be  bound  or  loosed 
in  heaven,  is  a  power  which  may  claim  the  highest  title  imaginable. 
Although  I  can  never  presume  that  the  reverend  and  pious  learned 
gentlemen  who  aim  at  this  power,  can  have  the  least  supposition  of  any 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  251 

such  effect  by  it,  yet  if  any  petitioners  should  sue  you  to  be  made  judges 
or  justices,  I  believe  you  would  judge  their  petition  the  less  modest,  and 
them  the  less  fit  for  such  offices;  but  to  this  I  make  no  application,  and 
I  hope  none  shall  make  any  use  of  it.  Power  is  thought  fit  to  be  given 
to  suspend  from  the  sacrament  two  sorts  of  persons, — the. ig nor ant  and 
the  scandalous.  I  am  sure  that  I  am  a  very  ignorant  person ;  we  are  all 
more  ignorant  tbau  we  ought  to  be  of  the  truth  of  Christ;  even  amongst 
the  pastors  and  elders  in  some  places,  the  most  learned  may  in  other 
places  be  adjudged  ignorant.  The  more  ignorant  people  are,  the  more 
some  will  blame  their  pastors,  who  ought  to  instruct  them,  and,  by 
private  conference,  inform  them,  and  rectify  their  understandings ;  and 
that  is  a  good  part  of  spiritual  food.  And  to  keep  an  ignorant  person 
from  the  ordinances  is  no  way  to  improve  his  knowledge.  Scandalous 
persons  are  likewise  to  be  suspended ;  and  that  is  to  be  referred  to  the 
judgment  of  the  pastor  and  ruling  elders.  Where  a  commission  for 
them  to  execute  this  judicature  is  extant,  will  be  hard  to  show.  Both 
pastors,  and  elders,  and  people,  are  scandalous,  in  the  general  sense. 
We  are  all  of  us  gross  sinners,  and  our  best  performances  are  but 
scandalous,  as  to  the  true  and  sincere  profession  of  the  gospel  of  Christ. 
Those  who  are  scandalous  sinners  ought  to  be  admonished  to  forsake 
their  evil  ways,  and  to  amend  their  lives ;  and  where  can  they  receive 
this  admonition,  and  hope  for  more  conviction  of  their  consciences,  than 
by  heai-ing  good  sermons,  and  being  admitted  to  be  partakers  of  the 
holy  ordinances ;  but  to  excommunicate  them,  deprives  them  wholly  of 
the  best  means  for  their  cure.  The  best  excommunication  is,  for  pas- 
tors, elders,  and  people,  to  excommunicate  sin  out  of  their  own  hearts 
and  conversations, — to  suspend  themselves  from  all  works  of  iniquity. 
This  is  a  power  which,  put  in  execution,  through  the  assistance  of 
the  Spirit  of  God,  will  prevent  all  disputes  about  excommunication  and 
suspension  from  the  sacrament.  A  man  may  be  a  good  physician, 
though  he  never  cut  off  a  member  from  any  of  his  patients ;  a  body 
may  be  very  sound,  though  no  member  of  it  was  ever  cut  off ;  and 
surely  a  church  may  be  a  good  church,  though  no  member  of  it  hath 
ever  been  cut  off.  I  have  heard  here  many  complaints  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion formerly  exercised  by  the  prelates,  who  were  but  a  few ;  there  will 
be,  by  the  passing  of  this  now  desired,  a  great  multiplication  of  spiritual 
men  in  government.  Where  the  temporal  sword  (the  magistracy)  is 
sufficient  for  punishment  of  offences,  there  will  be  little  need  for  this 
new  discipline ;  nor  will  it  be  so  easily  granted." — "  After  a  long  de- 
bate." adds  Whitelocke,  in  the  Narrative  part  of  his  work,  "  the  House 
referred  this  matter  to  a  further  consideration  by  the  Grand  Committee, 
to  whom  it  was  formerly  referred."  * 

*  Whitelocke,  pp.  163, 164;  Kushworth,  vol.  vL  pp.  203-205. 


252 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


From  the  circumstance  of  the  preceding  speech  being 
given  at  full  length  by  both  Whitelocke  and  Rushworth,  it 
is  evident  that  it  must  have  been  regarded  by  the  Erastians 
of  the  Parliament  as  exhibiting  the  ablest  statement  and 
advocacy  of  their  opinions.  One  thing,  indeed,  it  proves 
very  clearly,  namely,  that  when  civilians  attempt  to  reason 
upon  theological  questions,  they  are  in  great  peril  of  for- 
feiting their  reputation  either  for  candour  and  intelligence, 
or  for  clearness  of  thought  and  power  of  reasoning.  It  will 
be  observed  that  Whitelocke  deals  very  much  in  vague 
generalities,  about  the  character  and  duties  of  pastors  and 
elders,  and  the  effect  of  suspending  from  the  sacrament  and 
excommunicating ;  and  that  he  insinuates  the  danger  of 
allowing  such  powers  to  be  exercised  by  the  Church  courts, 
but  carefully  avoids  making  any  specific  applications. 
This  method  of  stating  his  opinions  left  him  at  full  liberty 
to  use  all  the  artifices  of  sophistry  which  he  could  command; 
and,  accordingly,  his  whole  speech  is  a  tissue  of  sophistical 
plausibilities.  As,  for  example,  "  The  duty  of  a  pastor  is 
to  feed  his  flock ;  therefore  he  can  have  no  right  to  refuse 
food  to  any."  But  he  should  have  proved  that  the  only 
duty  of  a  pastor  is  to  feed ;  otherwise  his  argument  cannot 
prove  that  it  may  not  be  also  a  duty  to  refuse,  for  proper 
reasons.  Again,  "  The  unworthiness  of  the  receiver  alone 
brings  destruction  j  but  none  can  judge  of  this  but  the 
sinner  himself:  therefore  the  pastor  ought  not  to  have 
power  to  refuse."  True,  the  unworthiness  of  the  receiver 
brings  destruction ;  but  it  is  not  true  that  none  can  be  a 
judge  of  this  but  the  sinner  ;  for  his  conduct  may  be  so 
glaringly  sinful,  and  he  may  be  so  recklessly  impenitent, 
that  every  one  may  be  able  to  judge  him  by  his  fruits,  and 
may  be  constrained  to  shun  him  as  incorrigibly  wicked  and 
impious.  Once  more,  "  All  are  ignorant  and  scandalous  in 
the  widest  sense  of  these  terms ;  but  the  best  way  to  remedy 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  253 

this  is,  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of  hearing  good  sermons, 
and  to  admit  them  to  the  holy  ordinances."  Certainly  it 
may  be  a  good  way  for  instructing  the  ignorant,  to  bring 
such  persons  where  they  will  hear  good  and  sound  instruc- 
tion, and  the  Wesminster  divines  never  dreamt  of  prevent- 
ing any  from  hearing  sermons  ;  but  admission  to  ordinances, 
that  is,  to  the  Lord's  table,  is  a  totally  different  matter, 
and  instead  of  tending  to  instruct,  might  more  probably 
tend  to  harden  an  impenitent  sinner,  and  might  lead  him  to 
regard  himself  as  needing  no  further  amendment. 

But  it  cannot  be  necessary  to  detect  all  the  fallacies  of 
this  much  boasted  speech ;  that  every  sound  and  right- 
minded  reader  will  do  for  himself.  It  has  been  inserted, 
however,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  a  favourable  specimen 
of  the  kind  of  arguments  employed  by  the  Parliamentary 
Erastians  of  that  period ;  which  are  essentially  the  same  as 
those  used  by  many  Erastians  in  the  present  day,  with  per- 
haps, this  exception,  that  few  modern  Erastians  can  reason 
even  so  well,  or  have  skill  enough  to  enter  so  deeply  into 
the  subject. 

The  language  of  Baillie,  in  a  letter  written  at  this  junc- 
ture, shows  the  strong  anxiety  entertained  by  the  Assembly 
regarding  this  important  subject,  and  gives  also  another 
proof  of  the  temperate  spirit  and  calm  prudence  of  the 
Scottish  Commissioners.  After  mentioning  the  difficulty 
which  the  Assembly  felt  in  enumerating  all  kinds  of  scan- 
dalous offences,  on  which  account  they  required  to  have 
power  to  exclude  all  scandalous  as  well  as  some,  he  adds, 
"The  general  they  would  not  grant,  as  including  an  arbitrary 
and  unlimited  power.  Our  advice  (that  of  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners) was,  that  they  (the  Assembly)  would  go  on  to 
set  up  their  presbyteries  and  synods  with  so  much  power 
as  they  could  get ;  and  after  they  were  once  settled,  then 
they  might  strive  to  obtain  their  full  due  power.     But  the 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Assembly  was  of  another  mind  ;  and  after  divers  fair  papers, 
at  last  they  framed  a  most  zealous,  clear,  and  peremptory  one, 
wherein  they  held  out  plainly  the  Church's  divine  right  to 
keep  from  the  sacrament  all  who  are  scandalous  ;  and  if  they 
cannot  obtain  the  free  exercise  of  that  power  which  Christ 
hath  given  them,  they  will  lay  down  their  charges,  and 
rather  choose  all  afflictions  than  to  sin  by  profaning  the 
holy  table."  It  was  the  presenting  of  this  paper  which 
gave  occasion  to  the  preceding  speeches  of  Selden  and 
"White!  ocke.  And  although  the  Parliament  were  deter- 
mined not  to  grant  the  full  claim  of  the  Assembly,  yet  they 
were  not  prepared  at  once  to  declare  that  determination,  but 
still  continued  to  keep  the  subject  in  a  state  of  suspense, 
hoping,  probably,  that  the  divines  would  at  last  consent  to 
accept  some  lower  measure.  While  Parliament  treated 
the  Assembly  with  a  considerable  degree  of  guarded  respect, 
they  showed  their  temper  more  plainly  to  the  city  divines, 
a  petition  from  whom,  "for  establishing  Presbytery,  as 
the  discipline  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  voted  to  be  scand- 
alous." *  It  might  have  puzzled  those  sage  senators  to  have 
defined  their  own  language,  and  showed  in  what  respect 
such  a  petition  was  scandalous;  but  it  was  easy  for  them 
to  apply  harsh  and  ungracious  epithets  to  a  request  which 
they  were  determined  to  refuse. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  Parliament  had 
required  the  Assembly  to  state  "  what  measure  of  under- 
standing persons  ought  to  have  of  the  Trinity,  and  other 
points  debated,  before  they  be  admitted  to  the  sacrament ;" 
and  also,  that  they  required  an  enumeration  of  such  scan- 
dalous offences  as  deserved  the  censure  of  suspension  from 
ordinances.  To  the  former  point  the  Assembly  readily  pre- 
pared an  answer  ;  but  they  found  the  latter  more  difficult, 
both  because  the  attempt  to  enumerate  such  offences  sug- 
1  Baillie,  vol.  iii.  p.  307.  2  Whitelocke,  p.  159. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  255 

gested  additional  ones,  and  because  the  inevitable  tendency 
of  such  an  attempt  was  to  present  their  whole  system  in  its 
most  repulsive  aspect,  and  even  to  prevent  themselves  from 
having  a  discretionary  power  to  mitigate  its  apparent 
severity.  At  length,  however,  on  the  14th  of  October,  the 
Assembly  presented  their  advice  on  these  points  to  the 
Parliament,  at  the  same  time  clearly  declaring  their  earnest 
desire  that  the  general  principle  should  be  affirmed,  and 
the  details  left  to  be  regulated  according  to  the  peculiarities 
of  each  specific  case.1  But  the  Parliament  resolved  to 
turn  this  paper  of  advice  into  an  ordinance  of  both  Houses; 
and  on  the  15th  voted,  as  a  preliminary  step,  "that  the 
presbytery  should  not  suspend  from  the  sacrament  for  any 
other  offences  than  those  particularly  mentioned  in  the 
ordinance  ; "  which,  adds  Whitelocke,  displeased  some  who 
were  earnest  to  give  an  arbitrary  power  to  the  presbytery.2 
Strange  that  this  legislator  could  not  perceive  that  Parlia- 
ment was  retaining  a  much  more  arbitrary  power  in  its  own 
possession, — a  power  which  is  absolute  despotism,  claiming 
to  rule  alike  over  person,  property,  and  conscience. 

On  the  20th  of  October  1645,  this  important  document 
passed  both  Houses,  under  the  designation  of  "  An  Ordi- 
nance of  the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled  in  Parliament, 
about  Suspension  from  the  Lord's  Supper."3  The  state- 
ment of  the  amount  of  religious  knowledge  which  ought  to 
be  possessed  by  every  person  before  being  admitted  to  the 
Lord's  table,  is  very  clear  and  explicit ;  and  the  enumera- 
tion of  scandalous  offences  is  also  very  full.  But  in  one 
clause  towards  the  close  of  the  ordinance,  the  Erastian 
principle  is  very  strongly  stated  :  "  If  any  person  suspended 
from  the  Lord's  Supper  shall  find  himself  grieved  with  the 
proceedings  before  the  eldership  of  any  congregation,  he 

1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  325.  2  Whitelocke,  p.  16^. 

3  Kuslrworth,  vol.  vi.  pp.  210-212.     See  Appendix. 


256  HISTORY   OF   THE 

shall  have  liberty  to  appeal  to  the  classical  eldership  (or 
Presbytery),  and  from  them  to  the  Provincial  Assembly 
(or  S}Tnod),  from  thence  to  the  National,  and  from  thence 
to  the  Parliament.  And  it  is  further  ordained,  That  the 
members  of  both  Houses,  that  now  are  members  of  the  As- 
sembly of  Divines,  or  any  seven  of  them,  be  a  standing 
committee  of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  to  consider  of 
causes  of  suspension  from  the  Lord's  Supper  not  contained 
in  this  ordinance  ;  unto  which  committee  any  eldership 
shall  present  such  causes,  to  the  end  that  the  Parliament, 
if  need  require,  may  hear  and  determine  the  same."  The 
undisguised  Erastianism  of  this  ordinance  was  exceedingly 
displeasing  to  the  Assembly,  and  rendered  them  unwilling 
to  put  it  into  operation  at  all,  even  so  far  as  it  went,  lest 
they  should  seem  to  consent  to  a  principle  which  they  so 
decidedly  condemned.  "  This,"  says  Baillie,  "  has  been 
the  only  impediment  why  the  Presbyteries  and  Synods 
have  not  been  erected  ;  for  the  ministers  refuse  to  accept 
of  Presbyteries  without  this  power."  Both  parties,  indeed, 
were  equally  resolute, — the  Parliament  not  to  grant,  and 
the  Assembly  not  to  be  satisfied  without  the  recognition  of 
what  they  regarded  of  divine  right, — a  full  liberty  to  keep 
from  the  holy  table  all  scandalous  persons.  And  although 
the  divines  were  perfectly  able  to  refute  the  sophistry  of 
the  Erastian  lawyers  in  argument,  they  could  not  change 
their  hearts,  nor  make  them  willing  to  submit  to  the  puri- 
fying, though  humbling  precepts  of  the  gospel;  consequent- 
ly these  unhappy  men  continued  tenaciously  to  retain  a 
power  which  they  could  not  hold  and  exercise,  but  to  the 
injury  of  religion,  and  to  the  ruin  of  themselves  and  of  the 
kingdom. 

Not  only  was  the  Assembly  dissatisfied  with  the  con- 
duct of  Parliament  in  thus  attempting  to  retain  an  Erastian 
power  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  but  all  the  Presbyterians, 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  257 

"both  ministers  and  people  throughout  the  kingdom,  and 
particularly  those  of  the  city  of  London  itself,  were  both 
grieved  and  displeased  with  conduct  so  grasping  and  un- 
wise. A  petition  was  addressed  to  Parliament  from  the 
Common  Council  of  London,  praying  that  Church  govern- 
ment might  he  speedily  settled  and  observed,  and  that 
greater  power  might  be  given  to  the  ministers  and  elders 
than  was  established  by  the  Parliament,  according  to  the 
warrant  of  the  Word  of  God.  The  House  answered,  "That 
they  had  already  taken  much  pains  in  debating  of  Church 
government ;  and  they  conceived  the  city  and  Common 
Council  were  informed  falsely  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
House,  else  they  would  not  have  precipitated  the  judgment 
of  the  Parliament ;  however,  they  take  it  as  a  good  inten- 
tion of  the  petitioners  promoting  this  business."  A  similar 
petition  from  the  city  ministers  received  a  still  more  un- 
courteous  answer, — two  of  the  members  were  sent  to  tell 
them,  that  "  they  need  not  attend  any  longer  for  an  answer 
to  their  petition,  but  to  go  home,  and  look  to  the  charges 
of  their  several  congregations."1  These  ungracious  answers 
gave  rise  to  a  feeling  of  alienation  between  the  city  and  the 
Parliament,  the  completed  effect  of  which  was,  that  counter- 
poise, or  rather  paralysis  of  each  other's  energies,  which  laid 
both  prostrate  beneath  the  power  of  the  army,  by  whom  the 
Parliament  was  at  last  trampled  out  of  existence, —  so  swift 
and  sure  was  the  blow  of  retributive  justice.  Had  Parlia- 
ment abandoned  its  Erastian  principles,  and  granted  the 
petitions  of  the  Assembly,  the  ministers,  and  the  people, 
it  would  have-  been  so  deeply  rooted  in  the  grateful  affec- 
tion of  the  kingdom,  and  its  power  would  have  been  so  thor- 
oughly consolidated,  that  not  even  Cromwell's  deep  schemes 
and  iron  strength  could  have  greatly  shaken,  much  less 
utterly  overthrown  it.     But  it  sinned  obstinately  against 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  187. 
R 


258  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  "Prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth;"    and  therefore 
He  dashed  it  to  pieces. 

One  very  probable  reason  why  the  Parliament  were  at 
this  time  assuming  a  more  haughty  tone  than  formerly  was, 
the  depression  of  the  King's  power,  who  had  never  been  able 
to  make  head  against  the  army  to  any  considerable  extent 
since  the  battle  of  Naseby,  on  the  14th  of  June.  Yet 
even  in  this  point  of  view,  the  conduct  of  the  Parliament 
was  marked  by  something  little  short  of  infatuation  ;  for 
the  power  of  the  army  had  passed  completely  into  the 
hands  of  Cromwell,  though  Fairfax  still  held,  nominally, 
the  chief  command  ;  and  a  very  moderate  degree  of  pene- 
tration might  have  enabled  them  to  have  perceived  that 
they  had  no  means  of  counterbalancing  the  power  of  the 
army  except  by  the  wealth  and  influence  of  the  city  of 
London,  which  was  thoroughly  Presbyterian.  The  Inde- 
pendents in  both  Parliament  and  Assembly  were  delighted 
with  the  delay  caused  by  the  Erastian  obstinacy ;  and  to 
these  two  parties,  Independents  and  Erastians,  there  was 
added,  as  Baillie  says,  "  a  third  party,  of  worldly,  profane 
men,  who  were  extremely  affrighted  to  come  under  the 
yoke  of  ecclesiastic  discipline."  The  very  fact  of  such  a 
combination  against  the  Presbyterian  system  would  go  far 
to  prove  its  truth  and  scriptural  character ;  for  that  can 
scarcely  be  other  than  a  good  cause,  which  provokes  the 
opposition  of  such  conflicting  elements,  and  some  of  them 
elements  essentially  evil. 

[1646.]  Though  hitherto  disappointed,  the  Assembly 
and  the  city  continued  to  exert  themselves  by  plying  the 
Parliament  with  petition  upon  petition;  and  to  one  of 
these,  signed  by  the  whole  magistracy  of  London,  addressed 
to  both  houses,  15th  January  1616,  the  Parliament  felt  it 
necessary  to  return  a  courteous  and  complimentary  answer, 
thanking  them  for  their  care  and  zeal  for  God's  worship. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  259 

and  assuring  them  of  their  readiness  to  promote  so  good  a 
work.1  Adverting  to  this  petition,  Baillie  says,  "  No 
doubt,  if  they  be  constant  they  will  obtain  all  their  de- 
sires ;  for  all  know  that  the  Parliament  here  cannot  subsist 
without  London,  so  that  whatsoever  they  desire  in  earnest 
and  constantly,  it  must  be  granted."  On  the  20th  of  Feb- 
ruary it  was  "  Resolved  by  the  Lords  and  Commons  in 
Parliament  assembled,  That  there  be  forthwith  a  choice 
made  of  elders  throughout  the  kingdom  of  England,  ac- 
cording to  such  directions  as  have  already  passed  both 
Houses,  bearing  date  the  19th  of  August  1645."  But  on 
the  14th  of  March,  a  more  complete  ordinanoe  passed 
both  Houses,  containing  full  regulations  respecting  the 
choice  of  elders  and  of  every  thing  necessary  for  the  organi 
sation  of  the  Presbyterian  form  of  Church  government. 
Even  in  this  ordinance  the  same  Erastian  element  appeared. 
By  one  clause  it  was  enacted,  "  That  in  every  province  per- 
sons shall  be  chosen  by  the  Houses  of  Parliament,  that 
shall  be  commissioners  to  judge  of  scandalous  offences,  not 
enumerated  in  any  ordinance  of  Parliament,  to  them  pre- 
sented ; "  and  upon  the  decision  of  these  commissioners  it 
was  to  depend  whether  the  eldership  might  suspend  per- 
sons accused  of  such  offences  from  the  sacrament.2 

Before  this  ordinance  had  passed  the  Lords,  and  as  soon 
as  its  tenor  was  known  from  the  deliberations  of  the  Com- 
mons, both  the  Assembly  and  the  city  ministers  prepared 
to  give  the  most  decided  opposition  to  this  Erastian  clause. 
"  I  Avish,"  says  Baillie,  writing  to  one  of  the  city  ministers, 
"by  all  means  that  unhappy  court  of  commissioners  in 
every  shire  may  be  exploded.  If  it  must  be  so,  let  the 
new  cases  of  scandal  come  to  the  Parliament  by  the  letters 
of  the  eldership,  or  any  other  way,  but  not  by  a  standing 

1  AVhitelocke,  p.  194. 

2  Bushwortk,  vol.  vi.  pp.  224-228.     See  Appendix 


2(50  HISTORY  OF  THE 


court  of  commissioners.  This  is  a  trick  of  the  Independ- 
ents' invention,  of  purpose  to  enervate  and  disgrace  all 
our  government,  in  which  they  have  been  assisted  by  all 
the  lawyers  and  the  Erastian  party.  This  troubles  us  all 
exceedingly, — the  whole  Assembly  and  ministry  over  the 
kingdom ;  the  body  of  the  city  is  much  grieved  with  it : 
but  how  to  mend  it  we  cannot  well  tell.  In  the  mean- 
time it  mars  us  to  set  up  any  thing ;  the  anarchy  con- 
tinues, and  the  vilest  sects  daily  increase."  Such,  indeed, 
was  the  inevitable  consequence  of  allowing  the  kingdom  to 
continue  without  any  regular  form  of  Church  government 
and  discipline,  the  presence  of  which  acts  by  a  moral  con- 
straint on  even  those  who  do  not  admit  its  authority,  as 
the  experience  of  all  ages  and  countries  can  amply  testify. 
Fully  aware  of  the  extreme  importance  of  obtaining  a 
right  adjustment  of  this  essential  point,  the  Presbyterians 
of  both  Scotland  and  England  made  every  possible  exertion 
to  secure  it.  And  there  seemed  to  be  one  favourable 
opportunity,  by  availing  themselves  of  which  it  might  yet 
be  accomplished.  The  unhappy  King,  beaten  from  the  field 
by  successive  and  ruinous  defeats,  had  retired  to  Oxford, 
where  he  found  himself  almost  driven  to  distraction  by  the 
wretched  cabals  of  his  selfish  and  unprincipled  adherents. 
In  these  circumstances  he  proposed  a  new  negotiation  for 
peace,  and  many  letters  were  interchanged  between  him 
and  the  Parliament  on  this  subject.  But  the  Parliament 
were  now  not  only  secure  of  triumph,  but  also  under  the 
influence  of  Cromwell  and  his  friends,  who  had  no  wish 
for  a  peace ;  and  for  these  reasons  they  rose  in  their  de- 
mands to  such  a  degree,  that  all  prospects  of  peace  were 
greatly  obscured.  The  Scottish  Parliamentary  Commission- 
ers, on  the  other  hand,  were  desirous  of  peace  on  such 
terms  as  should  not  annihilate  the  regal  dignity,  and  there- 
fore l,hey  endeavoured  so  far  to  modify  the  demands  of  the 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  261 

English  Parliament,  that  they  might  be  such  as  the  King 
could  honourably  grant.  But  the  English  Parliament  felt 
that  they  had  no  longer  any  urgent  need  of  assistance  from 
a  Scottish  army,  and  therefore  were  not  inclined  to  listen 
to  the  more  reasonable  proposals  of  the  Scottish  Commis- 
sioners. Still,  they  could  not  at  once  dishonourably  vio- 
late their  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  with  Scotland,  and 
therefore  they  continued  to  receive,  with  due  respect,  the 
communications  of  the  Scottish  Parliament  through  its 
commissioners.  And  as  these  commissioners  were  all  Pres- 
byterians, they  felt  deeply  interested  in  the  question  of  the 
right  establishment  of  Presbyterian  Church  government  in 
England,  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Solemn  League 
of  both  nations.  Eor  this  reason  they  presented  to  the 
English  Parliament  several  papers  respecting  the  pending 
treaty  of  peace,  and  the  various  matters  involved  in  it ;  one 
of  which  necessarily  was,  the  form  of  religion  to  be  estab- 
lished, to  which  the  King  was  to  be  requested  to  give  his 
concurrence.  On  the  subject  of  religion  these  papers  took 
up  the  points  that  had  so  much  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  Assembly,  and  gave  their  opinion  in  the  following 
manner : — 

"  Having  perused  the  several  ordinances,  directions,  and  votes  of  the 
honourable  House  concerning  Church  government,  delivered  unto  us, 
which  we  conceive  will  he  the  matter  of  the  propositions  of  religion, 
and  in  this  sense  only  we  speak  to  them,  we  do  agree  to  the  direction 
for  the  present  election  of  elders,  to  the  subordination  of  congrega- 
tional, classical,  provincial,  and  national  assemblies,  and  to  the  direc- 
tion concerning  the  members  of  which  they  are  constitute,  and  the 
times  of  their  meeting.  Only  we  desire  that  no  godly  minister  be  ex- 
cluded from  being  a  member  of  the  classical  presbytery ;  nor  any  godly 
minister,  having  lawful  commission,  from  being  a  member  of  the  pro- 
vincial and  national  Assemblies,  there  being  the  greater  need  of  their 
presence  and  assistance  in  such  Assemblies,  that  there  are  no  ruling 
elders  to  join  with  and  assist  them.  And  we  desire  that  a  fixed  time 
be  appointed  for  the  ordinary  meeting  of  the  National  Assembly,  with 
power  to  the  Parliament  to  summon  them  when  they  please ;  and  with 


262  HISTORY   OF   THE 

liberty  to  the  Church  to  meet  oftener,  if  there  shall  be  necessary  cause: 
the  ..rdinary  meeting  thereof  being  most  necessary  for  preserving  truth 
«iDd  unity  in  the  whole  Church,  against  the  errors  that  may  arise  aud 
multiply  in  the  Church,  and  against  the  divisions  and  differences  that 
may  distract  the  inferior  Assemblies  of  the  Church,  and  for  receiving 
and  determining  appeals  from  provincial  assemblies,  which  otherwise 
will  be  infinite,  and  lie  over  long  without  determination,  and  the  exi- 
gence of  religion  sometimes  being  such  that  it  will  require  an  extra- 
ordinary meeting. 

••  We  agree  to  the  rules  and  directions  concerning  suspension  from 
the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  cases  of  ignorance  and  scandal 
Only  we  desire  that  the  congregational  elderships  may  have  power  to 
judge  in  cases  of  scandal  not  enumerated,  with  liberty  to  the  person 
grieved  to  appeal,  as  in  other  Reformed  Churches.  This  we  conceive 
to  be  a  power  no  more  arbitrary  in  this  Church,  than  in  them  who  are 
limited  by  the  rules  expressed  in  Scripture,  and  do  exercise  this  their 
power  with  such  moderation  as  is  a  comfort,  help,  and  strengthening  of 
civil  authority.  The  appointing  of  provincial  commissioners,  such  as 
are  appointed  in  the  ordinance,  will  minister  occasion  to  such  debates 
and  disputes,  in  this  and  other  Churches,  as  will  be  very  unpleasant  to 
Parliaments  and  civil  powers,  will  make  a  great  disconformity  betwixt 
this  and  other  Churches,  and  a  present  rent  and  division  in  this  Church; 
is  such  a  mixture  in  Church  government  as  hath  not  been  heard  of  in 
any  Church  before  this  time,  and  may  prove  the  foundation  of  a  new 
Episcopacy,  or  of  a  High  Commission.  And  the  work  may  be  better 
done  by  the  Assemblies  of  ministers  and  elders,  who  have  this  in  their 
ecclesiastical  charge,  and  will  be  no  less  tender  of  the  honour  of  Par- 
liament, by  whose  laws  they  live  and  are  protected;  and  as  able  and 
willing  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  people,  whose  consciences  and  con- 
versation are  best  known  unto  them,  as  any  other  persons  whatsoever. 
Concerning  the  suspension  of  the  ministers  themselves,  although  scan- 
dal in  them  deserveth  double  censure,  yet  we  conceive  it  to  be  most 
agreeable  that  they  have  their  censure  from  the  classical  or  other 
superior  Assemblies  of  the  Church,  where  there  be  ministers  to  judge 
them.  We  do  also  agree  to  the  ordinance  of  ordination  of  ministers ; 
only  we  desire  it  may  be  provided  that  it  stand  in  force  for  all  time 
to  come. 

"  There  be  other  matters  contained  in  the  ordinances;  as,  The  man- 
ner of  subordination  of  the  Assemblies  of  the  Church  to  the  Parliament, 
so  much  liable  to  mistake ;  the  seeming  exemption  of  some  sorts  oic  per- 
sons from  the  just  censures  of  the  Church ;  the  ministering  the  sacra- 
ment to  some  persons  against  the  consciences  of  tho  ministry  and 
eldership ;  concerning  public  repentance  to  be  only  before  the  elder- 
ships, and  such  like;  which  maybe  taken  into  consideration,  and  with 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  263 

small  labour  and  alteration  be  determined  to  the  great  satisfaction  of 
many.  As  for  the  remnant,  concerning  the  perpetual  officers  of  the 
Church,  and  their  offices;  the  order  and  power  of  Church  Assemblies ; 
the  order  of  public  repentance,  and  of  proceeding  to  excommunication 
and  absolution ;  we  desire  they  may  be  agreed  upon  according  to  the 
covenant,  and  the  advice  of  the  divines  of  both  kingdoms,  long  since 
offered  to  both  Houses:  which  beiug  done,  they  may  be  presently 
drawn  in  a  method,  and  formed  up  in  a  model  of  Church  government 
in  three  days,  to  the  quieting  the  minds  of  all  the  godly,  concerning  the 
particular  meaning  of  both  kingdoms  in  the  matter  of  religion,  to  the 
great  content  of  the  Eeformed  Churches,  and  which  will  both  make  us 
distinctly  to  know  what  we  demand,  and  the  King  what  he  doth  grant."  1 

Within  a  few  days  after  these  papers  had  been  laid  be 
fore  the  English  Parliament,  and  before  the  two  Houses 
had  returned  any  answer,  they  were  printed  and  published 
with  a  preface,  as  from  a  private  person  into  whose  hands 
they  had  fallen  by  accident,  purporting  to  state  the  case 
between  the  Parliament  and  the  Scottish  Commissioners.2 
Both  Houses  were  exceedingly  indignant  that  such  liberty 
should  be  taken  with  their  proceedings,  and  on  the  14th  of 
April  concurred  in  a  vote  :  "  That  the  matter  contained  in 
these  printed  papers  was  false,  and  scandalous  against  the 
Parliament  and  kingdom  of  England  ;  that  they  should  be 
burned  by  the  common  hangman  ;  that  a  declaration  should 
be  drawn  up  refuting  their  untruths,  and  showing  the  inno- 
cency  and  integrity  of  the  Parliament ;  and  that  the 
author  or  publisher  was  an  incendiary  between  the  two 
kingdoms."  And  on  the  21st  of  April  the  preface  was 
burnt  as  had  been  ordered,  but  not  the  papers  of  the  Scot- 
tish Commissioners. 

The  Declaration  published  by  the  Parliament  for  their 
own  vindication  was  characterised  by  equal  intemperate 
heat  and  bitterness,  and  contained  a  very  strong  assertion 

1  Eushworth,  vol.  vi.  pp.  254,  255. 

2  Baillie  informs  us  that  David  Buchanan  was  the  person  by  whom 
they  were  published.     Vol.  ii.  p.  367. 


264  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  the  Erastian  theory  j  coloured,  however,  by  the  pretext 
of  their  dread  of  the  consequences  which  might  ensue  from 
"  granting  an  arbitrary  and  unlimited  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion to  near  ten  thousand  judicatories  to  be  erected  within 
this  kingdom  j "  and  asserting  that  they  "  had  the  more 
reason  by  no  means  to  part  with  this  power  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  civil  magistrate,  since  the  experience  of  all 
ages  will  manifest  that  the  reformation  and  purity  of  reli- 
gion, and  the  preservation  and  protection  of  the  people  of 
God  in  this  kingdom,  hath  under  God  been  by  the  Parlia- 
ments, and  their  exercise  of  this  power."  How  easy  it  is 
to  make  bold  and  general  assertions  ;  but  had  the  English 
Parliament  been  required  to  produce  proofs  and  instances 
in  maintenance  of  their  self-complacent  assertion,  they 
would  have  found  that  they  had  undertaken  no  easy  task. 
And  it  might  have  occurred  to  them,  that  such  vehemence 
of  conduct  and  language  might  be  very  fairly  interpreted 
into  a  proof  that  they  were  aware  that  they  had  acted 
wrong,  and  that  their  anger  arose  from  the  painful  and 
mortifying  consciousness  of  being  detected  in  the  commis- 
sion of  what  was  manifestly  culpable.  But  even  yet  an 
English  Parliament  can  reason  and  act  in  a  similar  man- 
ner, untaught  by  the  bitter  experience  of  their  ancestors, 
and  unable  to  read  the  signs  of  the  times,  however 
close  the  resemblance  which  these  bear  to  a  former 
period. 

Not  even  this  manifestation  of  the  Parliament's  stormy 
temper  could  appal  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  although  the 
city  ministers  had  somewhat  quailed.  Mr  Marshall,  by  no 
means  one  of  the  most  rash  or  impetuous  of  the  brethren, 
arose  in  his  place,  and  after  referring  to  the  recent  ordi- 
nance, and  stating  that  there  were  several  tilings  in  it  which 
pressed  heavily  upon  his  conscience,  and  upon  the  con- 
sciences of  many  others,  he  moved  that  a  committee  might 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  265 

be  appointed  to  examine  what  points  in  the  ordinance  were 
contrary  to  their  consciences,  and  to  prepare  a  petition  on 
the  subject,  to  be  presented  to  the  two  Houses.  This  was 
accordingly  done,  and  presented  by  the  whole  Assembly, 
with  Mr  Marshall  at  their  head,  on  the  24th  of  March. 
The  main  topics  of  the  petition  were,  an  assertion  of  the 
divine  right  of  Presbyterian  Church  government,  and  a 
complaint  against  that  clause  in  the  recent  ordinance  which 
appointed  an  appeal  from  the  censures  of  the  Church  to  a 
committee  of  the  Parliament.  The  House  appears  to  have 
been  somewhat  staggered  by  this  decided  course  adopted 
by  the  Assembly,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  consider 
what  answer  should  be  given,  and  what  notice  should  be 
taken  of  the  manner  in  which  the  petition  had  been 
brought  forward.  The  report  of  the  committee  was  char- 
acterised by  deep  policy.  First,  they  gave  it  as  their 
opinion,  that  the  Assembly  of  Divines  had,  in  their  recent 
petition,  violated  the  privileges  of  Parliament,  and  in- 
curred the  penalties  of  a  premunire;  and  next,  they  pro- 
posed, that  since  the  Assembly  insisted  on  the  jus  divinum 
of  the  Presbyterian  government,  certain  queries  which  they 
had  prepared  respecting  that  point  might  be  sent  to  the 
Assembly,  and  the  divines  required  to  return  answers 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Parliament.  The  House  ap- 
proved of  the  committee's  report,  and  on  the  30th  of 
April  sent  Sir  John  Evelyn,  Mr  Fiennes,  and  Mr  Brown, 
to  state  to  the  Assembly  the  sentiments  of  the  House, 
and  to  require  answers  to  the  prepared  list  of  interro- 
gations. 

These  questions  display  so  clearly  the  captious  character 
and  petulant  temper  of  the  Erastians,  even  while  pretend- 
ing to  be  merely  desiring  satisfaction  to  their  scruples  of 
conscience,  that  we  think  it  expedient  to  insert  them 
here  : — 


266  HISTORY   OF   THE 

"  Questions  propounded  to  the  Assembly  of  Divines  by  the  House  of 
Commons,  touching  the  point  of  Jus  Diviiiwn  in  the  matter  of 
Church  government. 

"  "Whereas  it  is  resolved  by  both  Houses,  that  all  persons  guilty  of 
notorious  and  scandalous  offences  shall  be  suspended  from  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  House  of  Commons  desires  to  be  satis- 
fied by  the  Assembly  of  Divines  in  the  questions  following: — 

••1.  Whether  the  parochial  and  congregational  elderships  appointed 
by  ordinance  of  Parliament,  or  any  other  congregational  or  presby- 
terial  elderships,  are  jure  divino,  and  by  the  will  and  appointment  of 
Jesus  Christ  ?  And  whether  any  particular  Church  government  be 
jure  divino?     And  what  that  government  is  ? 

••  2.  Whether  all  the  members  of  the  said  eldership,  as  members 
thereof,  or  which  of  them,  are  jure  divino,  and  by  the  will  and  appoint- 
ment of  Jesus  Christ  ? 

••  3.  Whether  the  superior  assemblies  or  elderships,  viz.,  the  classical, 
provincial,  and  national,  whether  all  or  any  of  them,  and  which  of  them, 
are  jure  dirino,  and  by  the  will  and  appointment  of  Jesus  Christ 

••  4.  Whether  appeals  from  the  congregational  elderships  to  the 
classical,  provincial,  or  national  assemblies,  or  any  of  them,  and  to  which 
of  them,  are^Mre  divino  ?  And  are  their  powers  upon  such  appeals  jure 
dicino.  and  by  the  will  and  appointment  of  Jesus  Christ  ? 

••5.  Whether  oecumenical  assemblies  are  jure  dicino  t  And  whether 
there  be  appeals  from  any  of  the  former  assemblies  to  the  said  oecumenical, 
jure  dirino.  and  by  the  will  and  appointment  of  Jesus  Chris:  ? 

"  6.  Whether  by  the  Word  of  God  the  power  of  judging  and  declaring 
what  are  such  notorious  and  scandalous  offences,  for  which  persons  guilty 
thereof  are  to  be  kept  from  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper. — and  of 
convening  before  them,  trying,  and  actual  suspending  from  the  sacrament 
such  offenders  accordingly, — is  either  in  the  congregational  eldership  or 
presbytery,  or  in  any  other  eldership,  congregation.  or  persons  ?  And 
whether  such  powers  are  in  them  only,  or  in  any  of  them,  and  in  which 
of  them,  jure  divino.  and  by  the  will  and  appointment  of  Jesus  Christ  ? 

-■  7.  Whether  there  be  any  certain  and  particular  rules  expressed  in 
the  Word  of  God,  to  direct  the  elderships  or  presbyteries,  congregations 
or  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  the  exercise  and  execution  of  the  powers 
aforesaid  ?     And  what  are  those  rules  ? 

"  8.  Is  there  any  thing  contained  in  the  Word  of  God,  that  the  supreme 
magistracy  in  a  Christian  State  may  not  judge  and  determine  what  are 
the  aforesaid  notorious  and  scandalous  offences,  and  the  manner  ( : 
pension  for  the  same?    And  in  what  particulars,  concerning  the  premises, 
is  the  said  supreme  magistracy  by  the  Word  of  God  excluded? 

"  9.  Whether  the  provision  of  commissioners  to  judge  of  scandals  not 
enumerated  (as  they  are  authorised  by  the  ordinance  of  Parliament)  be 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  267 

contrary  to  that  way  of  government  which  Christ  hath  appointed  in  His 
Church  ?     And  wherein  are  they  so  contrary  ? 

'•  In  answer  to  these  particulars  the  House  of  Commons  desires  of 
the  Assembly  of  Divines  their  proofs  from  Scripture,  and  to  set  down 
the  several  texts  of  Scripture  in  the  express  words  of  the  same.  And 
it  is  ordered,  that  every  particular  minister  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines, 
that  is  or  shall  be  present  at  the  debate  of  any  of  these  questions,  do, 
upon  every  resolution  which  shall  be  presented  to  this  House  concerning 
the  same,  subscribe  his  respective  name,  either  with  the  affirmative  or 
negative,  as  he  gives  his  vote.1  And  those  that  do  dissent  from  the 
major  part  shall  set  down  then*  positive  opinions,  with  the  express  texts 
of  Scripture  upon  which  their  opinions  are  grounded."2 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  the  bitter  hostility  against 
every  kind  and  degree  of  spiritual  jurisdiction  which  per- 
vades these  questions ;  nor  yet  is  it  difficult  to  detect  the 
sophistical  fallacy  which  forms  the  basis  of  the  whole.  In 
these  Erastian  questions  there  is  a  constant  endeavour  to 
keep  a  variety  of  details  prominently  before  the  mind,  so 
as  to  obscure  the  main  principle  as  far  as  possible ;  and 
even  when  the  proper  question  of  principle  is  stated,  it  is 
done  in  the  same  manner, — "  Whether  any  particular 
Church  government  he  jure  divino  ?"  The  very  essence 
of  the  inquiry  is,  ';  Whether  there  be  in  the  Word  of  God 
Church  government  1 "  and  if  that  be  affirmed,  then  the 
question  arises,  "  What  that  government  is  1 "  With  re- 
gard to  all  matters  of  detail,  on  which  the  parliamentary 
Erastians  loved  to  dilate,  these  would  naturally  arise  either 
from  Scripture  precept  or  Scripture  practice,  applied  as  en- 
lightened reason  might  dictate  and  emergencies  require. 
But  the  Assembly  was  composed  of  men  well  able  to  detect 
the  sophistry  of  their  opponents,  and  therefore  they  declined 
entering,  in  the  first  place,  into  a  series  of  detailed  and  cir- 
cumstantial answers.  But  as  they  had  been  previously  led 
to  investigate  very  fully  the  same  subject,  in  the  course  of 

1  This  was  evidently  for  the  purpose  of  intimidation. 
*  Rushworth,  vol.  vi.  pp.  260,  261. 


268  HISTORY   OF   THE 

fcheir  own  deliberations  while  framing  the  Confession  of 
Faith,  they  proceeded  to  state  their  main  proposition  on 
the  subject  of  Church  censures,  on  which,  as  will  be  per- 
ceived, the  whole  Erastian  controversy  turned,  with  the 
intention  of  giving  a  clear  and  explicit  expression  of  their 
judgment  respecting  the  master-principle  and  essence  of  the 
question.  This  they  did  in  the  following  simple  yet  com- 
prehensive proposition : — "  The  Lord  Jesus,  as  King  and 
Head  of  His  Church,  hath  therein  appointed  a  govern- 
ment, IN  THE  HAND  OF  CHURCH  OFFICERS,  DISTINCT  FROM 
THE  CIVIL  MAGISTRATE." 

The  affirmation  of  this  proposition  was  regarded  both 
by  the  Assembly  and  by  the  Erastian  party  as  containing 
a  complete  rejection  of  the  Erastian  principle  ;  for,  in  their 
clear  style  of  reasoning,  they  perceived,  that  if  Church 
government  were  admitted  to  be  "  distinct  from  the  civil 
magistrate,"  then  the  civil  magistrate  could  exercise  no 
jurisdiction  in  Church  matters,  as  that  would  be  to  break 
down  the  distinction.  Against  this  proposition,  accord- 
ingly, the  two  Erastians  in  the  Assembly,  especially  Cole- 
man, directed  their  whole  force  of  argument.  Baillie  says, 
"  To  oppose  the  Erastian  heresy,  we  find  it  necessary  to 
say,  that  Christ  in  the  New  Testament  had  institute  a 
Church  government  distinct  from  the  civil,  to  be  exercised 
by  the  officers  of  the  Church,  without  commission  from  the 
magistrate.  Xone  in  the  Assembly  has  any  doubt  of  this 
truth,  but  one  Mr  Coleman,  a  professed  Erastian ;  a  man 
reasonably  learned,  but  stupid  and  inconsiderate,  half  a 
pleasant,  and  of  small  estimation.  But  the  lawyers  in  the 
Parliament  did  blow  up  the  poor  man  with  much  vanity ; 
so  he  is  become  their  champion,  to  bring  out,  the  best  way 
he  can,  Erastus'  arguments  against  the  proposition.  We 
give  him  a  fair  and  free  hearing,  albeit  we  fear,  when  we 
have  answered  all  he  can  brin^,  and  have  confirmed  with 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  269 

undeniable  proofs  our  proposition,  the  Houses,  when  it 
conies  to  them,  shall  scrape  it  out  of  the  Confession  ;  for 
this  point  is  their  idol.  The  most  of  them  are  incredibly 
zealous  for  it.  The  Pope  and  the  King  were  never  more 
earnest  for  the  headship  of  the  Church  than  the  plurality 
of  this  Parliament."1 

After  the  Assembly  had  debated  this  proposition  for 
some  time,  and  were  about  to  put  it  to  the  vote,  Coleman 
was  taken  ill,  and  sent  a  request  to  the  Assembly,  that 
they  would  delay  it  for  a  few  days,  as  he  had  still  some 
arguments  to  bring  forward.  The  Assembly  complied  ; 
but  after  an  illness  of  four  or  five  days  he  expired,  and  the 
proposition  was  passed,  with  the  single  dissentient  vote  of 
Lightfoot.  In  the  account  of  this  event  contained  in 
"  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,"  the  names  of  those  who 
subscribed  this  proposition,  according  to  the  injunction  of 
the  Parliament,  are  given,  amounting  to  fifty-two,  and  com- 
prising all  the  men  of  chief  eminence  in  the  Assembly,  ex- 
clusive of  the  Scottish  divines,  who  spoke,  but  did  not  vote 
on  any  subject.  Neal  contradicts  himself  in  his  account, 
stating,  that  the  Independents  took  "the  opportunity  to 
withdraw,  refusing  absolutely  to  be  concerned  in  the  affair;'"2 
yet  in  the  list  which  he  gives  there  are  the  names  of  Good- 
win, Nye,  Greenhill,  and  Carter,  all  of  them  Independents, 
— the  names  of  Burroughs,  Bridge,  and  Simpson,  only  being 
wanting  to  complete  the  whole  of  that  party  who  signed 
the  Eeasons  of  Dissent,  of  which  mention  has  been  already 
made.  Indeed,  the  whole  of  Neal's  statement  respecting 
the  conduct  of  the  Presbyterians  is  so  warped  and  biassed 
by  prejudice,  that  it  presents  a  very  unfair  view,  not  only 
of  their  characters,  but  even  of  the  facts  that  occurred  in 
which  they  bore  a  leading  part. 

But  the  Assembly  were  not  contented  with  thus  cutting 
1  Baillie.  vol.  ii.  p.  360.  8  Neal,  vol.  ii.  p.  395 


270  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  heart  out  of  the  Erastian  theory ;  they  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  prepare  answers  to  the  Parliament's  questions,  fol- 
lowing out  the  principle  of  their  own  fundamental  proposi- 
tion. "  The  work  of  the  Assembly,"  says  Baillie,  "  these 
bygone  weeks  has  been  to  answer  some  very  captious  ques- 
tions of  the  Parliament,  about  the  clear  scriptural  warrant 
for  all  the  punctilios  of  the  government.  It  was  thought 
it  would  be  impossible  for  us  to  answer,  and  that  in  our 
answers  there  would  be  no  unanimity  ;  yet,  by  God's  grace, 
we  shall  deceive  them  who  were  waiting  for  our  halting. 
The  committee  has  prepared  very  solid  and  satisfactory  an- 
swers already  to  almost  all  the  questions,  wherein  there 
is  like  to  be  an  unanimity  absolute  in  all  things  material, 
even  with  the  Independents.  But  because  of  the  Assem- 
bly's way,  and  the  Independents'  miserable,  unamendable 
design  to  keep  all  things  from  any  conclusion,  it's  like  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  perfect  our  answers  for  some  time  ; 
therefore,  I  have  put  some  of  my  good  friends,  leading  men 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  to  move  the  Assembly  to  lay 
aside  our  questions  for  a  time,  and  labour  that  which  is 
most  necessary,  and  all  are  crying  for, — the  perfecting  of 
the  Confession  of  Faith  and  Catechism."  x  The  House  of 
Commons  followed  the  suggestion  here  alluded  to,  which 
was  made  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  as  the  course  of 
events  rolled  on,  and  matters  of  great  importance  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  Parliament,  little  more  inquiry  was 
made  by  the  House  respecting  the  Assembly's  answers  to 
these  questions. 

Although  the  answers  of  the  Assembly  to  these  Erastian 
questions  were  not  finally  called  for  and  printed  by  the 
Parliament,  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  their  labour 

1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  878. — This  is  a  sufficient  refutation  of  Keal's 
assertion,  that  the  Assembly  durst  not  present  their  answers  to  Parlia- 
ment for  fear  of  a  premunire. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  271 

was  not  wholly  lost  to  the  public.  For  after  the  change  of 
affairs  which  induced  the  Parliament  to  change  its  course, 
several  months  were  allowed  to  pass  away,  lest  the  Com- 
mons might  repeat  their  demand ;  but  at  length,  on  the  1st 
of  December  1646,  a  book  was  published,  entitled,  "  Jus 
Divinum  Regiminis  Ecclesiastici ;  or,  The  Divine  Eight  of 
Church  Government  Asserted  and  Evidenced  by  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  By  sundry  Ministers  of  Christ  within  the 
City  of  London."  This  work  is  an  express  and  direct 
answer  to  the  Parliament's  questions  respecting  divine 
right,  following  these  questions  in  their  order,  and  giving 
to  them  a  distinct  reply  point  by  point,  confirming  every 
argument  by  Scripture  proofs,  and  by  quotations  from  the 
writings  of  learned  and  able  ecclesiastical  authors.  Judg- 
ing from  internal  evidence,  in  matter,  manner,  and  style, 
it  appears  almost  certain  that  this  work  at  least  embodies 
the  substance  of  the  answer  prepared  by  the  Assembly, 
somewhat  enlarged  and  modified  by  the  city  ministers,  in 
whose  name  it  was  published.  This  idea  is  not  set  aside 
by  the  manner  in  which  it  is  noticed  by  Eaillie,  who 
says  :  "  The  ministers  of  London  have  put  out  this  day  a 
very  fine  book,  proving  from  Scripture  the  divine  right  of 
every  part  of  the  Presbyterial  government." '  We  do  not 
mean  to  assert,  that  the  work  published  by  the  city  mini- 
sters was  the  identical  production  of  the  Assembly ;  but 
that  so  much  of  the  one  was  transfused  into  the  other  as 
to  render  them  to  all  practical  intents  one  work,  and  to 
relieve  us  from  any  cause  to  regret  that  the  Assembly's 
answer  was  not  published.  On  the  seventh  day  after  the 
appearance  of  this  book,  the  House  of  Commons  requested 
the  Assembly  to  give  in  their  answers  to  the  jus  divinum 
queries,  as  if  to  intimate  their  suspicion  with  regard  to  the 
authorship  of  the  recent  publication  ;  but  this  demand  was 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  -ill. 


272  HISTORY   OF   THE 

not  again  repeated,  and  no  direct  notice  was  taken  of  the 
book  itself.  But  whether  the  work  in  question  was  to 
any  considerable  extent  the  production  of  the  Assembly 
Divines  or  not,  this  at  least  is  certain,  that  it  is  the  most 
complete  and  able  defence  of  Presbyterian  Church  govern- 
ment that  has  yet  appeared,  and  places  its  divine  right  on 
a  foundation  which  will  not  easily  be  shaken.1 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  events  of  great  public  im- 
portance, which  contributed  not  a  little  to  change  the  tone 
of  the  Parliament.  These  may  be  briefly  mentioned.  The 
military  affairs  of  the  year  1645  terminated  most  disastrously 
for  the  King.  All  his  armies  were  beaten  out  of  the  field, 
and  he  was  constrained  to  retreat  to  Oxford  with  the  wreck 
of  his  troops,  and  there  to  try  what  could  be  gained  by  in- 
trigues and  negotiations,  since  he  could  no  longer  maintain 
an  open  war.  During  the  course  of  these  negotiations  there 
arose  a  degree  of  alienation  between  the  English  Parliament 
and  the  Scottish  Commissioners  and  Parliament,  which 
threatened  an  open  rupture.  The  English  Parliament,  in- 
fluenced by  Cromwell  and  his  friends,  were  not  desirous  of 
peace ;  while  the  Scottish  Commissioners  made  every  effort 
to  procure  such  terms  as  the  King  might  accept  without 
absolute  submission.  It  was  while  their  temper  was  in 
this  high  and  heated  state,  that  the  English  Parliament 
treated  the  petitions  of  the  city  ministers,  and  of  the 
Assembly  itself,  with  that  scant  courtesy,  if  not  rather 
overbearing  haughtiness,  which  has  been  already  related. 
Elated  with  success,  they  could  not  brook  the  firm  and 
fearless  attitude  assumed  by  the  Presbyterian  divines,  and 
resented  the  remonstrances  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners 
and  Parliament,  as  an  improper  interference  with  their  im- 
perial dignity.     At  this  very  juncture  the  King,  despairing 

!  A  reprint  of  this  work  would  be  a  very  valuable  contribution  to 
the  Presbyterian  cause  iu  the  present  dav. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  273 

of  obtaining  from  the  English  Parliament  any  terms  to 
which  he  could  accede,  left  Oxford  in  disguise,  on  the 
27th  of  April,  and  after  wandering  about  for  a  few  days, 
arrived  at  the  quarters  of  the  Scottish  army,  which  was 
besieging  Newark,  on  the  5th  of  May  1646.  This  was 
totally  unexpected  by  either  the  army  or  the  commission- 
ers of  Scotland ;  for  though  his  majesty  had  attempted  to 
induce  the  Scottish  General  and  Committee  of  Estates  to 
espouse  his  cause  against  the  Parliament,  he  had  received 
such  an  answer  from  them  as  rendered  it,  in  their  opinion, 
impossible  that  he  would  put  himself  into  their  power.  jSTo 
sooner  was  this  event  known  in  London  than  the  tone  and 
temper  of  the  Parliament  was  very  sensibly  changed.  They 
perceived  that  it  was  no  longer  safe  to  treat  the  remon- 
strances of  Scotland  with  disrespect ;  and  as  they  were  well 
aware  how  much  the  establishment  of  Presbvterian  Church 
government  in  both  kingdoms  was  longed  for  by  the  Scottish 
Church  and  people,  they  deemed  it  expedient  to  remove 
some  of  the  obstacles  by  which  this  had  been  hitherto  pre- 
vented. 

Up  till  this  time  the  ordinance  of  March  14,  for  the 
choice  of  ruling  elders  and  the  erection  of  presbyteries,  had 
not  received  the  full  ratification  of  the  House  of  Lords  ;  and 
even  if  it  had,  it  would  have  been  inoperative,  because  the 
ministers  were  resolute  not  to  become  members  of  presby- 
teries, so  long  as  they  were  subject  to  such  Erastian  inter- 
ference, and  so  bereft  of  their=due  powers,  as  would  have  been 
the  case  under  that  ordinance.  But  on  the  5th  of  June  both 
Houses  not  only  ratified  the  ordinance,  and  on  the  9th 
issued  an  order  that  it  should  be  immediately  put  into  exe- 
cution,1 but  also  at  the  same  time  laid  aside  the  clause 
respecting  provincial  commissioners  to  judge  of  new  cases 
of  scandal, — thus  removing  the  main  obstacle  to  its  recep- 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  213. 
S 


274  HISTORY   OF   THE 

tion  by  the  ministers.  This  concession  having  been  made, 
the  Assembly  Divines  and  the  city  ministers  met  at  Sion 
College,  on  the  19th  of  June,  and  after  some  conference, 
agreed  upon  a  declaration,  expressing  approbation  of  what 
had  been  done,  specifying  what  was  still  defective,  and 
declaring  that  they  now  conceive  it  to  be  their  duty  to  put 
in  practice  the  present  settlement,  as  far  as  they  conceive 
it  correspondent  with  the  Word  of  God.1 

1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  377 ;  Neal,  vol.  ii.  p.  396.     In  this  instance  also 
the  account  of  Neal  is  unfair  and  inaccurate,  to  use  no  harsher  terms. 


WESTMINISTER  ASSEMBLY.  275 


CHAPTEK  VII. 

THE  ERASTIAN  CONTROVERSY — Continued. 

Bearing  of  Political  Events  on  the  Parliament's  Conduct — The  King 
surrendered — Vindication  of  Scotland's  Conduct — First  Meeting 
of  the  Synod  of  London — And  of  Lancashire — Last  Votes  of 
Parliament  on  the  subject  of  Presbyterian  Church  Government — 
Discussion  concerning  the  Confession  of  Faith — Vindication  of  it 
from  the  Charge  of  being  Tainted  with  Erastiauism — Ratified,  with 
some  Exceptions — The  Literature  of  the  Erastian  Controversy. 

The  actual  erection  of  Presbyteries  did  not  immediately 
follow  this  ordinance  of  Parliament,  and  consent  of  the  As- 
sembly and  the  city  ministers ;  for  the  attention  of  the 
whole  community  was  strongly  attracted  to  the  negotiations 
between  the  King  and  the  Parliaments  of  the  two  kingdoms, 
as  also  between  the  two  Parliaments  themselves.  It  scarcely 
falls  within  our  province  to  relate  even  an  outline  of  the 
political  intrigues  which  distracted  the  kingdom  for  many 
months  after  his  majesty's  retreat  to  the  Scottish  army  ;  yet 
so  much  must  be  stated  as  is  necessary  to  explain  the  bear- 
ing of  these  events  upon  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  determination  of 
the  King  to  seek  a  retreat  in  the  Scottish  army,  was  the 
result  of  a  complication  of  circumstances  and  of  intrigues, 
— circumstances  which  he  could  not  control,  and  intrigues 
in  which  he  and  his  adherents  were  mutually  deceivers  and 
deceived.  The  fortune  of  war  had  been  decisively  against 
him,  so  that  he  could  no  longer  expect  to  recover  his  power 
by  conauest ;  and  the  demands  of  the  Parliament  rose  with 


276  HISTORY   OF   THE 

their  success,  so  that  he  was  constrained  to  contemplate  the 
necessity  of  submission,  if  he  could  not  contrive  to  divide 
his  victorious  antagonists.  For  that  purpose  he  carried  on 
a  series  of  intrigues  with  all  parties  that  would  listen  to 
him,  particularly  with  the  Independents  in  both  army  and 
Parliament.  The  decided  ground  taken  by  the  Scottish 
Parliament,  Church,  and  nation,  in  behalf  of  their  religious 
liberties,  as  stated  in  their  Covenant,  which  he  regarded 
with  intense  hostility,  rendered  him  unwilling  to  hold  inter- 
course with  them,  and  at  the  same  time  made  it  more  than 
doubtful  whether  any  measure  of  success  could  be  expected 
to  follow  such  an  attempt.  But  the  disagreement  which 
took  place  between  the  English  Parliament  and  the  Scottish 
Commissioners  seemed  to  give  some  reason  to  hope  that,  by 
skilful  management,  it  might  at  last  be  possible  to  disunite 
the  kingdoms,  and  through  their  disunion  to  recover  his 
own  ascendency  over  both.  A  French  agent  was  sent  to 
the  Scottish  army  to  sound  the  Committee  of  Estates,  who 
were  with  it ;  and  upon  receiving  a  half-favourable  report 
from  this  agent,  the  King  resolved  to  go  in  person  to  the 
Scottish  army, — hoping,  by  such  an  apparent  act  of  confi- 
dence in  their  honour  and  loyalty,  to  render  it  impossible 
for  them  to  do  otherwise  than  espouse  his  cause.  But  his 
private  agent  deceived  him, — he  deceived  himself, — and 
the  Scottish  generals  and  statesmen  were  not  deceived. 

At  the  very  first  interview  which  the  King  had  with  his 
Scottish  subjects,  they  gave  him  distinctly  to  know,  that 
they  neither  could  nor  would  do  anything  contrary  to  their 
engagement  with  England  in  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  or  to  the  spirit  of  that  sacred  document.  And 
in  a  letter  to  the  Committee  of  both  kingdoms,  written 
immediately  after  his  majesty's  arrival,  they  declared, 
"  That  they  were  astonished  at  the  providence  of  the  King's 
coming  to  their  army ;  and  desired  that  it  might  be  im- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  277 

proved  to  the  best  advantage  for  promoting  the  work  of 
uniformity,  for  settling  of  religion  and  righteousness,  and 
attaining  of  peace,  according  to  the  Covenant  and  Treaty, 
by  advice  of  the  Parliaments  of  both  kingdoms,  or  their 
commissioners  :  And  they  further  declare,  that  there  hath 
been  no  treaty  betwixt  his  majesty  and  them ;  and  in  so 
deep  a  business  they  desire  the  advice  of  the  Committee 
of  both  kingdoms."1     The  King  soon  perceived  that  he 
had  both  overrated  his  own  personal  influence  and  under- 
valued the  power  of  religious  principle — that  he  had-  de- 
ceived himself,  and  had  now  to  do  with  men  who  were  too 
sagacious  to  be  deluded,  and  too  high-principled  to  be 
turned  from  the  path  of  integrity  and  truth.      Finding 
that  he  was  not  likely  to  gain  the  object  which  he  had  in 
view,  the  King  wrote  to  the  English  Parliament,  request- 
ing permission  "  to  come  to  London  with  safety,  freedom, 
and  honour  ;  "  declaring,  that  he  was  resolved  "  to  comply 
with  the  Houses  in  what  should  be  most  for  the  good  of 
his  subjects."     The  Parliament  itself  had  previously  re- 
solved to  demand  the  King's  person,  declaring,  "  That  in 
England  the  disposal  of  him  belonged  to  the  Parliament  of 
England,  and  that  the  Scots  army  were  in  pay  of  the  Par- 
liament of  England ;  that  the  King  ought  to  be  near  his 
Parliament ;  and  that  this  was  consonant  to  the   Cove- 
nant."1    And  in  order  to  get  quit  of  the  Scottish  army  as 
quickly  as  possible,   they  voted,   a  few  days  afterwards, 
"  That  this  kingdom  had  no  further  need  of  the  army  of 
their  brethren  the  Scots  in  this  kingdom."     So  early  was 
it  apparent  that  the  English  Parliament  was  determined  to 
obtain  possession  of  their  sovereign's  person,  and  that  the 
Scottish  nation  could  not  otherwise  protect  him  than  by 
friendly  negotiation,  so  as  to  secure  a  peace  including  his 
safety  ;  or  by  declaring  war  against  England  in  his  behalf, 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  210. 


278  HISTORY  OF  THE 

contrary  to  their  obligations  in  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  and  contrary  to  their  own  determination  to  de- 
fend religious  liberty, — of  which  the  King  was  the  known 
and  determined  enemy.  This  they  saw  clearly  ;  and  being 
at  the  same  time  aware  of  the  republican  inclinations  of 
Cromwell  and  his  strong  party,  they  perceived  that  the 
only  way  in  which  they  could  interfere  to  preserve  his 
majesty,  without  incurring  the  guilt  of  perjury,  was  to 
persuade  him,  if  possible,  to  sign  the  Covenant,  and  con- 
sent to  the  establishment  of  Presbyterian  Church  govern- 
ment. But  to  this  no  force  of  argument,  no  urgency  of 
persuasion,  no  tearful  earnestness  of  entreaty,  could  induce 
him  to  consent ;  and  after  spending  several  months  in 
fruitless  negotiations,  they  were  constrained  to  abandon 
the  impracticable  attempt,  and  to  leave  him  to  pursue  the 
fatal  course  along  which  he  was  driven  by  his  own  wilful 
and  infatuated  obstinacy,  and  by  the  pernicious  advice  of 
his  narrow-minded  and  selfish  prelatic  counsellors. 

It  may  be  necessary  here  to  state,  what  it  would  not  be 
difficult  to  prove  beyond  the  power  of  dispute,  did  our 
limits  and  the  nature  of  this  work  permit,  that  there  was 
no  connection  whatever  between  the  payment  of  the  arrears 
due  to  the  Scottish  army,  and  the  surrendering  of  the  King 
to  the  English  Parliament.  A  short  statement  of  facts  is 
all  that  can  here  be  given ;  but  that  may  be  enough,  at 
least  to  every  mind  not  thickly  incrusted  with  prejudice. 
From  the  time  when  the  victories  of  the  English  armies 
rendered  them  able  to  cope  with  the  King  without  the 
assistance  of  the  Scotttch  forces,  the  Parliament  was  desirous 
to  secure  the  entire  glory  and  advantage  of  their  triumph  to 
themselves.  Eor  this  purpose  they  did  every  thing  in 
their  power  to  irritate  and  disparage  the  Scottish  army. 
They  withheld  the  payment  of  the  troops,  constraining 
them  to  have  recourse  to  the  ungracious  procedure  of  levy- 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  279 

ing  the  means  of  subsistence  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country ;  and  they  listened  readily  to  the  complaints 
which  were  made  of  these  exactions.  Thus  hampered  and 
discouraged,  the  Scottish  army  was  unable  to  perform  any 
signal  exploit,  while  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  received  every 
aid  and  encouragement  that  Parliament  could  give.  The 
Scottish  army  was  naturally  indignant  at  such  treatment, 
and  even  entertained  some  apprehension,  that  if  Fairfax 
should  take  Oxford,  and  obtain  possession  of  the  King's 
person,  he  would  direct  his  force  against  them,  and  compel 
them  to  fight,  or  to  retire  without  any  thing  having  been 
accomplished  for  which  they  had  entered  England.  Their 
position  at  Newark,  almost  in  the  centre  of  the  kingdom, 
rendered  this  peculiarly  hazardous  ;  and  therefore,  as  soon 
as  the  King  came  to  the  army,  and  Newark  surrendered, 
they  began  their  march  northwards,  and  ceased  not  til] 
they  arrived  at  Newcastle,  where  they  took  up  their  quarters, 
waiting  the  course  of  negotiations  to  secure  peace,  if  practic- 
able, and  occupying  a  favourable  position  for  war,  if  peace 
could  not  be  obtained,  and  the  King  should  be  persuade  to 
sign  the  Covenant. 

Even  before  the  negotiations  for  peace  commenced  on 
the  19  th  of  May,  the  English  Parliament  voted  that  an 
hundred  thousand  pounds  should  be  paid  to  the  Scottish 
army,  one  half  after  they  should  have  surrendered  Newcastle, 
Carlisle,  and  the  other  English  garrisons  in  their  possession, 
and  the  other  half  after  their  advance  into  Scotland.1 
The  Scottish  Commissioners,  knowing  that  the  Parliament 
had  not  the  means  of  obtaining  a  large  supply  of  money 
without  the  consent  and  support  of  the  city  of  London, 
gladly  availed  themselves  of  the  idea  which  this  offer  sug- 
gested, and  demanded  a  much  larger  sum,  with  the  strong 
conviction  that  the  Parliament  neither  could  nor  would 
1  Whitelocke,  p.  211. 


280  HISTORY   OF   THE 

grant  their  demand,  and  that  during  the  delay  caused  by 
this  new  element  of  negotiation,  they  might  persuade  the 
King  to  consent  to  the  offered  terms  of  peace.  "  It's  all 
our  skill,"  says  Baillie,  "  to  gain  a  little  time.  Their  first 
offer  to  us  was  of  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
for  the  disbanding  of  our  army.  We,  this  day  (August 
18th),  gave  them  in  a  paper,  wherein  we  were  peremptor 
for  more  than  double  that  suni  for  the  present,  beside  the 
huge  sums  which  we  crave  to  be  paid  afterward.  They 
have  appointed  a  committee  to  confer  with  us  ;  we  are  in 
some  hopes  of  agreement.  The  money  must  be  borrowed 
in  the  city,  and  here  will  be  the  question  ;  they  are  our 
loving  friends  ;  but  before  they  will  part  with  more  money, 
they  will  press  hard  the  disbanding  of  their  own  army  as 
well  as  ours."1  Again  he  says,  "When  the  King's  unhappy 
answer  to  the  Commissioners  came  hither,  it  was  our  great 
care  to  divert  this  Parliament  from  all  deliberation  about 
the  King,  till  he  had  yet  some  more  time  of  advice.  We 
cast  in  the  debate  of  our  army's  return,  and  rendering  the 
garrisons."  On  the  1st  of  September  the  House  of  Com- 
mons held  a  long  debate  on  the  demand  of  the  Scottish 
army's  payment ;  and  on  the  5th  of  the  same  month  voted 
the  sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  on  their  advance 
to  Scotland,  if  it  could  be  raised,  and  appointed  a  committee 
to  manage  the  matter.2  But  so  far  from  this  being  the 
price  of  the  King's  surrender  to  the  Parliament,  the  ques- 
tion respecting  the  disposal  of  his  person  continued  to  be 
keenly  debated  between  the  two  kingdoms  for  above  four 
months  longer,  before  Scotland  would  consent  to  relinquish 
the  desperate  and  hopeless  task  of  endeavouring  to  save  the 
infatuated  and  uncomplying  King.  During  that  period 
Charles  wrote  repeatedly  to  the  English  Parliament,  ex- 
pressing his  desire  to  be  near  them,  the  more  speedily  and 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  301.  *  Wliitelocke,  pp.  225,  226. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  281 

effectually  to  conclude  the  long-continued  negotiations. 
Sadly  and  unwillingly  at  last  the  Scottish  Committee  of 
Estates  relinquished  the  care  of  his  majesty's  person  to  the 
Commissioners  of  the  English  Parliament,  on  the  30th  of 
January  1647,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  agreement  to 
that  effect  which  had  been  concluded  between  the  two 
kingdoms,  and  published  in  the  form  of  a  declaration  by 
the  Scottish  Parliament  on  the  1 6th  of  January. 

The  simple  statement  of  these  facts  and  dates  ought  to 
be  enough  to  set  aside  for  ever  the  false  and  calumnious 
assertion  that  Scotland  sold  her  King.  The  payment  of 
the  army's  arrears  was  voted  by  the  English  Parliament  on 
the  5th  of  September;  the  negotiations  respecting  the  King 
were  not  concluded  till  the  16th  of  January.  It  was  im- 
possible to  preserve  him,  without  a  breach  of  the  League 
with  England,  a  violation  of  the  National  Covenant,  and 
the  forcible  retention  of  their  Sovereign's  person,  against 
his  own  will,  even  when  engaging  in  a  perilous  war  against 
a  more  powerful  kingdom  in  his  defence.  His  own  incur- 
able dissimulation  and  obstinacy  urged  him  on  his  fate, 
which  Scotland  foresaw  and  deplored,  but  could  not  avert. 

To  return  to  the  subject  more  immediately  within  our 
province.  Although  the  Assembly  Divines  and  the  city 
ministers  had  expressed  their  opinion  that  they  could  at 
length  consent  to  put  into  practical  operation  the  Presby- 
terian Church  government,  as  sanctioned  by  Parliament, 
they  still  complained  of  its  defectiveness,  and  were  in  no 
haste  to  form  themselves  into  Presbyteries.  Eepeated  ap- 
plications were  made  to  Parliament  for  the  removal  of  the 
obstacles  that  still  remained ;  and  on  the  2 2d  of  April 
1647,  the  Houses  published  resolutions,  entitled,  "Remedies 
for  removing  some  obstructions  to  Church  government  ■ " 
in  which  they  ordered  letters  to  be  sent  to  the  several 
counties  of  England,  requiring  the  ministers  immediately 


282  HISTORY  OF  THE 

to  form  themselves  into  distinct  Presbyteries  ;  and  appoint- 
ing the  ministers  and  elders  of  the  several  Presb)rteries  of 
the  province  of  London,  to  hold  their  Provincial  Assenilly 
in  the  Convocation-house  of  St  Paul's,  on  the  first  Monday 
of  May.  According  to  this  appointment,  the  first  meeting 
of  the  Provincial  Assembly  or  Synod  of  London  was  held 
on  the  3d  of  May  1647.1  At  this  Synod  there  were  about 
one  hundred  and  eight  persons  present,  and  Dr  Gouge  was 
chosen  prolocutor  or  moderator.  The  province  of  London 
was  divided  into  twelve  Presbyteries;  and  in  the  formation 
of  the  Synod  each  Presbytery  chose  two  ministers  and  four 
elders,  as  their  representatives  or  commissioners.  The 
ministers  of  Lancashire  were  also  formed  into  Presbyteries 
and  a  Synod  ;  and  in  many  other  counties  they  associated 
themselves  for  the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
though  not  in  the  regular  form  of  Presbyteries  and  Synods. 
There  was  now  no  positive  obstruction  to  the  regular 
and  final  organization  of  Presbyterian  Church  government, 
except  the  still  pending  treaties  between  the  King  and  the 
Parliament.  Knowing  the  King's  attachment  to  Prelacy 
and  his  strong  dislike  to  Presbytery,  the  Parliament  did 
not  wish  to  make  a  final  and  permanent  establishment  of 
the  latter  form  of  Church  government  till  they  should  have 
endeavoured  to  persuade  his  majesty  to  consent,  so  that 
it  might  be  engrossed  in  the  treaty,  and  thereby  obtain  the 
conclusive  ratification  of  the  royal  signature.  But  after 
the  army  had  for  a  time  overawed  the  Parliament,  when 
the  Houses  again  recovered  something  like  the  free  exercise 
of  their  legislative  functions,  they  voted,  "  That  the  King 
be  desired  to  give  his  sanction  to  such  Acts  as  shall  be  pre 
sented  to  him,  for  settling  the  Presbyterian  government  for 
three  years,  with  a  provision  that  no  person  shall  be  liable 
to  any  question  or  penalty,  only  for  nonconformity  to  the 
1  Rushworth,  vol.  vi.  p.  476. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  283 

said  government,  or  to  the  form  of  divine  services  appoint- 
ed in  the  ordinances.  And  that  such  as  shall  not  volun- 
tarily conform  to  the  said  form  of  government  and  divine 
service,  shall  have  liberty  to  meet  for  the  service  and  wor- 
ship of  God,  and  for  exercise  of  religious  duties  and  ordi- 
nances, in  a  fit  and  convenient  place,  so  as  nothing  be 
done  by  them  to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace  of  the  king- 
dom. And  provided  that  this  extend  not  to  any  toleration 
of  the  Popish  religion,  nor  to  any  penalties  imposed  upon 
Popish  recusants,  nor  to  tolerate  the  practice  of  any  thing 
contrary  to  the  principles  of  Christian  religion,  contained 
in  the  Apostles'  Creed,  as  it  is  expounded  in  the  Articles 
of  the  Church  of  England  :  nor  to  any  thing  contrary  to 
the  point  of  faith,  for  the  ignorance  whereof  men  are  to  be 
kept  from  the  Lord's  Supper  ;  nor  to  excuse  any  from  the 
penalties  for  not  coming  to  hear  the  Word  of  God  on  the 
Lord's  day  in  any  church  or  chapel,  unless  he  can  show  a 
reasonable  cause,  or  was  hearing  the  Word  of  God  preached 
or  expounded  elsewhere."  These  were  the  votes  of  the 
Lords  ;  and  to  these  the  Commons  added,  "That  the  Pres- 
byterian government  be  established  till  the  end  of  the  next 
session  of  Parliament,  which  was  to  be  a  year  after  that 
date.  That  the  tenths  and  maintenance  belonging  to  any 
church  shall  be  only  to  such  as  can  submit  to  the  Presby- 
terian government,  and  to  none  other.  That  liberty  of 
conscience  granted  shall  extend  to  none  that  shall  preach, 
print,  or  publish,  any  thing  contrary  to  the  first  fifteen  of 
the  Thirty-Nine  Articles,  except  the  eighth.  That  it  ex- 
tend not  to  Popish  recusants,  or  taking  away  any  penal 
laws  against  them.  That  the  indulgence  to  tender  con- 
sciences shall  not  extend  to  tolerate  the  Common  Prayer."1 
These  votes  were  passed  on  the  13th  day  of  October  1647, 
and  may  be  regarded  as  the  final  settlement  of  the  Presby- 
»  Whitelocke,  pp.  275,  276. 


284  HISTORY   OF   THE 

terian  Church  government,  so  far  as  that  was  done  by  the 
Long  Parliament,  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines.  For  before  the  expira- 
tion of  the  period  named  by  the  Parliament,  the  Parliament 
itself  had  sunk  beneath  the  power  of  Cromwell,  whose 
policy  was  to  establish  no  form  of  Church  government,  but 
to  keep  every  thing  dependent  upon  himself,  though  his 
chief  favours  were  bestowed  upon  the  Independents. 

There  is  but  one  point  more  connected  with  the  Erastian 
controversy  which  requires  to  be  stated,  namely,  its  effect 
upon  the  formation  and  ratification  of  the  Confession  of 
Faith.  For  a  considerable  time  after  the  Assembly  com- 
menced its  deliberations,  the  chief  subjects  which  occupied 
its  attention  were,  the  Directories  for  public  worship,  and 
ordination,  and  the  form  of  Church  government,  including 
the  power  of  Church  censure.  Till  some  satisfactory  con- 
clusions had  been  reached  on  these  points,  the  Assembly 
abstained  from  entering  upon  the  less  agitating,  but  not 
less  important  work  of  framing  a  Confession  of  Faith. 
But  having  completed  their  task,  so  far  as  depended  upon 
themselves,  they  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  and 
arrange  the  main  propositions  which  were  to  be  discussed 
and  digested  into  a  system  by  the  Assembly.  The  mem- 
bers of  this  committee  were,  Dr  Hoyle,  Dr  Gouge,  Messrs 
Herle,  Gataker,  Tuckney,  Reynolds,  and  Vines,  with  the 
Scottish  Commissioners.1  These  learned  and  able  divines 
began  their  labours  by  arranging  in  the  most  systematic 
order  the  various  great  and  sacred  truths  which  God  has 
revealed  to  man ;  and  reduced  these  to  thirty-two  distinct 
heads  or  chapters,  each  having  a  title  expressive  of  its  sub- 
ject. These  were  again  subdivided  into  sections ;  and  the 
committee  formed  themselves  into  several  sub-committees, 
each  of  whom  took  a  specific  topic,  for  the  sake  of  exact 
1  See  Note  B. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  285 

and  concentrated  deliberation.  When  these  sub-committees 
had  completed  their  respective  tasks,  the  whole  was  laid 
before  the  entire  committee,  and  any  alterations  suggested 
and  debated  till  all  were  of  one  mind.  And  when  any 
title  or  chapter  had  been  thus  fully  prepared  by  the  com- 
mittee, it  was  reported  to  the  Assembly,  and  again  sub- 
jected to  the  most  minute  and  careful  investigation,  in 
every  paragraph,  sentence,  and  word.  It  is  exceedingly 
gratifying  to  be  able  to  state,  that  throughout  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  Assembly,  when  composing  the  Confession  of 
Faith,  there  prevailed  almost  an  entire  and  perfect  har- 
mony. There  appear,  indeed,  to  have  been  only  two  sub- 
jects on  which  any  difference  of  opinion  existed  among 
them.  The  one  of  these  was  the  doctrine  of  election, 
concerning  which,  as  Baillie  says,  they  had  long  and  tough 
debates ;  "  Yet,"  he  adds,  "  thanks  to  God,  all  is  gone 
right  according  to  our  mind."1  The  other  was  that  of 
which  mention  has  been  already  made,  namely,  that  "  the 
Lord  Jesus,  as  King  and  Head  of  His  Church,  has  therein 
appointed  a  government  in  the  hand  of  Church-officers 
distinct  from  the  civil  magistrate ;"  which  appears  as  the 
fundamental  proposition  of  the  chapter  entitled  "  Of 
Church  censures."  This  proposition  the  Assembly  mani- 
festly intended  and  understood  to  contain  a  principle 
directly  and  necessarily  opposed  to  the  very  essence  of 
Erastianism ;  and  it  was  regarded  in  the  same  light  by  the 
Erastians  themselves,  consequently  it  became  the  subject  of 
long  and  earnest  discussion,  and  was  strenuously  opposed 
by  Lightfoot  and  Coleman,  especially  the  latter.  But  Cole- 
man falling  ill  and  dying  before  the  debate  was  concluded, 
it  was  carried,  the  sole  dissentient  voice  being  that  of  Light- 
foot.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Erastian  lay-assessors  at- 
tempted to  debate  the  point  in  the  Assembly,  but  wisely,  or 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  325. 


286  HISTORY   OF   THE 

at  least  cunningly,  reserved  their  opposition  for  the  House 
of  Commons,  being  aware  that  their  strength  lay  in  power, 
not  argument.  The  whole  influence  of  the  Erastians  did 
not  succeed  in  modifying,  no,  not  by  one  word,  the  state- 
ment of  the  Assembly's  faith  on  this  vital  point ;  although 
some  have  had  the  hardihood  to  assert  that  they  conde- 
scended to  compromise  the  question.  The  conduct  of  the 
Assembly  in  the  Erastian  controTersy  contrasts  strongly 
with  their  conduct  in  the  Independent  controversy.  With 
the  Independents  there  were  many  instances  of  compromise 
and  accommodation,  or  at  least  of  attempts  in  that  direc- 
tion j  with  the  Erastians  none,  no,  not  so  much  as  one. 
They  could  not  compel  the  Parliament  to  give  its  sanction 
to  all  that  they  proposed ;  but  they  could  and  did  state 
freely  and  fearlessly  what  they  believed  to  be  the  truth, 
earnestly  and  urgently  petitioning  that  it  might  be  ratified, 
then  leaving  the  legislative  powers  to  accept  or  reject  on 
their  own  responsibility.  To  the  Independents,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  showed  the  utmost  leniency;  and  while 
they  could  not  abandon  their  own  conscientious  convic- 
tions, they  were  extremely  reluctant  to  deal  harshly  with 
the  conscientious  scruples  of  men  whom  they  regarded  as 
brethren. 

Some  discussion  took  place  on  the  thirty-first  chapter  in 
the  Confession,  respecting  Synods  and  Councils ;  but  that 
subject  also  was  carried  in  the  express  language  of  the 
Assembly,  and  without  any  Erastian  modification.  The 
first  half  of  the  Confession  was  laid  before  the  Parliament 
early  in  October  1646,  and  on  the  26th  of  November  the 
remainder  was  produced  to  the  Assembly  in  its  completed 
form,  when  the  prolocutor  returned  thanks  to  the  com 
mittees,  in  the  name  of  the  Assembly,  for  their  great  pains 
in  perfecting  the  work  committed  to  them.  It  was  then 
carefully  transcribed;  and  on  the  3d  of  December  1646, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  287 

it  was  presented  to  Parliament,  by  the  whole  Assembly  in 
a  body,  under  the  title  of  "The  Humble  Advice  of  the 
Assembly  of  Divines  and  others,  now  by  the  authority  of 
Parliament  sitting  at  Westminster,  concerning  a  Confession 
of  Faith."  On  the  7th,  Parliament  ordered  "  five  hundred 
copies  of  it  to  be  printed  for  the  members  of  both  Houses ; 
and  that  the  Assembly  do  bring  in  their  marginal  notes,  to 
prove  every  part  of  it  by  Scripture."  x  There  is  strong  rea- 
son to  believe  that  the  House  of  Commons  demanded  the 
insertion  of  the  Scripture  texts,  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing an  additional  period  of  delay,  as  indeed  Baillie  pretty 
plainly  intimates. 

The  Assembly,  accordingly,  resumed  their  task,  and 
afler  encountering  a  number  of  interposing  obstacles,  again 
produced  the  Confession  of  Faith,  with  full  scriptural  proofs 
annexed  to  all  its  propositions,  and  laid  it  before  the  Parlia- 
ment on  the  29th  day  of  April  1647.  The  thanks  of  the 
House  were  given  to  the  Assembly  for  their  labours  in  this 
important  matter ;  and  "  six  hundred  copies  were  ordered 
to  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Houses  and  the  Assembly; 
and  no  more,  and  that  none  presume  to  reprint  the  same, 
till  further  orders." 2  The  appointed  number  of  copies 
having  been  printed,  they  were  delivered  to  the  members 
of  both  Houses  by  Mr  Byfield,  on  the  19th  of  May,  when 
it  was  resolved  to  consider  the  whole  production,  article  by 
article,  previous  to  its  being  published  with  the  sanction  of 
Parliament,  as  the  Confession  of  Faith  held  by  that  Church 
on  which  they  meant  to  confer  the  benefits  of  a  national 
establishment.  But  the  deliberations  of  the  Parliament 
were  interrupted  by  the  insurrection  of  the  army,  and  the 
numerous,  protracted,  and  unsatisfactory  negotiations  in 
which  they  were  engaged  with  the  King ;  so  that  they  had 
not   completed  their   examination  of  the  Confession  till 

1  Whitelocke,  p.  233.  2  Euslxworth,  vol.  vi.  p.  473. 


288  HISTORY   OF   THE 

March  1648.  On  the  22d  day  of  that  month  a  confer- 
ence was  held  between  the  two  Houses,  to  compare  their 
opinions  respecting  the  Confession  of  Faith,  the  result  of 
which  is  thus  stated  by  Eush worth  :  "  The  Commons  this 
day  (March  22d),  at  a  conference,  presented  the  Lords  with 
the  Confession  of  Faith  passed  by  them,  with  some  altera- 
tions, viz.,  That  they  do  agree  with  their  Lordships,  and 
so  with  the  Assembly,  in  the  doctrinal  part,  and  desire  the 
same  may  be  made  public,  that  this  kingdom,  and  all  the 
Eeformed  Churches  of  Christendom,  may  see  the  Parlia- 
ment of  England  differ  not  in  doctrine.  In  some  parti- 
culars there  were  some  phrases  altered,  as  in  that  of  tribute 
being  due  to  the  magistrate,  they  put  dues :  to  the  degree 
of  marriage  they  refer  to  the  law  established :  particulars 
in  discipline  are  recommitted :  and  for  the  title,  they  make 
it  not,  '  A  Confession  of  Faith?  because  not  so  runni?ig, 
'  I  confess?  at  the  beginning  of  every  section  ;  but,  *  Articles 
of  Faith  agreed  upon  by  both  Houses  of  Parliament?  as 
most  suitable  to  the  former  title  of  the  Thirty -Nine 
Articles."1 

Such  was  the  last  positive  enactment  made  by  the 
English  Parliament  respecting  the  Confession  of  Faith  ; 
for  the  subsequent  mention  made  of  it,  and  of  other  par- 
ticulars in  Presbyterian  Church  government,  during  the 
course  of  their  negotiations  with  the  King,  were  not  enact- 
ments, but  attempts  at  accommodation  with  his  majesty, 
with  the  view  of  endeavouring  to  secure  a  satisfactory  basis 
for  a  permanent  peace  to  Church  and  State.  And  it  will 
be  observed,  that  the  only  material  defect  mentioned  in 
this  reported  conference  between  the  Houses  is,  that  "par- 
ticulars in  discipline  are  recommitted."  These  "  particu- 
lars "  are  said  to  have  been  the  thirtieth  chapter,  "  Of 
Church  censures  ; "  the  thirty -first  chapter,  "  Of  Synods 
x  Buslnvorth,  vol.  vii.  p.  1035. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  289 

and  Councils;"  and  the  fourth  section  of  the  twentieth 
chapter,  "  Of  Christian  liberty,  and  liberty  of  conscience." 
The  enumeration  of  these  particulars  rests  on  the  authority 
of  Xeal,1  which  is  by  no  means  unimpeachable,  but  it  is 
in  itself  probable,  being  quite  consistent  with  the  views  of 
the  Erastians,  whose  chief  hostility  was  directed  against 
the  power  of  Church  discipline,  of  which  the  chapters 
specified  contain  an  explicit  statement,  according  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Assembly.  It  is  of  some  importance  to 
remark,  that  these  "particulars  in  discipline"  were  not 
rejected  by  the  English  Parliament,  as  is  generally  asserted, 
but  merely  recommitted,  or  referred  to  a  committee  to  be 
more  maturely  considered.  But  as  the  Parliament  itself 
not  long  afterwards  fell  under  the  power  of  the  army,  and 
was  at  length  forcibly  dissolved  by  Cromwell,  the  com- 
mittee never  returned  a  report,  and  consequently  these 
particulars  were  never  either  formally  rejected  or  ratified 
bty  the  Parliament  of  England.  The  fact  of  their  having 
been  recommitted  is  of  itself  enough  to  prove  that  they 
were  not,  in  the  estimation  of  such  men  as  Selden  and 
Whitelocke,  susceptible  of  an  Erastian  interpretation,  al- 
though such  an  opinion  has  been  hazarded  by  men  cer- 
tainly not  a  little  their  inferiors  in  learning,  legal  acumen, 
and  intellectual  power. 

A  full  account  of  the  literature  of  the  Erastian  contro- 
versy would  be  an  extremely  interesting  and  highly  im- 
portant production ;  but  to  attempt  anything  more  than  a 
very  brief  outline  of  it  here  would  lead  to  a  digression  far 
beyond  our  limits.  "We  shall  therefore  mention  almost  solely 
those  works  which  were  either  written  by  some  of  the  West- 
minster Divines,  or  were  closely  connected  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  that  venerable  Assembly.  A  few  preliminary 
sentences,  however,  may  be  of  use  to  introduce  the  subject. 

1  Keal,  vol.  ii.  p.  429. 
T 


290  HISTORY  OF  THE 

During  the  earliest  ages  of  Christianity  the  only  rela- 
tionship in  which  the  civil  magistrate  and  the  Church 
stood  towards  each  other,  was  that  which  exists  between 
persecutors  and  the  persecuted.  When  at  length  Constan- 
tine  avowed  himself  a  Christian,  persecution  ceased,  and 
the  more  friendly  relation  of  granting  and  receiving  protec- 
tion became  that  between  the  State  and  the  Church.  But 
Christianity  had  already  become  deeply  tainted  with  the 
antichristian  leaven ;  Prelacy  had  raised  its  haughty  head, 
equally  inclined  to  domineer  over  what  it  regarded  as  the 
inferior  orders  of  the  clergy,  and  over  the  people,  and  to 
arrogate  to  itself  exemption  from  the  control  of  the  civil 
magistrate,  even  in  civil  matters.  A  protracted  struggle 
ensued  between  the  imperial  and  royal  powers  and  the 
Bishop  of  Kome,  the  issue  of  which  was,  not  merely  an 
exemption  of  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  even  persons,  from 
civil  authority,  but  the  establishment  of  a  supremacy  over 
civil  rulers  and  civil  matters  wielded  by  the  Romish  hier- 
archy, and  forming  a  complete  spiritual  and  civil  despot- 
ism. This  fearful  and  degrading  despotism  was  over- 
thrown by  the  Reformation :  and  although  the  great  and 
wise  Christian  divines  and  patriots  by  whose  instrumen- 
tal^ the  Reformation  was  effected,  were  unable  entirely 
to  perfect  their  work,  }retthey  all,  more  or  less  clearly,  indi- 
cated their  judgment  that  the  two  jurisdictions,  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  ought  to  be,  and  to  remain  co-ordinate  and 
distinct,  mutually  supporting  and  supported,  but  each  ab- 
staining from  interference  with  the  other's  intrinsic  and 
inherent  rights,  privileges,  and  powers.  In  some  countries 
this  high  and  true  theory  was  clearly  developed,  in  others 
more  obscurely,  and  in  some  not  at  all.  In  no  part  of 
Reformed  Christendom  was  it  so  distinctly  stated,  and  so 
fully  realised,  as  in  Scotland ;  and  nowhere  was  it  so 
thoroughly  rejected  as  in  England.     In  England,  indeed. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  291 

the  exact  counterpoint  of  the  Eomish  system  was  estab- 
lished, the  King's  ecclesiastical  supremacy  rendering  him 
equally  judge  of  ecclesiastical  as  of  civil  matters.  It  was 
soon  found  that  in  this,  as  in  all  other  things,  extremes 
meet ;  the  King,  by  a  slight  transfer  of  terms,  became  a 
civil  pope,  and  the  country  was  oppressed  by  a  complete 
civil  and  spiritual  despotism. 

In  the  meantime,  the  great  principle  of  truth  and  free- 
dom, the  principle  of  distinct  and  co-ordinate  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  jurisdictions,  was  assailed  on  the  Continent 
by  Erastus,  and  became  a  subject  of  speculative  thought 
and  controversial  literature.  Unfortunately  for  the  cause 
of  truth  and  freedom,  the  great  men  of  the  Eeformation 
had  nearly  all  departed  from  the  scene  of  their  labours  and 
triumphs  before  the  Erastian  theory  was  fully  brought 
forward,  so  that  it  was  not  at  once  met  and  overthrown  as 
it  would  otherwise  have  been.  And  besides,  it  was  too 
accordant  with  the  views  and  feelings  of  men  of  secular 
minds  not  to  obtain  a  ready  credence  and  a  hearty  welcome 
from  politicians,  who  can  form  no  higher  idea  of  a  Church 
than  an  engine  of  State ;  from  lawyers,  who  can  conceive 
no  higher  rule  than  statutory  enactments  ;  and  from  irreli- 
gious and  immoral  men,  who  equally  detest  and  fear  the 
strict  and  pure  severity  of  divinely  authorised  Christian 
discipline.  In  England,  also,  the  despotism  of  the  Prelatic 
hierarchy  tended  to  produce,  in  the  minds  of  all  zealous 
assertors  of  freedom,  an  instinctive  dread  of  ecclesiastical 
power,  and  rendered  many  men  Erastians  from  terror  and 
in  self-defence,  not  because  they  had  studied  the  theory, 
and  been  convinced  of  its  truth.  Such  men  were  ready  to 
oppose  the  establishment  of  Presbyterian  Church  govern- 
ment on  the  ground  of  divine  right,  not  because  they  were 
convinced  that  no  system  of  Church  government  can  justly 
lay  claim  to  an  authority  so  high  and  sacred ;  but  because 


292  HISTORY  OF  THE 

they  were  apprehensive  that  it  would  produce  a  species  of 
spiritual  despotism  as  oppressive  as  that  which  they  had 
just  been  striving  to  abolish.  In  vain  did  the  Scottish 
itatesmen  and  divines  answer  and  refute  their  objections ; 
their  fears  were  not  removed,  and  fear  is  a  mental  emotion 
that  cannot  be  set  aside  by  argument. 

But  Selden,  Whitelocke,  Lightfoot,  and  Coleman,  took 
up  the  subject  on  other  grounds,  which,  though  difficult, 
were  not  equally  unassailable  by  reason.  Their  chief 
argument  was  one  of  analogy,  although,  as  they  used  it. 
the  appearance  which  it  bore  was  that  of  identity.  They 
held  that  the  Christian  system  ought  to  resemble,  or  rather 
to  be  identical  with,  the  system  of  the  Mosaic  Dispensation; 
and  they  attempted  to  prove,  that  there  were  not  two  dis- 
tinct and  co-ordinate  courts,  one  civil  and  the  other  ecclesi- 
astical, among  the  Hebrews,  but  that  there  was  a  mixed 
jurisdiction,  of  which  the  king  was  the  supreme  and  ulti- 
mate head  and  ruler ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  civil 
courts  determined  all  matters,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
and  inflicted  all  punishments,  both  such  as  affected  person 
and  property,  and  such  as  affected  a  man's  religious  privi- 
leges, properly  termed  Church  censures.  From  this  they 
concluded,  that  the  civil  magistrate,  in  countries  avowedly 
Christian,  ought  to  possess  an  equal,  or  identical  authority, 
and  ought  consequently  to  be  the  supreme  and  ultimate 
judge  in  all  matters,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  inflicting 
or  removing  the  penalties  of  Church  censure  equally  with 
those  affecting  person  and  property.  The  arguments  on 
which  they  most  relied  were  drawn  from  rabbinical  lore, 
rather  than  from  the  Bible  itself,  although  they  were  very 
willing  to  obtain  the  appearance  of  its  support,  by  ingeni- 
ous versions,  or  perversions  of  peculiar  passages  of  Scrip- 
ture. Selden' s  argument  has  been  already  stated,  and  need 
not  be  repeated.     The  value  of  Lightfoot's  authority  may 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  293 

be  estimated  somewhat  lower  than  is  usually  done,  if  we 
take  into  consideration,  not  merely  the  amount  of  his 
learning,  but  the  soundness,  or  the  reverse,  of  his  judg- 
ment. As  for  instance,  he  strenuously  maintained  that 
the  Jews  are  utterly  and  finally  rejected,  that  those  of 
them  who  embraced  Christianity  in  the  time  of  Christ  and 
the  apostles  were  the  "remnant  to  be  saved,"  and  that 
there  neither  then  was,  nor  ever  shall  be,  any  universal 
calling  of  them.1  He  held  also,  that  the  expressions,  "  the 
keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,"  and  "  binding  and  loos- 
ing," had  no  reference  to  discipline,  but  merely  to  doc- 
trine ;  in  which  opinion  he  differed  from  almost  every  per- 
son, both  before  and  since  his  time.  His  opinion  of  the 
Septuagint  was  equally  at  variance  with  the  views  of  the 
most  eminently  learned  and  judicious  men.  In  short, 
whatever  may  be  said  of  his  extensive  and  minute  rab- 
binical lore,  it  is  impossible  to  regard  his  judgment  as  en- 
titled to  much  deference  ;  consequently  his  advocacy  of 
Erastian  principles  will  not  avail  much  for  their  support. 

^Mention  has  already  been  made  of  Coleman's  sermon, 
preached  before  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  30th  of 
July  1645.  That  sermon  must  be  noticed  as  part  of  the 
Erastian  literature,  not  so  much  on  account  of  its  own 
merits,  as  on  account  of  other  works  to  the  composing  of 
which  it  gave  occasion.  Towards  the  end  of  the  sermon. 
various  advices  and  directions  are  given,  as  calculated  to 
promote  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  kingdom ;  and  of 
these,  one  point  on  which  Coleman  dwelt  strongly  was,  the 
unity  of  the  Church,  and  the  best  way  to  procure  that 
unity.  For  this  he  gives  several  directions,  of  which  the 
following  are  the  chief: — "  1.  Establish  as  few  things  jure 
divino  as  can  well  be.  Hold  out  the  practice,  but  not  the 
ground.     2.  Let  all  precepts  held  out  as  divine  institutions 

1  Lightfoot,  vol.  i.  p.  165. 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE 

have  clear  scriptures ;  an  occasional  practice,  a  phrase  upon 
the  by,  a  thing  named,  are  too  weak  grounds  to  uphold 
such  a  building.  I  could  never  yet  see  how  two  co-ordi- 
nate governments,  exempt  from  superiority  and  inferiority, 
can  be  in  one  State  ;  and  in  Scripture  no  such  thing  is 
found,  that  I  know  of.  3.  Lay  no  more  burden  of  govern- 
ment upon  the  shoulders  of  ministers  than  Christ  hath 
plainly  laid  upon  them ;  let  them  have  no  more  hand 
therein  than  the  Holy  Ghost  clearly  gives  them.  The 
ministers  will  have  other  work  to  do,  and  such  as  will  take 
up  the  whole  man.  I  ingeniously  profess  I  have  a  heart 
that  knows  better  how  to  be  governed  than  to  govern.  I 
fear  an  ambitious  ensnarement ;  and  I  have  cause.  I  see 
what  raised  Prelacy  and  Papacy  to  such  a  height ;  and 
Avhat  their  practices  were,  being  so  raised.  Give  us  doc- 
trine ;  take  you  the  government.  Give  me  leave  to  make 
this  request,  in  the  name  of  the  ministry ;  give  us  two 
things,  and  we  shall  do  well : — give  us  learning,  and  give 
us  a  competency.  4.  A  Christian  magistrate,  as  a  Chris- 
tian magistrate,  is  a  governor  in  the  Church.  All  magis- 
trates, it  is  true,  are  not  Christians  ;  but  that  is  their  mult : 
all  should  be  ;  and  when  they  are,  they  are  to  manage  their 
office  under  and  for  Christ.  Christ  hath  placed  govern- 
ments in  His  Church.  Of  other  governments  besides 
magistracy  I  find  no  institution  ;  of  them  I  do.  I  find  all 
government  given  to  Christ,  and  to  Christ  as  Mediator ; 
and  Christ,  as  head  of  these,  given  to  the  Church.  To 
rob  the  kingdom  of  Christ  of  the  magistrate  and  his  govern- 
ing power,  I  cannot  excuse,  no,  not  from  a  kind  of  sacri- 
lege, if  the  magistrate  be  His."1 

Sentiments  such  as  these  could  not  but  be  agreeable 
to  tb  3  Erastian  members  of  Parliament ;  yet  they  seem  to 
have  thought  that  Coleman  had  spoken  with  more  plain- 
1  Coleman's  Sermon,  pp.  24-28. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  295 

ness  than  prudence,  for  -while  they  ordered  the  sermon  to 
be  printed,  as  was  customary,  they  did  not  give  him  the 
thanks  of  the  House — an  omission  which  was  extremely 
unusual.  But  the  principles  stated  in  Coleman's  sermon 
were  not  allowed  to  remain  long  unassailed.  On  the  27th 
of  August  George  Gillespie  preached  a  sermon  before  the 
House  of  Lords  ;  and  when  it  was  published,  he  appended 
to  it  a  small  pamphlet  of  nine  leaves,  entitled,  "  A  Brotherly 
Examination  of  some  Passages  of  Mr  Coleman's  late  printed 
Sermon."  In  this  short  treatise,  Gillespie  not  only  answered 
and  refuted  Coleman,  but  also  completely  turned  his  argu- 
ments against  himself ;  proving,  first,  that  the  proper  rule 
for  human  conduct  in  all  things,  but  especially  in  religious 
matters,  was  to  obtain  as  much  of  divine  guidance,  or  to 
establish  as  much  by  divine  right,  as  possible.  He  then 
proceeds  to  examine  in  succession  Coleman's  directions  or 
rules  in  a  very  masterly  manner,  annihilating  or  reversing 
each  with  great  strength  and  clearness  of  argument.  It  is 
proved,  that  Coleman's  principle,  that  in  every  divine 
institution  Scripture  must  speak  expressly,  would  involve 
a  dangerous  tampering  with  Scripture,  and  would  sweep 
away  several  important  Christian  institutions  which  were 
never  doubted  :  and  also,  that  whatever,  by  necessary  con- 
sequence, is  drawn  from  Scripture,  is  a  divine  truth,  as  well 
as  what  is  expressly  written  therein.  The  argument  of  co- 
ordinate jurisdiction  is  next  taken  up,  and  thoroughly 
established  both  by  argument  and  by  illustration.  And 
in  answer  to  Coleman's  assertion,  that  he  can  find  no 
institution  of  any  government  except  magistracy,  Gillespie 
proves  from  Scripture,  that  obedience  is  directly  com- 
manded to  spiritual  governors,  who  are  "  over  us  in  the 
Lord,"  and  who  must  have  been  distinct  from  the  civil 
magistrate  at  a  time  when  there  was  no  Christian  masis- 

o  o 

tracy.     In  a  short,  but  very  clearly  stated  argument,  Gil- 


296  HISTORY   OF   THE 

lespie  refutes  Coleman's  dangerous  assertion,  "  That  all 
government  is  given  to  Christ  as  Mediator,  and  Christ,  as 
head  of  these,  given  to  the  Church ; "  and  states  the  dis- 
tinction between  Christ's  government  as  God  and  as  Medi- 
ator,— by  the  right  understanding  of  which  important  idea 
the  whole  Erastian  controversy  must  be  decided. 

Coleman  soon  afterwards  published  a  pamphlet,  en- 
titled, "  A  Brotherly  Examination  Ee-examined  j "  which  is 
distinguished  chiefly  by  bolduess  of  assertion  and  feeble- 
ness of  argument.  To  this  Gillespie  replied  in  another, 
bearing  the  title,  "  Xihil  Eespondes,"  in  which  he  some- 
what sharply  exposed  the  weakness  of  his  antagonist's 
reasoning.  Irritated  by  the  castigation  he  had  received, 
Coleman  published  a  bitter  reply,  to  which  he  gave  the  not 
very  intelligible  title  of  "  Male  Dicis  Maledicis," — meaning, 
doubtless,  that  Gillespie's  answer  was  rather  of  a  railing 
character,  or,  to  use  a  phrase  of  modern  times,  displayed  a 
bad  spirit.  This  Gillespie  answered  in  an  exceedingly 
vigorous  pamplet,  entitled,  "  Male  Audis,"  in  which  he 
swept  rapidly  over  the  whole  Erastian  controversy,  so  fir 
as  Coleman  and  some  of  his  friends  had  brought  it  for- 
ward, convicted  him  and  them  of  numerous  self-contradic- 
tions, of  unsoundness  in  theology,  of  violating  the  covenant 
which  they  had  sworn,  and  of  inculcating  opinions  fatal 
to  both  civil  and  religious  liberty.  To  this  Coleman  did 
not  attempt  to  reply,  feeling,  probably,  that  he  was  over- 
matched. 

Several  of  these  controversial  pamphlets  appeared  in  the 
course  of  the  year  1646  ;  and  towards  the  close  of  the 
same  year,  Gillespie  published  his  celebrated  work,  "  Aaron's 
Eod  Blossoming  ;  or,  The  Divine  Ordinance  of  Church 
Government  Vindicated."  In  this  remarkably  able  and 
elaborate  production,  Gillespie  took  up  the  Erastian  con- 
troversy as   stated  and  defended  by  its  ablest  advocates, 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  297 

fairly  encountering  their  strongest  arguments,  and  assailing 
their  most  formidable  positions,  in  the  frank  and  fearless 
manner  of  a  man  thoroughly  sincere,  and  thoroughly  con- 
vinced of  the  truth  and  goodness  of  his  cause.  The  work 
is  divided  into  three  books  ;  the  first  treating  "  Of  the 
Jewish  Church  Government  j "  the  second,  "  Of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  Government ; "  and  the  third,  "  Of  Excom- 
munication from  the  Church,  and  of  Suspension  from  the 
Lord's  Table."  In  the  first  book  the  five  following  pro- 
positions are  demonstrated : — "  1.  That  the  Jewish  Church 
was  formerly  distinct  from  the  Jewish  State.  2.  That 
there  was  an  ecclesiastical  sanhedrim  and  government  dis- 
tinct from  the  civil.  3.  That  there  was  an  ecclesiastical 
excommunication  distinct  from  civil  punishments.  4.  That 
in  the  Jewish  Church  there  was  also  a  public  exomologesis, 
or  declaration  of  repentance,  and  thereupon  a  reception  or 
admission  again  of  the  offender  to  fellowship  with  the 
Church  in  the  holy  things.  5.  That  there  was  a  sus- 
pension of  the  profane  from  the  temple  and  passover." 
In  this  part  of  his  work  Gillespie  boldly  met  and  com- 
pletely overthrew  the  united  strength  of  Selden,  Light- 
foot,  and  Coleman,  on  their  own  chosen  field  of  Hebrew 
learning. 

In  the  second  book  or  part  of  his  work,  "  Of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  Government,"  the  main  element  of  the  con- 
troversy which  he  had  to  encounter  is  of  a  nature  so 
abstract,  that  it  requires  peculiar  clearness  of  thought  and 
accuracy  of  reasoning  to  keep  the  subject  intelligible,  and 
to  draw  the  requisite  distinctions.  Coleman  had  in  his 
sermon  said,  that  "  a  Christian  magistrate,  as  a  Christian 
magistrate,  is  a  governor  in  the  Church ;"  and  that  "  all 
government  is  given  to  Christ  as  Mediator,  and  Christ,  as 
head  of  these,  is  given  to  the  Church  :"  from  this  he  drew, 
though  not  very  distinctly,  the  inference,  that  the  Christian 


298  HISTORY   OF   THE 

magistrate  is  directly  the  vicegerent  of  Christ,  and  therefore 
rules  in  the  Church  ;  yet  when  pushed  on  this  point  he  re- 
coiled, and  modified  his  inference  so  as  to  state  it  in  the 
following  terms,  "  that  magistracy  is  given  to  Christ  to  be 
serviceable  in  His  kingdom."  But  this  modified  statement 
would  not  have  answered  the  purposes  of  the  Erastians ; 
and  therefore  their  principle  was  more  boldly  and  plainly 
expressed  by  Mr  Hussey,  minister  at  Chesilhurst,  in  Kent. 
This  thorough  Erastian  boldly  maintained,  both  "  that  all 
government  is  given  to  Christ  as  Mediator,  and  that  Christ,, 
as  Mediator,  has  placed  the  Christian  magistrate  under 
Him,  and  as  His  vicegerent,  and  has  given  him  commission 
to  govern  the  Church."  It  will  be  at  once  perceived,  that 
the  very  terms  of  this  proposition  involved  an  inquiry  into 
the  nature  and  extent  of  Christ's  mediatorial  sovereignty. 
To  this  point,  accordingly,  Gillespie  directed  his  attention, 
in  his  answer  to  Hussey's  argument.  He  draws  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  power  and  sovereignty  of  Christ  as 
the  Eternal  Son  of  God,  and  as  God-man  and  Mediator. 
Considered  as  the  Eternal  Son  of  God,  as  the  Word  by 
whoni  the  universe  was  called  into  being,  He  necessarily 
rules  over  all,  and  magistrates  derive  their  power  from 
Him :  considered  as  God-man  and  Mediator,  His  direct 
sovereignty  is  in  and  over  the  Church,  which  is  His  body ; 
and  all  power  has  been  given  to  Him  both  in  heaven  and  in 
earth,  to  be  wielded  by  Him  for  the  safety  and  the  exten- 
sion of  His  spiritual  kingdom.1  A  further  distinction  is 
drawn  by  Gillespie  betwixt  power  over  and  power  in  any 
kingdom;  which  are  not  necessarily  identical,  although 
the  one  may  be  employed  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  and 
securing  the  other.  In  this  argument,  some  have  thought 
that  Gillespie  has  drawn  his  distinctions  too  fine,  more  so 
than  was  necessary  for  his  argument,  or  than  many  would 
1  See  Note  C. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  299 

be  able  to  follow  or  willing  to  admit.  Beyond  all  ques- 
tion, he  has  overthrown  the  Erastian  theory,  "  that  the 
civil  magistrate  is  Christ's  vicegerent,  and  appointed  to 
govern  the  Church;"  but  some  have  been  afraid  that  one 
aspect  of  his  argument  might  seem  to  countenance  the 
Voluntary  theory,  and  to  exempt  civil  government  from 
the  duty  and  responsibility  of  giving  countenance  and  sup- 
port to  the  Church.  Certainly  no  such  idea  was  ever  in 
Gillespie's  mind,  nor  is  it  my  opinion  that  his  reasoning, 
rightly  understood,  gives  it  the  least  shadow  of  support. 
Besides,  if  there  be  any  danger  arising  from  the  extreme 
fineness  with  which  his  distinctions  are  drawn  in  that 
branch  of  his  argument,  it  is  completely  removed  by  the 
succeeding  chapter,  in  which  he  treats  "  of  the  power  and 
privilege  of  the  magistrate  in  things  and  causes  ecclesi- 
astical, what  it  is,  and  what  it  is  not."  It  would  be  well 
if  magistrates  would  study  carefully  the  passage  alluded 
to,  that  they  might  acquire  some  information  respecting 
the  proper  nature  and  boundaries  of  their  duties  and 
responsibilities  circa  sacra,  about  religious  matters,  as 
distinguished  from  what  they  have  always  been  so  eager 
to  usurp,  power  in  sacris,  in  religious  matters,  which 
forms  no  part  of  their  peculiar  duty,  and  is  not  within 
their  province. 

The  third  book,  "  Of  Excommunication  from  the 
Church,  and  of  Suspension  from  the  Lord's  Table,"  has 
the  appearance  of  being  an  answer  to  Prynne,  who  had 
written  largely  against  the  exercise  of  such  power  by 
Church-officers.  But  it  is  evident  that  Gillespie  had  more 
in  view  than  merely  to  answer  Prynne.  He  makes  no  ex- 
press reference  to  the  Parliament's  jus  divinum  queries, 
but  he  meets  them  nevertheless,  and  gives  to  them  very 
conclusive  answers,  while  appearing  to  be  merely  replying 
to  a  less  formidable  antagonist.    The  very  tenor  of  Pyrnne's 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE 

writings  gave  him  this  opportunity,  for  Pyrnne  kept  as 
closely  to  the  line  of  the  parliamentary  queries  as  he  with 
propriety  could,  so  that  Gillespie  was  both  enabled  and 
fairly  entitled  to  answer  both  at  once,  so  far  as  they  were 
identical  or  similar.  The  work,  in  short,  is  a  very  com- 
plete refutation  of  the  whole  Erastian  theory,  taking  up  its 
leading  points  systematically,  clearing  away  all  obscurities 
of  language,  reducing  every  argument  to  its  elementary 
principles,  stating  these  in  the  form  of  simple  propositions, 
and  in  terms  strictly  defined,  so  as  to  preclude  sophistry 
or  mere  verbal  subtleties,  and  proceeding  to  refute  error 
and  demonstrate  truth,  in  a  manner  singularly  char  and 
forcible,  displaying,  each  in  a  very  high  degree,  exten- 
sive learning,  sound  judgment,  intellectual  acuteness  and 
strength,  and  the  pure  and  lofty  spirit  of  genuine  Chris- 
tianity. 

Another  very  able  and  elaborate  work  on  the  Erastian 
controversy  was  written  and  published  also  in  the  year 
1646,  by  Samuel  Rutherford,  entitled,  "  The  Divine  Eight 
of  Church  Government  and  Excommunication."  Although 
Rutherford  manifests  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  sub- 
ject, and  treats  very  fully  of  all  its  main  elements,  exhioit- 
ing  great  learning  and  extreme  minuteness  in  thought, 
argument,  and  illustration,  his  work  is  not,  upon  the 
whole,  so  successful  as  that  of  Gillespie.  It  is  defective 
in  point  of  arrangement,  and  especially  for  want  of  a  state- 
ment of  the  systematic  order  which  the  author  meant  to 
follow,  though  it  is  perfectly  plain  that  in  his  own  mind 
there  was  a  system  by  which  he  regulated  his  course  of 
argument.  But  the  very  minuteness  of  his  learning  and 
his  reasonings  is  felt  to  obscure,  or  rather  to  overlay  the 
subject ;  and  while  tracing  out  every  point  of  detail,  the 
general  impression  is  either  weakened,  or  fails  to  be  forcibly 
conveyed.     This,  however,  is  criticism  according  to  modern 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  301 

taste ;  for  the  style  of  the  times  when  Kutherford  wrote, 
was  to  exhaust  every  subject  under  discussion,  and  to  leave 
nothing  unsaid  upon  it  that  could  be  said.  In  this  respect, 
therefore,  Rutherford  merely  followed  the  spirit  of  the  age 
in  which  he  lived  ;  and  whosoever  will  carefully  peruse  his 
very  elaborate  work,  will  obtain  ample  materials  for  the 
refutation  of  Erastianism. 

There  appeared  another  work  at  that  time,  not  indeed 
written  by  one  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  but  so  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  controversies  which  were  agitated 
among  them,  that  it  deserves  to  be  mentioned  here.  This 
was  a  treatise  written  by  the  celebrated  Apollonius  of 
Middleburg,  entitled,  "  Consideratio  Quarundam  Contro- 
versiarum  ad  Regimen  Ecclesiae  Dei  Spectantium,  qwe  in 
Anglise  Regno  hodie  Agitantur."  When  this  treatise  was 
published,  a  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  each  member  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly.  "  It  was,"  says  Baillie,  "  not 
only  very  well  taken,  but  also,  which  is  singular,  and  so 
far  as  I  remember,  absque  exemplo,  it  was  ordered,  nemine 
contradicente,  to  write  a  letter  of  thanks  to  Apollonius."1 
The  spirit  of  this  work  is  thoroughly  Presbyterian,  en- 
countering alike  the  theories  of  the  Independents  and  the 
Erastians.  It  consists  of  seven  chapters,  each  treating  of 
a  separate  topic  briefly,  but  with  great  clearness  and  force 
of  reasoning.  They  are  as  follow : — "  1.  Concerning  the 
qualification  of  Church  members.  2.  Concerning  a  Church 
covenant.  3.  Concerning  the  Church  visible  and  insti- 
tuted. 4.  Concerning  power  ecclesiastical.  5.  Concern- 
ing ecclesiastical  ministry  and  its  exercise.  6.  Concerning 
Classes  (Presbyteries)  and  Synods,  and  their  authority. 
7.  Concerning  forms  or  directories  of  faith  and  worship." 
It  will  at  once  be  seen,  that  in  the  discussion  of  these 
topics  the  learned  author  must  come  into  lirect  collision 
1  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  246. 


302  HISTORY   OF   THE 

with  both  the  Independents  and  the  Erastians ;  yet  his 
work  has  very  little  of  a  merely  controversial  character, 
being  a  calm  and  dispassionate,  but  very  clear  and  able, 
disquisition  concerning  these  important  theological  ques- 
tions. There  is  another  very  valuable  work  by  the  same 
author,  written  a  short  time  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  but  treating  very  fully  of  the 
Erastian  theory.  Its  title  is,  "  Jus  Majestatis  Circa 
Sacra ;  sive,  Tractatus  Theologicus  de  jure  Magistrates 
circa  res  Ecclesiasticas."  A  translation  of  this  work,  for 
the  purpose  of  general  circulation,  would  be  a  very  valu- 
able contribution  to  the  cause  of  religious  liberty,  which 
is  at  present  beset  by  so  many  and  such  formidable 
enemies. 

But  we  must  quit  this  digression,  however  alluring  the 
subject,  and  return  to  what  remains  to  be  stated  respect- 
ing the  concluding  labours  of  the  Westminster  Assembly. 
Enough,  if  the  attention  of  the  reader  has  been  directed  to 
some  of  the  most  important  works  relating  to  the  great 
Erastian  controversy,  which  he  may  peruse  for  himself. 
And  we  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  it  is  scarcely  possible 
for  any  man,  especially  for  any  Christian,  to  engage  in  a 
study  of  deeper  and  more  universal  importance.  For  it 
directly  involves  the  glory  of  the  Mediator,  as  sole  Head 
of  His  body  the  Church,  and  sole  King  in  Zion,  His  spirit- 
ual kingdom, — the  purity,  peace,  and  freedom  of  the 
Church,  in  its  administration  and  in  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  its  members, — the  moral  and  religious  welfare  of 
the  community,  as  involved  in,  and  flowing  from,  the  effi- 
ciency and  the  extension  of  true  and  living  Christianity, 
the  divinely  appointed  remedy  for  the  miseries  of  fallen 
mankind, — and  even  the  progress  of  civilization,  the  main- 
tenance of  peace,  and  the  stability  of  kingdoms,  as  all  de- 
pending upon  the  blessing  and  the  favour  and  protection 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  303 

of  Him  who  is  "  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth."  And 
it  is  so  eminently  the  great  controversy  of  the  present 
day,  that  upon  its  right  or  wrong  determination  depends 
the  continuance  of  peace  throughout  Christendom,  or  the 
speedy  commencement  of  commotions  and  conflicts  of  the 
most  portentous  nature,  shaking  the  foundations  of  society, 
and  ending  in  wide-spread  anarchy  and  desolation. 


304  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTEE    VI I L 

CONCLUSION   OF  THE  WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY. 

The  Larger  and  Shorter  Catechisms — Inquiry  concerning  their  Author- 
ship— Departure  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners— Final  Dissolution 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly — The  Ratification  of  the  Directory  of 
Worship,  and  of  Church  Government  by  the  Church  of  Scotland — 
Also,  of  the  Confession  of  Faith,  with  an  Explanation  Guarding 
against  any  Erastian  Construction — Brief  View  of  Public  Events  con- 
nected with  the  Assembly's  Proceedings — Struggle  between  the  Par- 
liament and  the  Army — Cromwell's  Usurpation — Death  of  Charles  L 
— Dissolution  of  the  Long  Parliament  and  the  Westminster  Assem- 
bly— Synod  of  London — The  Independents  in  Power — Committee 
of  Triers — The  Savoy  Confession — Restoration  of  Charles  II. — Pre- 
lacy Restored — Act  of  Uniformity  and  Ejection  of  Two  Thousand 
Presbyterian  Ministers  on  St  Bartholomew's  Day. 

Although  the  chief  duties  for  which  the  Assembly  of 
Divines  were  summoned  to  meet  at  Westminster,  may  be 
regarded  as  having  been  discharged  when  they  had  pre- 
pared and  laid  before  the  Parliament  Directories  for  Public 
Worship  and  Ordination,  a  Form  of  Government,  Eules  of 
Discipline,  and  a  Confession  of  Faith,  yet  there  remained 
several  matters,  subordinate  indeed,  but  still  important,  on 
account  of  which  they  continued  to  sit  and  deliberate  for 
some  time  longer,  an  outline  of  which  we  now  proceed  to 
give,  before  offering  some  concluding  remarks  on  the  whole 
subject. 

A  catechism  for  the  instruction  of  children  and  of  the 
comparatively  ignorant  in  religious  truth  will  always  be  re- 
garded as  a  most  important  matter  by  every  true  Christian 
Church  j  and  as  the  Catechism  of  the  Church  of  England 


i 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  305 

was  undeniably  both  meagre  and  unsound,  it  formed  a  part 
of  the  Assembly's  duty  to  prepare  a  more  accurate  and 
complete  catechism,  as  a  portion  of  the  national  system  to 
be  established.  The  attention  of  the  Assembly  was  occu- 
pied almost  entirely  by  the  discussions  respecting  the 
Directories  of  Ordination  and  Worship,  till  towards  the 
end  of  1644.  They  then  began  to  prepare  for  composing 
a  Confession  of  Faith  and  a  Catechism  \  and  according  to 
their  usual  course  of  procedure,  committees  were  appointed 
to  draw  up  an  outline,  in  regular  systematic  order,  for  the 
consideration  of  the  Assembly.  But  the  progress  of  the 
Assembly  in  these  points  was  retarded  by  the  various  events 
which  have  been  already  related,  so  that  little  was  done  till 
towards  the  end  of  May  1645.  The  committees  from  that 
time  forward  carried  on  their  labours  in  preparing  the  Con- 
fession and  the  Catechism  simultaneously,  but,  as  Baillie 
says,  "  languidly,  the  minds  of  the  divines  being  enfeebled 
by  the  delay  of  the  House  to  grant  the  petition  respecting 
power  to  exclude  scandalous  persons  from  communion." 
After  some  progress  had  been  made  with  both,  the  Assem- 
bly resolved  to  finish  the  Confession  first,  and  then  to  con- 
struct the  Catechism  upon  its  model,  so  far  at  least  as  to 
have  no  proposition  in  the  one  which  was  not  in  the  other; 
by  which  arrangement  there  would  be  left  scarcely  any  ground 
for  subsequent  debate  and  delay.1  But  political  movements, 
answers  to  the  Independents  and  to  the  Erastians,  and  other 
disturbing  influences,  so  impeded  the  Assembly's  progress, 
that  the  Catechisms  were  not  so  speedily  completed  as  had 
been  expected.  The  Shorter  Catechism  was  presented  to 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  5th  of  November  1647,  and 
the  Larger  on  the  14th  of  April  1648.  After  they  had 
been  carefully  perused  by  the  Parliament,  an  order  was 
issued  on  the  15th  of  September  1648,  commanding  them 

*  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  379 
U 


306  HISTORY  OF   THE 

to  be  printed  for  public  use.  The  King,  during  his  resi- 
dence in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  after  many  solicitations,  con- 
sented to  licence  the  Shorter  Catechism,  with  a  suitable 
preface  ;  but  as  the  negotiations  did  not  end  in  a  treaty, 
that  consent  was  never  realised. 

There  have  been  many  inquiries  instituted  in  order  to 
ascertain,  if  possible,  by  whom  the  original  outline  of  the 
Catechism  was  prepared,  but  hitherto  without  success.  In 
our  opinion,  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  it  was  done 
by  any  one  person.  Committees  were  appointed  to  prepare 
every  thing  that  was  to  be  brought  before  the  Assembly. 
We  find  no  separate  committee  named  expressly  for  the 
purpose  of  drawing  up  the  Catechism;  and  we  find  repeated 
proofs  of  a  very  close  connection  between  the  Catechism 
and  the  Confession.  It  may  reasonably  be  inferred  that 
both  subjects  were  conducted  by  the  same  committee,  which 
was  composed  of  Drs  Gouge  and  Hoyle,  Messrs  Herle, 
Gataker,  Tuckney,  Reynolds,  Vines,  and  the  Scottish  mini- 
sters.1 Some  add  Arrowsmith  and  Palmer  ;  both  men  of 
great  piety,  learning  and  abilities,  and  the  latter  termed  by 
Baillie  "the  best  catechist  in  England."  Palmer,  it  appears, 
was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  section  in  the  Directory  of 
Public  Worship,  on  catechising  ;  but  it  did  not  give  satis- 
faction, and  that  topic  was  not  inserted  in  the  Directory.2 
Scarcely  could  it  be  called  an  unfair  inference,  were  we  to 
conclude  from  this  fact  that  Palmer  had  no  peculiar  share 
in  framing  the  Catechism.  It  may  be  mentioned,  that  Dr 
Arrowsmith  was  appointed  Master  of  St  John's  College, 
Cambridge,  in  the  year  1644,  before  the  Catechism  was 
begun,  and  that  his  attendance  upon  the  Assembly  after 
that  period  was  only  occasional,  in  consequence  of  the  new 
sphere  of  duties  on  which  he  was  called  to  enter.  Mr 
Palmer  was  also  constituted  Master  of  Queen's  College. 
1  See  Note  D.  2  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  1 18. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  307 

Cambridge,  in  the  same  year  ;  but  he  continued  to  attend 
the  Assembly  very  constantly  till  the  time  of  his  death,  in 
the  year  1647, — at  which  time  the  Catechism  was  still  un- 
finished. It  has  been  also  conjectured,  that  the  first  out- 
line of  the  Catechism  may  have  been  drawn  by  Dr  Wallis, 
one  of  the  scribes  of  the  Assembly  at  that  period,  and  after- 
wards so  justly  celebrated  as  Savilian  Professor  of  Geometry 
at  Oxford,  and  one  of  the  first  mathematicians  of  the  age. 
This  conjecture  may  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  he  wrote 
a  short  treatise,  entitled,  "  A  Brief  and  Easy  Explanation 
of  the  Shorter  Catechism  ; "  which  was  so  much  approved 
of  by  the  Assembly  that  they  caused  it  to  be  presented  to 
both  Houses  of  Parliament.1  But  in  truth,  as  has  been 
already  suggested,  the  framing  of  the  Catechism  appears  to 
have  been  the  work  of  the  committee,  and  not  of  any  one 
individual ;  and  it  was  brought  to  its  present  admirable 
degree  of  nearness  to  perfection  by  the  united  deliberations 
of  the  whole  Assembly. 

The  chief  matters  on  account  of  which  the  Assembly 
had  been  called  together  being  now  completed,  so  far  as 
depended  on  that  venerable  body  itself,  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners prepared  to  take  their  departure.  This,  in- 
deed, had  to  a  certain  extent  already  taken  place,  though 
not  formally.  The  celebrated  Alexander  Henderson  had 
been  sent  to  Newcastle  to  converse  with  the  King,  during 
his  majesty's  residence  along  with  the  Scottish  army,  for 
the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  persuade  him  to  consent  to 
such  terms  as  might  form  the  basis  of  a  satisfactory  and 
permanent  peace.  Exhausted  already  with  the  long  con- 
tinuance and  severity  of  his  arduous  public  toils,  and  find- 
ing it  impossible  to  make  any  impression  on  the  mind  of 
the  infatuated  monarch,  Henderson  left  Newcastle  and  re- 
turned to  Edinburgh,  where  he  soon  afterwards  died,  leav- 
1  ReicTs  Lives  of  the  Westminster  Divines,  vol.  ii.  p.  214 


308  HISTORY   OF   THE 

ing  behind  him  a  reputation  unsurpassed  by  any  man  since 
the  days  of  the  first  reformers.  And  towards  the  close  of 
the  year  1646,  Baillie  obtained  permission  to  leave  the 
Assembly  and  return  to  Scotland,  that  he  might  communi- 
cate to  the  Commission  of  the  Scottish  General  Assembly 
what  had  been  done  by  the  Westminster  Divines,  prepara- 
tory for  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly  at  Edinburgh  in 
August  1647,  when  it  was  expected  that  the  proceedings 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly  would  be  formally  considered 
and  approved  of  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  as  the  ground  of  the  desired  uniformity  in  re- 
ligion between  the  two  kingdoms.  Gillespie  and  Ruther- 
ford still  remained,  as  the  Westminster  Assembly  had  been 
required  by  the  Parliament  to  add  Scripture  proofs  to  the 
Confession  of  Faith  ;  but  Gillespie  left  London  in  time  to 
be  present  in  the  General  Assembly,  Rutherford  remaining, 
a  little  longer.  It  may  be  stated,  that  the  Assembly  had 
intentionally  abstained  from  inserting  texts  of  Scripture  in 
the  copy  of  the  Confession  first  presented  to  Parliament, 
not  because  they  had  themselves  any  difficulty  in  doing  so, 
but  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  the  Parliament,  wrhose  custom 
had  previously  been,  to  enact  nothing  concerning  religion 
on  divine  right,  or  on  scriptural  grounds.1  Tins  change  in 
the  procedure  of  the  Parliament  was  doubtless  intended  to 
cause  delay  ;  but  its  effect  was,  the  rendering  of  the  Con- 
fession a  much  more  perfect  work  than  it  would  otherwise 
have  been. 

On  the  24th  of  October  1647,  Samuel  Rutherford  moved, 
that  it  might  be  recorded  in  the  books  of  the  scribes,  that 
the  Assembly  had  enjoyed  the  assistance  of  the  honourable, 
reverend,  and  learned  commissioners  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  during  all  the  time  they  had  been  debating  and 
perfecting  these  four  things  mentioned  in  the  Covenant, 
1  Baillie,  vol.  iii.  p.  2. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  309 

namely,  a  Directory  for  Public  Worship,  a  uniform  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  a  Form  of  Church  Government  and  Dis- 
cipline, and  a  public  Catechism.  The  Assembly  assented 
unanimously  to  this  motion  ;  and  Mr  Herle,  the  prolocutor, 
rose  up,  and.  in  the  name  of  the  Assembly,  returned  thanks 
to  the  honourable  and  reverend  commissioners  for  their 
assistance.  He  went  on  to  explain  the  causes  which  pre- 
vented the  Directory  from  being  so  well  observed  as  it 
ought  to  be,  and  lamented  that  the  Assembly  had  not  power 
to  call  offenders  to  account.  He  further  adverted  to  the 
chaos  of  confusion  in  which  public  affairs  in  England  were 
continuing,  the  King  having  been  seized  by  the  army, 
and  the  Parliament  being  overawed  by  the  same  usurping 
power;  acknowledging  that  their  extraordinary  successes 
hitherto  had  been  granted  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  their 
brethren  of  Scotland,  and  other  Protestants  abroad,  as  well 
as  to  their  own.1 

The  business  of  the  Assembly  was  now  virtually  at  an 
end.  The  subjects  brought  before  them  by  Parliament 
had  been  all  fully  discussed,  and  the  result  of  their  long 
and  well-matured  deliberations  presented  to  both  Houses, 
to  be  approved  or  rejected  by  the  supreme  civil  power  on 
its  own  responsibility.  But  the  Parliament  neither  fully 
approved  nor  rejected  the  Assembly's  productions,  nor  yet 
issued  an  ordinance  for  a  formal  dissolution  of  that  venerable 
body.  Negotiations  were  still  going  on  with  the  King ; 
and  in  one  of  the  papers  which  passed  between  his  majesty 
and  the  Parliament,  he  signified  his  willingness  to  sanction 
the  continuation  of  Presbyterian  Church  government  for 
three  years ;  and  also,  that  the  Assembly  should  continue 
to  sit  and  deliberate,  his  Majesty  being  allowed  to  nominate 
twenty  Episcopalian  divines  to  be  added  to  it,  for  the 
purpose  of  having  the  whole  subject  of  religion  again  for- 
1  ZS'eal,  vol.  ii.  p.  431. 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE 

mally  debated.  To  this  proposal  the  Parliament  refused  to 
consent;  but  it  probably  tended  to  prevent  them  from 
formally  dissolving  the  Assembly,  so  long  as  there  remained 
any  shadow  of  hope  that  a  pacific  arrangement  might  be 
elTected  with  his  majesty. 

In  the  meantime  many  members  of  the  Assembly  espe- 
cially those  from  the  country,  returned  to  their  own  homes 
and  ordinary  duties  ;  and  those  who  remained  in  London 
were  chiefly  engaged  in  the  examination  of  such  ministers 
as  presented  themselves  for  ordination,  or  induction  into 
vacant  charges.  They  continued  to  maintain  their  formal 
existence  till  the  22d  of  February  1649,  about  three  weeks 
after  the  King's  decapitation,  having  sat  five  years,  six 
months,  and  twenty-two  days ;  in  which  time  they  held 
one  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-three  sessions.  They 
were  then  changed  into  a  committee  for  conducting  the 
trial  and  examination  of  ministers,  and  continued  to  hold 
meetings  for  this  purpose  every  Thursday  morning  till  the 
25th  of  March  1652,  when  Oliver  Cromwell  having  forcibly 
dissolved  the  Long  Parliament,  by  whose  authority  the 
Assembly  had  been  at  first  called  together,  that  committee 
also  broke  up,  and  separated  without  any  formal  dissolution, 
and  as  a  matter  of  necessity. 

As  the  main  object  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  was, 
to  frame  such  a  system  of  Church  government  and  public 
worship  as  might  unite  the  kingdoms  of  England,  Scotland 
and  Ireland,  in  religious  uniformity,  and  as  the  Assembly 
had  completed  its  task,  the  next  point  was  to  lay  the  result 
of  its  labours  before  the  Church  of  Scotland,  that  its  consent 
might  be  obtained.  This  was  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
whole  procedure  of  Scotland  in  this  great  and  sacred  enter- 
prise. The  Church  of  Scotland  had  neither  the  power  nor 
the  wish  to  force  its  system  upon  England  j  as  little  would 
it  have  submitted  to  English  dictation  in  a  matter  so  im- 


^YEST  MINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  311 

portant:  and  although  the  English  Parliament  had  not 
fully  ratified  all  the  propositions  of  the  Westminster  As- 
sembly, yet,  since  these  were  completed,  the  delay  of 
England  was  no  sufficient  reason  why  the  Church  and 
kingdom  of  Scotland  should  also  delay,  if  satisfied  with 
the  system  which  the  Assembly  of  Divines  had  prepared. 
Even  before  the  completion  of  the  Westminster  Assembly's 
labours,  the  Church  of  Scotland  had  shown  its  satisfaction 
and  its  readiness  to  promote  the  desired  uniformity ;  for, 
in  the  General  Assembly  held  at  Edinburgh  early  in  the 
year  1645,  an  Act  of  Assembly  was  passed  on  the  3d  of 
February,  ratifying  the  Directory  of  Public  "Worship  ;  and 
on  the  loth  of  February  another  Act  was  passed,  ratifying 
the  form  of  Church  Government  and  Ordination,  though 
these  had  not  yet  received  the  full  ratification  of  the  Eng- 
lish Parliament.  Again,  in  the  General  Assembly  which 
met  in  August  1647,  the  Confession  of  Faith  was  taken 
into  cousideration,  copies  having  been  previously  distributed 
throughout  the  Church,  and  was  solemnly  ratified  by  an 
Act  of  Assembly  passed  on  the  27th  of  August  1647.  The 
Larger  and  Shorter  Catechisms,  not  being  ready  at  that 
time,  owing  to  the  delays  which  had  impeded  the  progress 
of  the  Westminster  Divines,  were  not  ratified  till  the  fol- 
lowing year,  when  both  of  them  obtained  the  full  sanction 
of  the  General  Assembly  in  July  1648. 

It  may  be  necessary  to  mention,  that  so  jealous  was  the 
Church  of  Scotland  lest  her  sanction  should  be  given  to  any 
thing  which  bore  an  Erastian  taint,  or  might,  by  perverse 
ingenuity,  be  so  construed,  that  in  the  Act  of  Assembly 
which  ratified  the  Confession  of  Faith,  an  explanation  was 
inserted,  giving  the  Assembly's  understanding  of  some  parts 
of  the  second  article  of  the  thirty-first  chapter,  which 
seemed,  or  might  be  interpreted  to  seem,  to  grant  more 
power  to  the  civil  magistrate  in  the  calling  of  Synods  than 


312  HISTORY   OF   THE 

the  Church  of  Scotland  was  prepared  to  admit.  And  still 
more  completely  to  guard  against  the  very  suspicion  of  any 
tincture  of  Erastianism,  the  Assembly  caused  to  be  printed 
a  series  of  propositions,  or  "Theses  against  Erastianism," 
as  Baillie  terms  them,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  eleven, 
drawn  up  by  George  Gillespie,  embodying  eight  of  them  in 
the  Act  which  authorised  their  publication.  It  is  impossible 
to  peruse  these  hundred  and  eleven  propositions  without 
being  thoroughly  convinced,  that  the  General  Assembly 
never  would  have  ratified  the  Confession  of  Faith  if  they 
had  understood  it  to  contain  any  such  Erastian  taint  as 
some  in  modern  times  have  affected  to  discover  in  it.  Let 
the  third  section  of  the  twenty-third  chapter  be  carefully 
perused  by  any  intelligent  and  candid  person,  in  connection 
with  the  whole  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines  at 
"Westminster,  and  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  and  with  the  hundred  and  eleven  propositions, 
and  he  must  conclude  that  it  cannot  possibly  have  an  Eras- 
tian meaning,  even  though  he  should  be  unable  to  state 
what  it  really  does  mean ;  unless,  indeed,  he  were  to  suppose 
that  the  Westminster  Assembly  and  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land did  not  understand  the  true  meaning  of  their  own 
propositions.  But  the  truth  appears  to  be,  that  the  learned 
and  able  men  of  that  period  had  so  thoroughly  studied  and 
mastered  the  essential  elements  of  the  Erastian  controversy, 
that  they  could  state  the  propositions  respecting  the  duty 
and  power  of  the  civil  magistrate  circa  sacra,  about  reli- 
gious matters,  without  admitting  his  possession  of  any  duty 
and  power  in  sacris,  in  religious  matters,  in  terms  which, 
to  their  practised  minds,  marked  the  boundaries  in  sharp 
and  narrow  but  clear  and  definite  distinctions  ;  while  men 
who  have  not  so  deeply  studied  these  subjects,  and  whose 
mental  acumen  has  not  been  so  much  exercised,  cannot 
trace,  and  are  perpetually  crossing,  these  boundary-lines, 


WESTMINISTER  ASSEMLBY.  313 

more,  it  may  be,  from  want  of  perspicacity  or  knowledge, 
than  in  wilful  perverseness.  A  full  and  clear  history  of  the 
Erastian  controversy,  stating  distinctly  the  great  principles 
which  it  involves,  and  their  bearing  upon  liberty,  civil  and 
religious,  would  be  a  work  of  incalculable  value  at  the  pre- 
sent time, — that  very  controversy  having  again  begun  to 
disturb  men's  minds,  and  threatening  to  shake  to  pieces  the 
most  valuable  institutions,  if  not  to  overturn  the  entire 
structure  of  society. 

Although  the  course  of  events  has  led  to  the  statement 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly's  dissolution,  with  which 
this  narrative  might  close,  yet,  as  its  influence  did  not  at 
once  terminate  with  its  actual  duration,  it  seems  expedient 
to  give  a  brief  outline  of  some  of  the  leading  events  which 
still  retained  its  impress,  till  they  became  almost  indistin- 
guishably  blended  with  the  onward  movements  of  the 
national  mind  and  history.  It  will  be  remembered,  that  a 
new  element  was  introduced  into  the  acting  powers  of  the 
body  politic,  when,  by  means  of  the  "  self-denying  ordin- 
ance," members  of  Parliament  were  prohibited  from  holding 
any  post  in  the  army,  and  new  general  officers  were  ap- 
pointed, while  a  special  permission  was  given  to  Cromwell 
enabling  him  to  retain  his  military  command.  From  that 
time  forward  there  was  a  distinction  of  aims  and  interests 
between  the  Parliament  and  the  army,  although  they  con- 
tinued their  mutual  co-operation  till  the  King's  power  was 
laid  prostrate.  In  the  Parliament,  the  Presbyterian  party 
retained  the  ascendency  ;  in  the  army,  the  Independents 
appeared  to  do  so,  although  they  formed  but  one  of  the 
many  sects  of  which  it  was  almost  entirely  composed.  For 
some  time  after  the  King  had  taken  up  his  residence  at 
Holmby,  the  disagreement  between  the  Parliament  and  the 
army  appeared  only  in  the  shape  of  negotiations  in  the 
terms    of  which  the   two    parties    could   not    agree, — the 


314  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Parliament  wishing  to  disband  a  large  proportion  of  the 
troops,  and  to  send  a  considerable  body  to  Ireland,  to  sup- 
press the  Popish  insurrection  in  that  country, — and  the 
army  petitioning  for  an  act  of  indemnity  for  any  illegal 
actions  they  might  have  committed  during  the  war.  This 
petition  was  stigmatized  by  the  Commons  as  of  a  mutinous 
tendency,  subjecting  its  promoters  to  be  proceeded  against 
as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.  The  army  immediately 
formed  a  council  of  the  principal  officers,  to  deliberate  for 
their  own  protection ;  and  to  this  was  added  two  soldiers 
out  of  each  company,  to  assist  the  officers  in  their  council. 
To  these  soldiers  was  given  the  designation,  adjutators,  or 
assistants  ;  but  this  somewhat  pedantic  title  very  speedily 
degenerated  into  the  more  intelligible  word,  agitators, — by 
which  name,  accordingly,  they  are  best  known.  The  dis- 
agreement continuing,  the  army  seized  possession  of  the 
King's  person,  and  marched  towards  London,  declaring 
their  intention  to  new-model  the  government,  as  the  only 
method  of  securing  a  settled  peace  to  the  nation.  Eleven 
of  the  leading  Presbyterian  members  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons were  accused  as  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  enemies 
of  the  army,  and,  with  equally  unwise  and  unmanly  terror, 
left  the  House. 

The  city  of  London  prepared  to  meet  the  danger, — 
enrolled  the  militia,  threw  up  defences,  and  made  ready  to 
repel  force  by  force.  But  the  Parliament  was  divided. 
The  Speakers  of  both  Houses  favoured  the  Independents, 
and  the  absence  of  the  eleven  impeached  members  dis- 
couraged their  party.  The  two  Speakers  and  about  sixty- 
two  of  the  members  retired  to  the  arniy.  This  gave  to 
that  formidable  power  what  it  wanted, — the  semblance  of 
being  engaged  in  defence  of  the  Legislature  itself, — and 
with  increased  alacrity  it  advanced  against  the  city.  Strife 
and    confusion    had,  in  the    meantime,   done   their  work. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  315 

Without  men  of  ability  and  determination  to  direct  and 
lead  them  on,  the  citizens  were  unable  to  encounter  a 
veteran  army,  and  London  threw  open  its  gates,  and  sub- 
mitted to  a  power,  formidable  indeed,  but  utterly  unable 
to  have  taken  forcible  possession  of  the  city,  had  it  been 
boldly  and  vigorously  defended. 

The  army  having  thus  manifested  its  power,  recoiled 
a  little  and  allowed  the  Parliament  to  continue  to  sit  and 
deliberate,  as  if  still  the  supreme  authority  in  the  nation, 
although  the  King  was  carefully  retained  under  the  super- 
intendence of  the  military  leaders.  At  length  Charles 
contrived  to  escape  from  Hampton  Court,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  withdrawing  from  the  kingdom,  and  seeking  the  aid 
of  foreign  powers  to  reinstate  him  on  his  throne  ;  but  not 
being  able  to  procure  a  passage,  he  intrusted  himself  to 
Hammond,  governor  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,  by  whom  he 
was  kept  in  Carisbrooke  Castle,  in  real  imprisonment, 
though  treated  with  respect.  A  series  of  negotiations  for 
a  treaty  was  resumed  between  the  King  and  the  Parlia- 
ment, which,  like  every  preceding  attempt,  proved  abortive, 
in  consequence  of  that  strange  peculiarity  in  his  majesty's 
character,  the  union  of  inflexible  obstinacy  in  one  point, 
with  boundless  and  incurable  dissimulation  in  every  other. 
At  the  very  time  that  the  King  was  treating  with  the 
English  Parliament  for  peace,  he  was  framing  a  private  en- 
gagement with  the  Scottish  Royalists,  by  means  of  which 
he  hoped  to  recover  his  power  by  force  of  arms.  This  led 
to  the  march  into  England  of  another  Scottish  army,  under 
the  command  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton,  who  had  obtained 
a  temporary  ascendency  in  the  Scottish  Parliament,  but 
against  the  opposition,  and  under  the  protest  of  the  true 
and  faithful  Covenanters.  Cromwell  marched  against  this 
army,  defeated  it,  and  returned  to  London  determined  to 
put  an  end  to  the  struggle,  by  putting  to  death  a  monarch 


316  HISTORY   OF   THE 

whose  principles  were  of  the  most  despotic  character,  and 
upon  whose  most  solemn  treaties  no  reliance  could  be 
placed.  Again  was  the  Parliament  subjected  to  military 
force.  Upwards  of  forty  of  the  Presbyterian  members  were 
cast  into  confinement ;  above  one  hundred  and  sixty  were 
excluded  from  the  House  ;  and  none  were  suffered  to  sit 
and  deliberate  but  the  most  determined  Sectarians,  in  all 
not  exceeding  sixty.  This  violent  invasion  of  Parliament 
ary  rights  is  commonly  termed  "  Pride's  purge,"  from  the 
name  of  Colonel  Pride,  the  person  who  commanded  the 
military  detachment  by  which  it  was  perpetrated  ;  and  the 
Parliamentary  section  which  was  allowed  to  remain,  is 
known  by  the  designation  of  the  Kunip  Parliament. 

The  republican  revolution  now  swept  onward  with  great 
rapidity  and  irresistible  force.  It  was  resolved  that  the 
King  should  be  brought  to  trial,  as  guilty  of  treason  against 
the  people  of  England,  before  what  was  termed  a  Court  of 
Justice.  The  House  of  Lords  refused  to  give  their  con- 
sent; and  the  Commons  voted  the  concurrence  of  the 
Lords  to  be  unnecessary,  the  people  being  the  source  of  all 
just  power.  The  unfortunate  King  was  brought  before  the 
Court  of  Justice,  and  accused  of  treason.  He  declined 
their  jurisdiction,  and  defended  himself  with  great  dignity 
and  courage.  But  all  his  defences  were  overruled.  The 
dread  sentence  was  pronounced  ;  and  on  the  30th  of  January 
16-49,  he  perished  on  the  scaffold,  the  victim  of  an  inflexible 
attachment  to  superstitious  observances  and  despotic  prin- 
ciples, and  of  an  incurable  perseverance  in  the  art  of  dis- 
simulation j  yet  in  his  last  moments  displaying  a  degree  of 
personal  intrepidity,  firmness  of  character,  and  Christian- 
like calmness  and  elevation  of  mind,  worthy  of  a  better 
cause. 

Xo  sooner  had  the  tidings  of  the  ill-fated  monarch's 
tragic  end  reached  Scotland,  than  it  called  forth  a  burst  of 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  317 

intense  sorrow  and  indignation  from  the  heart  of  every 
true  Presbyterian  Covenanter  in  the  kingdom.  Arrange- 
ments were  instantly  made  for  placing  the  young  prince  on 
the  Scottish  throne,  and  supporting  him  there  by  force  of 
arms,  if  necessary,  provided  he  would  subscribe  the  Cove- 
nant. To  this  Charles  was  unwilling  to  consent,  if  he 
could  otherwise  obtain  his  purpose ;  and  with  this  design 
held  the  Scottish  Commissioners  in  terms,  while  conducting 
a  private  treaty  with  Montrose,  in  the  hope  of  securing  the 
kingdom  by  his  means  without  any  stipulation.  But 
while  in  this  he  showed  proofs  of  hereditary  dissimulation, 
when  Montrose  failed,  he  consented  to  swear  the  Covenant 
which  he  never  intended  to  keep  :  in  this  respect  commit- 
ting a  crime  darker  far  than  any  with  which  his  father's 
memory  is  chargeable ;  for  though  Charles  I.  seems  to 
have  regarded  dissimulation  as  allowable  in  diplomacy, — 
which  perhaps  statesmen  in  general  may  be  thought  also 
to  do, — he  reverenced  an  oath,  and  would  not  on  any 
account  have  sworn  what  he  did  not  intend  to  perform. 
But  Cromwell  was  not  disposed  to  permit  the  establish- 
ment of  the  royal  power  in  Scotland,  by  which  his  own 
supremacy  might  be  endangered.  He  therefore  marched 
northwards  at  the  head  of  his  veteran  army,  invaded 
Scotland,  and  after  a  series  of  military  movements,  in 
which  he  was  fairly  matched  by  David  Leslie,  he  gained 
a  decisive  victory  near  Dunbar.  The  Scottish  army  rallied 
and  took  up  a  strong  position  near  Stirling  ;  but  their 
flank  being  turned,  and  their  resources  cut  off,  the  young 
prince  adopted  the  daring  enterprise  of  marching  into  Eng- 
land, hoping  to  be  joined  by  the  Royalists  in  that  country. 
His  hopes  were  disappointed,  that  party  being  thoroughly 
broken  and  dispirited  ;  and  being  overtaken  by  Cromwell, 
a  final  struggle  took  place  at  Worcester,  which  ended  in 
the  total  rout  and  dispersion  of  the  royal  army.     After 


318  HISTORY   OF   THE 

encountering  many  perilous  adventures  and  narrow  escapes, 
Charles  fled  to  the  Continent,  and  Cromwell  returned  to 
London  to  consolidate  that  power  in  which  he  had  now  no 
rival  but  the  degraded  Rump  of  the  Long  Parliament.  As 
he  no  longer  needed  the  services  of  that  faction,  he  fos- 
tered, or  at  least  encouraged  a  quarrel  between  the  army 
and  Parliament,  and  taking  part  with  the  former,  he  hast- 
ened to  the  House  of  Commons,  assailed  the  astonished 
members  with  a  torrent  of  violent  invectives,  ordered  the 
mace,  "  that  bauble,"  to  be  taken  away,  called  in  the  mili- 
tary to  eject  the  dismayed  but  struggling  members,  and 
having  locked  the  door,  put  the  key  in  his  pocket,  and 
returned  to  Whitehall.  So  fell  the  English  Parliament 
beneath  the  power  of  military  usurpation  ;  and  at  the  same 
moment  terminated  the  "West minster  Assembly. 

It  will  be  remembered,  that  London  and  its  immediate 
vicinity  hs,d  been  formed  into  twelve  Presbyteries,  consti- 
tuting the  Provincial  Synod  of  London.  This  Synod  con- 
tinued to  hold  regular  half-yearly  meetings  till  the  year 
1655,  without  encountering  any  direct  obstruction  from 
Cromwell,  but  receiving  no  encouragement.  They  then 
ceased  to  hold  regular  meetings  as  a  Synod,  but  continued 
to  meet  as  Presbyteries,  and  to  maintain,  as  far  as  possible, 
every  other  point  of  Presbyterian  Church  government  and 
discipline.  It  is  probable,  or  rather  certain,  that  their 
ceasing  to  act  as  a  Synod  was  caused  by  the  conduct  of 
Cromwell  in  regard  to  religious  matters.  When,  upon  the 
death  of  the  King,  the  government  of  England  was  changed 
to  a  commonwealth,  an  ordinance  was  passed  appointing 
an  engagement  to  be  taken,  first  by  all  civil  and  military 
officers,  and  afterwards  by  all  who  held  official  situations 
in  the  universities ;  and  at  last  it  was  further  ordered  that 
no  minister  be  capable  of  enjoying  any  preferment  in  the 
Church,  unless  he  should,  within  six  months,  take  the  en- 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  319 

gagement  publicly  before  the  congregation.  The  conse- 
quence of  this  was,  that  while  the  engagement  was  readily 
taken  by  all  the  Sectarians,  and  by  many  Episcopalians  of 
lax  principles,  it  was  refused  by  great  numbers  of  the 
Presbyterians,  several  of  whom  were  in  a  short  time  ejected 
from  the  situations  to  which  they  had  been  appointed  by 
the  Parliament.  Cromwell  and  his  council,  carrying  into 
full  execution  this  course  of  procedure,  certainly  not  that 
of  toleration,  immediately  placed  Independents  in  the 
situations  thus  rendered  vacant  by  the  ejection  of  the 
Presbyterians,  prohibited  the  publication  of  pamphlets  cen- 
suring the  conduct  of  the  new  government,  and  abolished 
the  monthly  fasts,  which  had  continued  to  be  regularly 
kept  for  about  seven  years,  and  whose  sacred  influence  had 
■often  been  deeply  and  beneficially  felt  by  both  Parliament 
and  Assembly.  The  Rev.  Christopher  Love  was  beheaded 
for  being  engaged  in,  or  cognisant  of,  a  correspondence 
with  Scotland  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  the  interests 
of  Charles  II.  Not  long  afterwards,  in  the  year  1654,  an 
ordinance  of  council  was  issued,  appointing  a  new  com- 
mittee of  thirty-eight  persons,  nine  of  whom  were  laymen, 
to  examine  and  approve  all  who  should  be  presented,  nomi- 
nated, chosen,  or  appointed  to  any  benefice  with  cure  of 
souls,  or  to  any  public  settled  lecture  in  England  or  Wales. 
Of  this  new  committee,  commonly  called  Triers,  some  were 
Presbyterians,  a  large  proportion  Independents,  and  a  few 
were  Baptists.  Any  five  were  sufficient  to  approve ;  but 
no  number  under  nine  had  power  to  reject  a  person  as 
unqualified.  In  this  manner,  although  the  Presbyterian 
Church  government  was  not  formally  abolished  by  Crom- 
well, its  power  was  transferred  to  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mittee of  Triers,  and  consequently  the  Synods  ceased  to 
hold  meetings  which  could  no  longer  exercise  any  autho- 
rity.    This   committee  continued  to  exercise  its  functions 


320  HISTORY   OF   THE 

till  the  Protector's  death  in  1658,  when  it  was  discon- 
tinued. 

Another  ordinance  appointed  commissioners,  chiefly 
laymen,  for  every  county,  with  power  to  eject  scandalous, 
ignorant,  and  insufficient  ministers  and  schoolmasters.  This 
also  superseded  the  previous  arrangements  which  had  been 
made  by  the  Long  Parliament  for  a  similar  purpose,  and 
tsiided  to  bring  every  ecclesiastical  matter  under  the  direct 
control  of  the  civil  power,  and  in  a  great  measure  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  Protector  himself  and  his  coun- 
cil. By  this  ordinance,  as  well  as  by  that  of  the  Parlia- 
ment, it  was  appointed  that  ample  time  should  be  allowed 
to  the  ejected  person  for  his  removal,  and  the  fifths  of  the 
benefice  were  reserved  for  the  support  of  his  family.  When 
the  Prelatic  party  silenced  and  deposed  the  Puritans  and 
iSTonconformists  of  other  days,  no  such  generosity  was 
shown  to  them  or  their  families ;  but  neither  the  Presby- 
terians nor  the  Independents  were  so  forgetful  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  Christianity  as  to  requite  evil  with  evil,  but  showed 
kindness  to  their  former  calumniators  and  oppressors. 

The  Independents  were  now  raised  to  the  enjoyment  of 
a  large  measure  of  power  and  favour,  though  the  Protector 
managed  to  reserve  to  himself  the  reality  without  the  name 
of  ecclesiastical  supremacy.  They  felt,  accordingly,  that 
they  might  now  safely  adopt  a  course  on  which  nothing 
had  hitherto  been  able  to  induce  them  to  enter, — the  pre- 
paration, namely,  of  some  public  document  of  the  nature 
of  a  Confession  of  Faith.  To  this  they  had  been  often 
urged  by  the  "Westminster  Assembly,  but  in  vain.  They 
were  aware  that  a  full  and  explicit  statement  of  their  prin- 
ciples would  deprive  them  of  the  support  of  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  numerous  sects  who  viewed  them  as  the 
leading  Sectarian  party,  and  might  thereby  so  reduce  their 
influence  as  to  render  their  hopes  of  promoting  their  own 


I 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  321 

system  exceedingly  feeble.  But  the  Presbyterians  were  now 
depressed  and  overborne ;  some  of  the  most  dangerous  of 
the  sects  had  been  forcibly  suppressed,  such  as  the  Levellers, 
Fifth  Monarchy  men,  etc. ;  and  they  might  now  promulgate 
their  own  views  without  incurring  the  danger  of  losing 
valuable  adherents.  Some  of  the  leading  men  among  them 
accordingly  met  in  London,  and  having  agreed  upon  the  pro- 
priety of  framing  a  Confession  of  Faith,  as  had  been  done 
by  other  Churches,  they  requested  permission  from  the  Pro- 
tector to  hold  an  Assembly  for  that  purpose.  This  was 
granted  with  some  reluctance,  and  their  Assembly  was  ap- 
pointed to  meet  at  the  Savoy,  on  the  12th  of  October  1658. 
They  opened  their  meeting  with  a  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer;  and  after  some  deliberation,  resolved  to  keep  as 
near  as  possible  to  the  method  and  order  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly's  Confession  of  Faith,  in  framing  a  simi- 
lar document  for  themselves.  A  committee  was  chosen  to 
prepare  the  outline,  consisting  of  Prs  Goodwin  and  Owen, 
Messrs  Nye,  Bridge,  Caryl,  and  Greenhill.  In  the  short 
period  of  about  eleven  or  twelve  days  they  finished  their 
work,  which  was  soon  afterwards  published  under  the  title 
of  "A  Declaration  of  the  Faith  and  Order  owned  and 
practised  in  the  Congregational  Churches  in  England, 
agreed  upon  and  consented  unto  by  their  elders  and  mes- 
sengers in  their  meeting  at  the  Savoy."  The  speed  with 
which  they  completed  their  task  contrasts  very  strongly 
with  the  manner  in  which  they  contrived  to  retard  the 
progress  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  but  may  be  readily 
explained.  They  followed  the  Assembly's  Confession  very 
closely,  to  which  indeed  their  leading  men  had  already 
assented;  they  omitted  all  the  chapters  which  relate  to 
discipline,  thus  avoiding  the  discussion  of  disputed  topics ; 
and  they  had  now  no  object  to  serve  by  delay,  but  many  a 
motive  to  induce  them  to  make  haste.     At  the  end  of  their 

X 


322  HISTORY  OF  THE 

work  there  is  a  chapter  of  discipline,  consisting  of  five  sec- 
tions, and  giving  a  brief  statement  and  assertion  of  the  main 
points  in  which  their  system  differed  from  that  of  the  Pres- 
byterians, respecting  the  power  of  single  congregations,  the 
method  of  ordination,  the  administration  of  the  sacraments, 
the  use  of  Synods  and  Assemblies  to  consult  and  advise,  but 
without  authority,  and  occasional  communion  with  other 
Churches.1  This  Savoy  Confession,  as  it  is  commonly  called, 
never  acquired  any  importance  in  the  community,  and  did 
not  supersede  the  Assembly's  Confession  of  Faith  even  in 
the  estimation  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  Independents 
themselves ,  and  as  Cromwell,  the  great  supporter  of  the  In- 
dependent party,  died  very  soon  after  its  production,  on  the 
3d  of  September  1658,  it  never  received  his  public  sanction. 
Upon  the  death  of  Cromwell,  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Richard,  a  man  of  an  amiable  character,  but 
utterly  unfit  to  conduct  the  government  of  the  country 
in  such  a  time  of  storm  and  peril.  A  plot  was  formed 
against  him  by  a  part  of  the  army,  headed  by  Fleet- 
wood and  Desborough,  to  whom  the  leading  Independ- 
ent divines  especially  Mr  Xye  and  his  party,  lent  their 
ready  assistance.  Richard  was  persuaded  to  dissolve  the 
Parliament ;  Fleetwood  and  Desborough,  and  their  party, 
immediately  summoned  the  Rump  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment to  re-assemble,  and  Richard  seeing  it  impossible  to 
maintain  his  power  without  another  civil  war,  and  being 
destitute  of  military  talents,  resolved  to  abdicate  his  autho- 
rity, and  retire  to  private  life.  A  new  series  of  dark 
intrigues  followed,  in  which  General  Monk  acted  a  pro- 
minent part,  the  issue  of  which  was,  the  restoration  of 
Charles  II.  on  the  29th  of  May  1660.  In  consequence  of 
the  mutual  jealousies  of  the  various  parties,  the  King  was 
restored  without  conditions  of  any  kind  ;  and  thus  the  liber- 
ties, both  civil  and  religious,  of  the  kingdom,  in  defence  of 
1  Keal,  vol.  ii.  pp.  690-692. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  323 

which  so  much  blood  had  been  shed,  and  so  many  miseries 
endured,  were  laid  at  his  feet.  The  Prelatic  hierarchy  were 
immediately  restored  to  the  possession  of  all  their  rank, 
wealth,  and  power,  and  speedily  proved  that  the  persecut- 
ing spirit  of  Prelacy  had  sustained  no  abatement. 

For  a  short  time  the  King  affected  to  treat  the  Presby- 
terian ministers  with  respect  and  kindness  ;  and  they  were 
encouraged  to  hope,  that  although  Prelacy  was  restored  to 
its  former  supremacy,  yet  some  modification  of  it  might  be 
made  to  which  it  might  be  possible  to  conform.  After 
some  consultation  among  themselves,  they  presented  to  his 
majesty  a  petition  expressing  their  desires  for  such  altera- 
tions as  might  lead  to  an  accommodation  and  agreement  in 
an  amended  and  modified  Episcopacy.  This  petition  was 
communicated  to  the  Prelates,  who  returned  such  an  answer 
as  greatly  to  obscure  all  prospect  of  any  accommodation. 
But  as  matters  were  not  yet  ripe  for  what  was  intended, 
the  King  issued  a  declaration  concerning  ecclesiastical 
afiairs,  containing  so  many  plausible  statements,  that  the 
hopes  of  the  Presbyterians  were  somewhat  revived.  At 
length  it  was  arranged  that  a  conference  should  be  held  at 
the  Savoy,  between  twelve  bishops  and  nine  assistants  on 
the  part  of  the  Episcopalian  Church,  and  an  equal  number 
of  ministers  on  the  part  of  the  Presbyterians.  The  first 
meeting  of  this  conference  took  place  on  the  15th  of  April 
1661,  and  it  was  continued,  with  intermissions,  till  the 
25th  of  July,  when  it  expired  without  producing  the 
slightest  approximation  towards  an  agreement,  the  bishops 
refusing  to  make  any  alterations  in  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  to  which  their  discussions  were  limited,  or  to  make 
any  concession  to  the  conscientious  scruples,  or  more  grave 
and  solid  arguments,  of  the  Presbyterian  ministers.1 

1  For  a  full  account  of  this  Conference,  see  History  of  Nonconformity, 
Life  of  Baxter,  etc 


324  HISTORY    OF    THE 

A  convocation  "was  held  soon  after  the  termination  of 
the  conference,  in  which  a  few  alterations  were  made  in 
the  Prayer-Book,  not  all  for  the  better  ;  and  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  convocatioD  were  ratified  by  both  Houses  of 
Parliament.  It  now  remained  to  enforce  the  Prelatic  sys- 
tem by  the  strong  hand  of  legislative  power.  This  was 
done  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  which,  after  passing  both 
Houses,  by  small  majorities,  received  the  royal  assent  on 
the  19th  of  May  1662,  and  was  to  take  effect  from  the 
2  4th  of  August  following.  The  terms  of  conformity  speci- 
fied by  this  Act  were  :  1.  Ke-ordination,  if  they  had  not 
been  episcopally  ordained.  2.  A  declaration  of  unfeigned 
assent  and  consent  to  all  and  every  thing  prescribed  and 
contained  in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  administra- 
tion of  sacraments  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Church  of  England,  together  with  the  psalter,  and  the 
form  and  manner  of  making,  ordaining,  and  consecrating 
of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons.  3.  To  take  the  oath  of 
canonical  obedience.  4.  To  abjure  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant.  5.  To  abjure  the  lawfulness  of  taking  arms 
against  the  king,  or  any  commissioned  by  him,  on  any 
pretence  whatsoever.  Such  were  the  terms  of  the  infam- 
ous and  tyrannical  Act  of  Uniformity,  which  was  to  come 
into  force  on  what  is  termed  the  Feast  of  St  Bartholomew; 
and  the  penalty  for  any  one  who  should  refuse,  was  depri- 
vation of  all  his  spiritual  promotions.  The  result  was, 
that  when  the  fatal  St  Bartholomew's  day  arrived,  about 
two  thousand  Presbyterians  relinquished  all  their  ecclesias- 
tical preferments,  abandoned  all  their  worldly  means  of 
subsistence,  left  their  homes,  and  more  painful  than  all, 
their  churches  and  their  weeping  and  heart-stricken  flocks, 
and  became  literally  strangers  and  pilgrims  in  their  native 
country,  like  their  Divine  Master,  not  having  where  to  lay 
their  heads.     In  their  day  of  power,  when  ejecting  Episco- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  325 

palian  ministers  convicted  of  scandalous  offences  or  of  igno- 
rance, they  had  allowed  to  these  men  a  fifth  part  of  their 
former  livings  ;  but  no  similar  mercy  or  charity  was  shown 
to  them.  They  were  at  once  driven  and  abandoned  to 
utter  poverty  and  homelessness ;  and  to  grievous  wrong 
was  added  not  less  grievous  insult,  in  the  cruel  and  contu- 
melious treatment  which  they  received  from  their  proud 
and  pitiless  oppressors.  Yet  in  one  respect  the  day  of 
St  Bartholomew  was  a  glorious  day.  It  testified  to  a 
wondering  world  the  strength  and  the  integrity  of  Presby- 
terian principles,  in  their  triumph  over  every  earthly  in- 
fluence ;  or  rather,  let  us  say,  it  proved  that  the  essential 
spirit  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  is  the  spirit  of  Christian- 
ity itself,  and  therefore  it  received  divine  strength  in  the 
day  of  sore  trial,  that  it  might  finish  its  testimony  in  be- 
half of  the  sole  sovereignty  of  Christ  over  His  own  spiritual 
kingdom,  to  the  laws  and  institutions  of  which  man  has 
no  right  to  add,  and  which  he  cannot  without  sin  diminish. 
Yes,  for  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  even  for  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  by  which  that  Church  had  been  intro- 
duced into  England,  it  was  a  glorious  day.  But  what  was 
it  for  Prelacy?  A  day  of  everlasting  infamy,  stamping 
upon  its  character  indelibly  the  charge,  proved  by  so  many 
repeated  facts,  of  being  essentially  a  persecuting  system. 

But  it  is  equally  unnecessary  and  ungracious  to  dwell 
on  the  detailed  results  of  this  tyrannical  and  persecuting 
act ;  and  therefore,  with  a  few  incidental  remarks  of  some 
general  importance,  we  shall  pass  from  the  painful  subject. 
It  must  have  been  observed,  that  the  religious  body  once 
known  by  the  name  of  Puritans,  became  Presbyterians 
both  in  principles  and  practice,  partly  before,  and  thoroughly 
during  the  time  of  the  Westminster  Assembly.  Against 
them,  accordingly,  as  Presbyterians,  was  the  force  of  per- 
secution directed,  although  the  demands  and  the  penalties 


326  HISTORY   OF   THE 

of  the  Act  of  Uniformity  were  equally  applicable  to  the 
Independents  and  all  other  sects  of  Dissenters ;  and  of 
the  whole  two  thousand  who  were  ejected  by  that  Act, 
above  nine-tenths  were  Presbyterians.  The  Independents 
did  not,  at  that  time,  number  more  than  an  hundred 
churches  in  their  communion ;  the  Baptists  were  still 
fewer ;  and  of  the  other  sects,  the  greater  part  had  only 
those  lay  preachers  who  had  sprung  up  during  the  enthusi- 
astic times  of  the  civil  war.  Of  the  divines  who  had  con- 
stituted the  Westminster  Assembly,  not  more  than  six,  or, 
in  strict  propriety,  only  four,  conformed.  About  thirty  of 
them  were  dead  before  the  Act  came  into  operation,  some 
of  them  very  close  upon  the  time,  and  one  or  two  almost 
immediately  after  preaching  what  would  have  proved  by 
persecution,  as  they  did  by  death,  their  farewell  sermons. 
The  names  of  the  six  who  are  stated  to  have  conformed 
were,  Drs  Conant,  Wallis,  Reynolds,  and  Lightfoot,  and 
Messrs  Heyrick  and  Hodges.  But  of  these  Dr  Conant  at 
first  refused  to  conform,  was  ejected,  and  continued  so  for 
a  period  of  eight  years,  when  the  persuasion  of  relatives 
prevailed  on  him  to  comply,  and  he  was  appointed  to  a 
ministerial  charge  in  Northampton,  and  subsequently  ob- 
tained other  preferments ;  and  Dr  Wallis,  who  had  been 
one  of  the  scribes  to  the  Westminster  Assembly,  was  made 
Savilian  Professor  of  Geometry  at  Oxford,  in  the  year  1649 
— an  office  which  in  a  great  measure  excluded  him  from 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  rendered  the  Act  of  Conformity  to 
him  little  different  from  a  university  qualification.  It  thus 
appears,  that  almost  the  entire  surviving  members  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly  gave  to  the  principles  which  they 
had  then  declared  and  advocated  the  strong  and  clear  testi- 
mony of  suffering  in  their  defence. 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  327 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Retrospective  Review  of  the  Westminster  Assembly's  Proceedings — 
Main  Object  of  the  Westminster  Assembly — Religious  Uniformity 
in  the  Three  Kingdoms  by  Mutual  Consultation,  intended  to  form 
the  Basis  of  a  Secure  and  Permanent  Peace — Erastian  Element  and 
its  Consequences — Mutual  Misunderstandings — Mutual  Agreement — 
Effect  on  the  Universities — On  Theological  Literature — On  Educa- 
tion— State  of  the  Kingdom  and  Army — Sectarians — Toleration — 
Its  True  Nature  Intimated — How  Misunderstood  by  both  Parties 
— Liberty  of  Conscience — Unlimited  Toleration  not  granted  by  the 
Independents  when  in  Power — Great  Idea  of  a  General  Protestant 
Union  entertained  by  the  Westminster  Assembly — How  yet  Attain- 
able— Conclusion. 

Having  now  stated  all  the  leading  events  connected  with, 
and  resulting  from,  the  Westminster  Assembly,  we  might 
here  conclude ;  but  in  order  to  obtain  as  clear  and  com- 
prehensive a  conception  of  the  whole  subject  as  possible, 
it  seems  expedient  to  retrace,  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
bining in  one  view  its  leading  principles,  characteristics, 
endeavours,  and  intentions,  offering  some  remarks  explana- 
tory of  their  nature,  showing  how  far  they  were  successful, 
or  by  what  and  to  what  extent  obstructed,  what  actual  im- 
press they  gave  to  the  form  of  society,  or  what  vital  ele- 
ments they  infused  into  its  heart,  and  how  far  the  great 
objects  which  they  sought  to  attain  may  yet  be  susceptible 
of  resuscitation  and  accomplishment. 

It  has  been  already  shown,  by  a  series  of  historical 
deductions,  that  the  principle  of  the  sovereign's  supremacy 
in  ecclesiastical  matters,  conjoined  with  the  encroaching 
and  domineering  spirit  of  Prelacy,  had  so  nearly  subverted 


328  HISTORY   OF   THE 

all  liberty,  civil  and  religious,  that  it  became  the  imperative 
duty  of  every  Christian  and  every  patriot  to  unite  in  resist- 
ing the  cruel  and  degrading  thraldom  with  which  the  king- 
dom was  threatened.  To  that  subject  it  is  not  necessary 
again  to  direct  our  attention.  Nor  need  we  do  more  than 
simply  refer  to  the  important  fact,  that  the  main  purpose 
for  which  the  Westminster  Assembly  was  called  together, 
and  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  was  framed,  was  to 
produce,  so  far  as  might  be  practicable,  unity  of  religious 
belief  and  uniformity  in  Church  government  throughout 
England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland.  Even  for  the  sake  of 
procuring  and  maintaining  peace  among  the  nations  com- 
posing the  one  British  empire,  such  an  uniformity  was  re- 
garded as  almost  indispensable.  For,  as  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners reasoned,  there  is  "  nothing  so  powerful  to  divide 
the  hearts  of  people  as  division  in  religion  \  nothing  so 
strong  to  unite  them  as  unity  in  religion."  The  same  idea 
was  entertained  by  both  James  VI.  and  his  son  Charles  I., 
and  both  of  them  sought  to  realise  it  by  imposing  the  Eng- 
lish system  on  the  Church  and  people  of  Scotland,  the  one 
by  fraud  and  the  other  by  force.  As  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, neither  of  them  was  successful ;  but  the  attempt 
to  realise  the  idea  by  such  methods,  both  showed  its  im- 
portance, and  placed  it  in  a  clearer  light,  as  related  to  the 
two  kingdoms  of  England  and  Scotland.  The  people  of 
Scotland  loved  their  Church  devotedly,  not  only  on  ac- 
count of  its  purity  of  doctrine  and  scriptural  simplicity  of 
form,  but  also  because  by  its  means  alone  had  they  ac- 
quired a  partial  release  from  that  feudal  thraldom  in  which 
they  had  previously  been  held  by  their  haughty  and  oppres- 
sive nobles.  And  they  were  compelled  to  see  that  their 
beloved  Church  would  never  be  safe  from  the  aggressions 
of  Prelacy  so  long  as  the  prelatic  form  of  Church  govern- 
ment prevailed  in  England.     On  the  other  hand,  the  op- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  329 

pressive,  persecuting,  and  despotic  conduct  of  Prelacy,  in 
its  treatment  of  the  Puritans,  and  in  the  aid  which  it  so 
willingly  lent  to  the  sovereign  in  his  invasions  of  civil 
liberty,  had  at  length  aroused  the  strong  and  free  spirit  of 
England,  which  determined  to  shake  off  the  prelatic  yoke, 
and  to  make  such  alterations  as  should  render  its  future  re- 
imposition  impossible.  Such  a  concurrence  of  sentiment  and 
feeling  between  the  two  nations  held  out  the  prospect  that 
at  least  an  approach  to  uniformity  of  religion  might  now 
be  obtained,  such  as  would  form  the  only  sure  basis  of  a 
thorough  and  permanent  national  peace ;  and  that,  too, 
not  by  one  of  the  two  dictating  to  the  other,  but  in  the 
only  way  by  which  real  uniformity  can  ever  be  effected, — 
by  mutual  consultation  and  consent. 

Such  were  the  enlarged,  free,  and  generous  views  which 
led  to  the  calling  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  the 
framing  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, — such,  in  an 
especial  manner,  were  the  views  entertained  by  the  Scot- 
tish Covenanters,  both  statesmen  and  divines,  as  is  proved 
by  that  remarkably  able  paper  presented  by  them  to  the 
English  Parliament  in  the  year  1641.  It  is,  however,  a 
painful  truth,  that  these  elevated  ideas  were  not  received 
and  held  with  equal  fulness,  sincerity,  and  perseverance, 
by  a  large  proportion  of  the  English  statesmen ;  and  this 
defectiveness  on  their  part  allowed  the  remaining  existence 
and  the  subsequent  growth  and  development  of  those  dis- 
turbing influences,  which  at  length  prevented  the  grand  ob- 
ject from  being  fully  realized.  In  England  the  struggle 
was  chiefly  in  defence  of  civil  rights  and  privileges,  involv- 
ing also,  though  somewhat  less  directly,  the  still  more  im- 
portant element  of  religious  liberty.  Hence  the  ordinary 
secular  opinions  and  feelings,  that  mould  the  course  of  human 
action,  were  allowed  to  have  almost  full  scope,  and  pro- 
duced their  common  narrowing  and  self-seeking  influence* 


330  HISTORY  OF   THE 

Had  not  this  been  the  case,  Erastianism  would  not  have 
characterised  so  strongly  the  conduct  of  the  English  Parlia- 
ment, exercising  a  power  so  baneful  in  impeding  the  final 
settlement  of  the  desired  religious  uniformity,  involving 
the  nation  in  protracted  anarchy,  and  exposing  the  cause 
of  freedom  to  the  crushing  grasp  of  military  usurpation. 
There  might  be  traced,  did  our  limits  allow  it,  a  very  close 
connection  between  the  development  of  Erastian  principles 
in  the  Parliament,  and  the  successive  disasters  which  be- 
fell them  through  the  insubordination  of  the  army  in  its 
growing  republicanism, — so  close,  that  the  latter  would 
almost  seem  like  the  direct  infliction  of  retributive  jus- 
tice upon  the  former,  ending  in  the  completed  guilt  and 
the  final  overthrow  of  the  Parliament  being  almost  simul- 
taneous. 

The  great  advantage  which  would  arise  to  Christendom 
from  the  existence  of  something  approaching  to  a  general 
religious  uniformity  mast  be  apparent  to  every  reflecting 
mind,  both  as  a  general  homage  to  the  certainties  of  re- 
vealed truth,  and  as  itself  the  master  element  of  general 
harmony  and  peace.  But  it  is  contrary  alike  to  the  nature 
of  religion  and  to  the  constitution  of  the  human  mind,  to 
suppose  that  this  desirable  object  can  be  obtained  by  com- 
pulsion. Open,  candid,  brother-like  consultation  may  do 
much,  when  Christian  men  fairly  and  honestly  wish  to 
arrive  at  as  close  a  degree  of  uniformity,  in  doctrine,  wor- 
ship, and  government,  as  can  be  attained,  with  due  respect 
to  liberty  and  integrity  of  conscience.  It  was  for  this  very 
purpose  that  the  AVestminster  Assembly  was  called,  and 
that  Scottish  divines  were  requested  to  be  present  at  and 
aid  in  its  deliberations.  This  was  right,  and  bore  fair 
prospect  and  promise  of  good ;  but  mutual  jealousies  and 
rivalries  arose  ;  men  misjudged  and  misinterpreted  each 
other's  intentions ;  and  the  intrigues  of  mere  worldly  poli- 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  331 

ticians  intermingled  with,  biassed,  and  baffled  far  higher 
and  holier  objects  than  those  with  which  such  men  are 
usually  conversant.  Probably  the  two  parties  of  a  religious 
character  (we  speak  not  now  of  mere  Erastians),  of  whom 
the  Assembly  was  composed,  tho  Presbyterians  and  the 
Independents,  were  both  in  error  ;  probably  they  both 
entertained  narrower  conceptions  of  the  nature  of  religious 
uniformity,  and  also  of  religious  toleration  and  liberty, 
than  the  terms,  rightly  understood,  imply.  Uniformity  is 
not  necessarily  absolute  identity.  Neither  of  these  two 
parties  held  that  absolute  identity  was  necessary,  as  appears 
from  their  respective  writings ;  but  each  of  them  dreaded 
that  nothing  less  than  absolute  identity  would  satisfy  the 
other,  and  to  that  neither  of  them  could  agree.  And  this 
misapprehension  was  enough,  not  only  to  prevent  the 
accomplishment  of  the  purpose  for  which  they  met,  but 
even  to  act  as  a  wedge,  rending  them  daily  more  widely 
and  hopelessly  asunder. 

Yet,  in  spite  of  this  unpropitious  misapprehension,  a 
very  considerable  amount  of  religious  uniformity  was  pro- 
duced. The  Independents  expressed  no  dissent  from  the 
Confession  of  Faith  and  the  Directory  of  Worship  prepared 
by  the  Assembly.  All  the  Puritan  Nonconformists  re- 
ceived these  documents  with  cordial  approbation.  Parlia- 
ment gave  to  their  most  important  principles  and  arrange- 
ments its  legislative  sanction,  and  England  was  on  the 
very  point  of  being  favoured  with  the  establishment  of  a 
Presbyterian  Church.  So  far  did  this  proceed,  that  at  first 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  and  afterwards  that  of  Ox- 
ford, were  new-modelled,  and  the  professorships  given  to 
Presbyterian  divines.  Prelatic  writers  have  been  in  the 
habit  of  representing  this  change  as  barbarising  these  uni- 
versities. To  refute  such  calumny,  nothing  more  is  neces- 
sary than  to  name  the  men  on  whom  these  academic  ap- 


332  HISTORY   OF   THE 

pointnients  were  conferred, — men  than  whom  none  more 
eminent,  for  learning,  abilities,  and  true  piety,  ever  gracef" 
the  universities  of  any  age  or  country.  But  something  still 
more  striking  may  be  said  in  answer  to  prelatic  calumny. 
Not  only  did  the  new  professors  ably  sustain  the  reputation 
of  the  English  universities,  they  also  infused  into  them  a 
spirit  of  freedom,  originality,  and  energy  of  thought,  which 
burst  forth  in  the  manhood  of  the  men  trained  under  their 
care,  with  a  degree  of  power  and  splendour  that  has 
scarcely  been  ever  equalled,  much  less  surpassed.  In  proof 
of  this,  it  is  enough  to  mention  the  names  of  Locke,  Boyle, 
Newton,  Tillotson,  Stillingfleet,  Cave,  Whitby,  South,  and 
many  others.  In  short,  the  Presbyterian  dynasty  of  the 
universities  infused  into  them  new  life,  the  vigorous  tone 
and  movements  of  which  were  not  exhausted  till  the  lapse 
of  two  generations. 

Closely  associated  with  the  subject  of  university  learn- 
ing, is  that  of  eminence  in  theological  acquirements  and 
pulpit  oratory.  On  this  point  also  a  very  prevalent  fallacy 
exists,  and  is  repeated  and  believed  without  inquiry.  It  is 
very  common  to  meet  with  extravagant  praises  bestowed 
upon  the  eminent  learning  and  the  valuable  theological 
works  produced  by  the  Church  of  England  ;  but  it  seems 
to  be  generally  forgotten,  that  by  far  the  largest  and  most 
precious  portion  of  English  theological  literature  was  com- 
posed either  by  the  Puritan  divines,  or  by  the  Presbyterians 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  or  by  the  generation  which 
was  trained  up  under  them  in  the  universities.  If  all  the 
works  produced  by  these  men  were  carefully  marked  and 
set  aside,  and  the  works  of  none  but  the  genuine  Prelatists 
were  ascribed  to  the  Church  of  England,  her  renown  for 
theological  literature  would  be  shorn  of  its  beams  indeed. 
It  is  not  denied  that  the  Church  of  England  has  contributed 
many  valuable  additions  to  the  literature  of  Christianity ; 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY  333 

and  considering  the  ample  means  at  her  command  for 
bestowing  on  her  office-bearers  extensive  education  and 
literary  leisure,  it  would  have  been  strange  if  she  had  not. 
But  it  is  not  the  less  true,  that  a  very  large  share  of  her 
reputation  is  derived  from  the  writings  of  the  Puritan  and 
Presbyterian  divines,  and  their  immediate  pupils, — from 
the  very  men  whom  she  calumniated  and  persecuted,  and 
strove  to  exterminate  when  living,  and  when  dead,  has 
pillaged  of  their  hard-won  honours,  which  she  arrogates  for 
her  own,  or  suffers  to  be  ascribed  to  her  by  unwise  or  un- 
blushing flatterers. 

Not  only  was  an  impulse  given  to  the  universities  dur- 
ing the  short  prevalence  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in 
England,  but  also  throughout  considerable  districts  of  the 
kingdom.  Strenuous  exertions  were  made  to  provide  an 
adequate  remedy  for  the  deplorable  state  of  ignorance  in 
which  the  great  body  of  the  population  had  been  suffered 
to  remain.  The  removal  of  scandalous  and  ignorant  minis- 
ters was  the  first  step  taken  towards  this  desirable  object. 
Another  was,  the  sequestration  of  the  surplus  wealth  of  the 
Prelatic  dignitaries  ;  a  portion  of  which  it  was  intended  to 
employ  in  providing  academies,  schools,  and  all  that  was 
necessary  for  instituting  a  national  system  of  education. 
This  noble  and  generous  scheme  also  was  embarrassed  and 
impeded  by  Erastian  interference  j  because  it  would  have 
naturally  fallen  under  the  superintendence  of  Presbyteries, 
to  the  erection  of  which  throughout  the  kingdom,  with  full 
and  due  powers,  they  could  not  be  persuaded  to  consent. 
Even  when  almost  paralyzed  by  this  unhappy  Erastian  in- 
terference, the  Presbyterian  ministers  set  themselves  to  pro- 
mote education  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  There  may 
still  be  found,  in  several  country  districts  in  England, 
where  Presbyterians  once  abounded,  schools  having  a  right 
to  a  small  salary  to  the  schoolmaster,  on  condition  that  he 


334  HISTORY   OF   THE 

shall  teach  the  children  the  Assembly's  Shorter  Catechism.1 
The  people  of  England  do  not  yet  know,  and  cannot  easily 
conceive,  how  grievous  was  the  loss  which  they  sustained 
by  the  unfortunate  failure  of  the  attempt  to  render  the 
Presbyterian  Church  the  ecclesiastical  establishment  of  the 
kingdom.  To  them  it  would  have  been  a  source  of  almost 
unmingled  and  incalculable  good,  giving  to  them  the  ad- 
vantage of  an  evangelical,  pious,  laborious,  and  regularly 
resident  ministry  in  every  parish,  together  with  cheap  and 
universally  accessible  education,  the  constant  inspection  of 
elders  to  watch  over  their  moral  conduct,  and  deacons  to 
attend  to  the  wants  of  the  poor  in  the  spirit  of  Christian 
kindness  and  benevolence  ;  all  regulated  by  the  superin- 
tendence of  Presbyteries  and  Synods,  to  prevent  the  hazard 
of  injury  from  local  neglect  or  prejudice.  And  surely  a 
truly  wise  and  paternal  government  ought  to  have  rejoiced 
at  the  opportunity  of  attaining  so  easily  advantages  so  in- 
estimable to  the  nation  at  large,  and  consequently  to  its 
rulers,  and  to  all  that  wished  its  welfare.  All  this  was 
once  attainable, — was  very  nearly  attained  ;  has  it  become 
for  ever  impossible  %  We  will  not  think  so  ;  a  time  may 
come. 

Eeference  has  been  repeatedly  made  to  the  state  of  the 
army,  and  of  the  almost  innumerable  varieties  of  sects 
which  appeared  in  it,  and  throughout  the  kingdom  ;  and  it 
has  been  shown  that  this  strange  and  formidable  chaos  of 
religious  opinions  can  best  be  accounted  for  by  attending 
to  the  fact,  that  almost  the  entire  population  had  been 
allowed,  or  rather  constrained,  to  remain  in  a  state  of  de- 
plorable ignorance,  by  the  wretched  policy  of  the  Prelatists 
and  of  the  despotic  monarchs,  who  deemed  it  inexpedient 

1  One  of  these  the  author  was  fortunate  enough  to  assist  in  rescuiLig 
from  the  hands  of  Socinians,  a  few  years  ago,  on  the  strength  of  that 
verv  condition. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  335 

to  teacli  the  people  to  think,  lest  they  should  turn  their 
attention  to  public  matters,  and  learn  to  think  and  act  for 
themselves.  The  direct  consequence  of  this  was,  that  when 
the  naturally  strong  mind  of  England  was  fairly  roused,  it 
put  forth  its  strength,  but,  like  the  mighty  Hebrew  when 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  his  adversaries,  put  it  forth  in 
blindness.  At  the  commencement  of  the  war  between  the 
King  and  the  Parliament,  ministers  were  appointed  to 
accompany  the  parliamentary  army,  to  train  the  troops  in 
sound  religious  knowledge,  and  guide  them  in  the  worship 
of  God.  But  this  was  both  an  irksome  and  a  dangerous 
task ;  sufficient  numbers  could  not  be  obtained.  When 
the  Westminster  Assembly  met,  some  of  the  ablest  were 
called  to  attend  its  deliberations  ;  and  after  the  self-deny- 
ing ordinance,  when  the  army  was  new-modelled,  it  was 
left  almost  entirely  to  the  wildly  erratic  instructions  of  self- 
called  and  uneducated  lay-preachers.  It  was  not  strange 
that  enthusiastic  notions  should  be  promulgated,  and  should 
be  widely  received,  when  poured  forth  amidst  such  exciting 
scenes  and  circumstances  by  the  wildly  eloquent  fervour  of 
strong  and  earnest  minds.  And  as  little  was  it  strange 
that  the  thoroughly  learned  and  deep-thinking  divines  of 
the  Assembly  should  perceive  the  dangerous  consequences 
to  religion,  morality,  and  peace,  which  must  inevitably 
follow  from  the  unrestrained  diffusion  of  all  the  lawless 
and  extravagant  fancies  by  which  the  fermenting  public 
mind  was  agitated  and  borne  along.  They  knew  what  had 
taken  place  in  Germany,  when  the  peasantry  were  roused 
to  insurrectionary  tumults  by  the  licentious  principles  and 
harangues  of  the  Anabaptists,  and  they  dreaded  the  occur- 
rence of  similar  events  in  England.  For  such  reasons  they 
were  exceedingly  anxious  that  a  regular  and  authoritative 
system  of  Church  government  and  discipline  should  be 
established,  and  put  in  operation  with  all  convenient  speed  j 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE 

and  this  wish  was  in  itself  of  a  truly  pious  and  patriotic 
nature,  even  though  it  could  be  proved  that  the  means  by 
which  it  was  sought  to  be  realized  were  not  the  most 
judicious  that  could  have  been  imagined. 

This  course  of  reflection  leads  us  to  make  some  inquiry 
into  the  subject  of  religious  toleration,  of  which  so  much 
has  been  said  and  written,  in  the  present  as  well  as  in  former 
times.  The  term  itself,  toleration  in  matters  of  religion, 
is  one  which  has  rarely  been  defined  with  that  care  and 
exactness  which  its  great  importance  demands;  consequent- 
ly, the  whole  subject  is  liable  to  every  sort  of  sophistical 
perversion  j  and  very  many  of  the  controversial  writings 
that  have  appeared  concerning  it  start  from  different  points, 
and  run  on  either  in  parallel  or  in  diverging  lines,  without 
the  possibility  of  ever  arriving  at  the  same  conclusion. 
Many  thousands  have  been  oppressed,  persecuted,  and  put 
to  death,  for  maintaining  and  promoting  God's  revealed 
truth  ;  many  thousands  have  suffered  equal  extremities  for 
maintaining  and  promoting  satanic  falsehood  ;  and  many 
thousands  have  sustained  all  degrees  of  punishment  for  the 
perpetration  of  immorality  and  crime.  But  who  will  assert 
that  the  same  principle  appears  in  all  these  cases  1  Who 
will  say,  that  because  it  is  right  to  suppress  and  punish  the 
commission  of  crime,  therefore  it  is  right  to  suppress  and 
punish  men  for  asserting  religious  truth?  Or,  that  because 
it  is  wrong  to  suppress  truth,  therefore  it  is  wrong  to  sup- 
press crime,  or  discountenance  error  ]  But  men  try  to 
escape  from  such  reasoning,  by  asserting  that  truth  cannot 
be  ascertained  with  certainty  ;  and  that  therefore  it  is  best 
to  give  equal  toleration  to  all  opinions,  lest  a  grievous  mis- 
take should  be  committed,  and  truth  suppressed  instead  of 
error.  This  is  the  language  of  scepticism,  and  the  principle 
which  it  promulgates  is  not  toleration,  but  latitudinarian 
laxity  and  licentiousness.     Such  language  really  implie? 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  337 

either  that  God  did  not  intend  to  convey  saving  truth  in  a 
manner  intelligible  to  the  minds  of  men,  or  that  He  failed 
In  His  intention.  But  since  few  will  be  found  reckless 
enough  to  maintain  such  opinions  in  their  naked  deformity, 
the  advocates  of  sceptical  laxity  have  recourse  to  every  kind 
of  evasion,  in  order  to  conceal  alike  the  nature  of  the  prin- 
ciple which  they  support  and  of  that  which  they  oppose. 
And,  unhappily,  these  evasions  are  but  too  consonant  to 
the  character  of  the  fallen  mind  of  man,  which  is  "  enmity 
against  God,  and  is  not  subject  to  the  law  of  God,  neither 
indeed  can  be."  This  is  a  truth  which  the  sincere  Christian 
feels  and  knows,  but  which  philosophers  and  politicians  re- 
ject, despise,  and  hate. 

The  essence  of  the  inquiry  is,  "Has  God  revealed  sacred 
saving  truth  to  man,  as  the  only  sure  guide  and  rule  in  all 
religious,  moral,  and  social  duties'?"  And  if  this  be  ad- 
mitted, then  arises  the  next  question, — "  Can  this  truth  be 
so  fully  ascertained  and  known  as  to  become  a  sufficient 
guide  and  rule  in  all  such  duties  1 "  If  this  too  should  be 
admitted,  we  then  arrive  at  the  important  practical  inquiry, 
— "  In  what  manner  may  the  knowledge  of  this  sacred  sav- 
ing truth  be  most  successfully  diffused  throughout  the 
world  1 "  For  if  such  truth  has  been  revealed,  and  can  be 
known,  man's  first  duty  must  be  to  know  it  himself,  and 
his  next,  to  communicate  it  to  others.  But  he  may  err  in 
this  second  point  of  duty,  and  may  actually  impede,  while 
he  is  intending  to  promote,  its  progress.  Few  will  deny 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  man,  in  his  station,  to  encourage 
the  extension  of  truth  by  every  legitimate  means  within  his 
power ;  but  it  does  not  at  once  appear  so  clear,  whether 
it  be  also  his  duty  to  engage  so  actively  in  such  a  re- 
moval of  opposing  obstacles  as  would  involve  the  direct 
suppression  of  error.  And  it  is  at  this  stage  of  the  inquiry 
that  the  question  of  religious  toleration  arises  in  its  proper 

Y 


338  HISTORY   OF   THE 

form  and  character.  For  it  never  ought  to  be  made  a  ques- 
tion, whether  truth  ought  to  be  tolerated  or  not, — truth 
ought  to  be  encouraged  and  diffused  ;  but  the  question  is, 
Ought  error  also,  and  with  equal  directness,  to  be  sup- 
pressed 1  The  best  method  of  obtaining  a  right  answer  to 
this  inquiry  is,  to  consult  the  Word  of  God,  and  to  inves- 
tigate the  nature  of  conscience.  The  Word  of  God,  in 
almost  innumerable  instances,  commands  the  direct  en- 
couragement of  truth,  and  also  the  suppression  of  certain 
forms  of  error, — as  of  idolatry  and  blasphemy ;  but  gives 
no  authority  to  man  to  judge  and  punish  errors  of  the  mind, 
so  far  as  these  amount  not  to  violations  of  known  and  equit- 
able laws,  and  disturb  not  the  peace  of  society.  And  with 
regard  to  the  nature  of  conscience,  it  is  manifest  to  every 
thinking  man,  that  conscience  cannot  be  compelled.  It 
may  be  enlightened,  it  may  be  convinced,  but  its  very 
nature  is  the  free  exercise  of  that  self-judging  faculty  which 
is  the  essential  principle  of  personal  responsibility.  Hence 
it  is  evident,  that  it  is  alike  contrary  to  the  Word  of  God 
and  to  the  nature  of  conscience,  for  man  to  attempt  to 
promote  truth  by  the  compulsive  suppression  of  error,  when 
that  error  does  not  obtrude  itself  on  public  view  by  open 
violation  of  God's  commandments  and  the  just  laws  of 
the  land.  But  it  by  no  means  follows  that  toleration 
means,  or  ought  to  mean,  equal  favour  shown  to  error  as 
to  truth.  Truth  ought  to  be  expressly  favoured  and  en- 
couraged :  erring  men  ought  to  be  treated  with  all  ten- 
derness and  compassionate  toleration ;  but  error  itself 
ought  to  be  condemned,  and  all  fair  means  employed  for 
its  extirpation.  This  could  never  lead  to  persecution  ; 
because  it  would  constantly  preserve  the  distinction  be- 
tween the  abstract  error  and  the  man  whose  misfortune  it 
is  to  be  an  erring  man,  and  to  whom  it  would  show  all 
tenderness,   while  H   strove   to  rescue  him  from  the  evil 


I 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  339 

consequences  of  those  erroneous  notions  by  which  he  was 
blinded  and  misled. 

There  is  great  reason  to  believe  that  the  Presbyterians 
and  the  Independents  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  mis- 
apprehended each  other's  opinions  on  the  subject  of  re- 
ligious toleration.  What  the  Presbyterians  understood 
their  opponents  to  mean  by  that  term  was  what  they 
called  a  "  boundless  toleration,"  implying  equal  encourage- 
ment to  all  shades  and  kinds  of  religious  opinions,  however 
wild,  extravagant,  and  pernicious  in  their  principles,  and 
in  their  evident  tendency.  And  when  they  somewhat 
vehemently  condemned  such  laxity  and  licentiousness,  the 
Independents  seem  to  have  thought  that  they  intended  or 
•desired  the  forcible  suppression  of  all  opinions  that  differed 
from  their  owe.  Yet  surely  the  Independents  might  have 
better  understood  both  the  principles  and  the  practice  of  Pres- 
byterian Churches.  In  Holland,  a  Presbyterian  country,  they 
had  themselves  enjoyed  the  most  complete  and  undisturbed 
toleration  in  religious  matters.  They  had  often  witnessed 
the  interposition  of  the  Scottish  divines  on  their  behalf  in 
the  debates  of  the  Assembly  ;  and  if  they  experienced  some- 
what sharper  treatment  and  more  pointed  opposition  from 
the  English  Presbyterians,  that  might  easily  be  explained  by 
the  difference  of  temper  in  men  struggling  to  obtain  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  system,  and  in  men  living  under  that  system 
when  established,  and  then  acting  according  to  its  native 
spirit  and  character.  They  might  have  made  allowance 
also  for  the  feeling  of  excited  alarm  with  which  the  Pres- 
byterians regarded  the  portentous  growth  and  multiplica- 
tion of  heretical  sects,  alike  dangerous  to  religious  truth,  to 
moral  purity,  and  to  national  peace ;  for  it  must  be  observed, 
that  during  Cromwell's  administration,  when  the  Independ 
ents  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  chief  power,  many  of  these 
sects   (such  as   Levellers,   the    Fifth-Monarchy   Men,  the 


340  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Socinians,  the  Antinomians,  the  Quakers,  etc.),  were  forcibly 
suppressed,  without  any  opposition  being  offered  by  them 
to  this  suppression,  as  an  intolerant  interference  with  liberty 
of  conscience.  The  only  explanation.  Ave  apprehend,  which 
can  be  given  of  this  inconsistency  of  the  Independents,  is 
one  not  very  creditable  to  their  character  for  integrity  of 
principle.  During  their  struggle  with  the  Presbyterians, 
they  needed  the  support  of  numbers,  being  but  few  them- 
selves, and  therefore  they  advocated  a  "  boundless  tolera- 
tion,"— of  which  they  did  not  really  approve,  and  which, 
when  in  power  themselves,  they  did  not  grant.1 

It  has  been  often  confidently  asserted,  that  the  Inde- 
pendents were  the  first  who  rightly  understood  and  publicly 
advocated  the  great  principle  of  religious  toleration.  That 
they  did  assert  that  principle  is  certain  ;  but  that  they  were 
the  first  who  did  so  is  not  the  truth.  Luther  declared,  that 
"  The  Church  ought  not  to  force  persons  to  believe,  nor  to 
animadvert  capitally  on  those  who  follow  a  different  reli- 
gion:" "That  to  believe  is  something  free,  yea,  divine, 
being  the  fruit  of  the  Spirit  j  wherefore  it  cannot,  and  ought 
not,  to  be  forced  by  any  external  violence."  The  language 
of  Zuingle  is  not  less  explicit :  "  It  is  at  once  contrary  to 
the  gospel  and  to  reason,  to  employ  violent  measures  to  ex- 
tort a  confession  of  faith  contrary  to  conscience.     Eeason 

1  Some,  perhaps,  by  a  toleration  understand  an  universal,  uncontrolled 
licence  of  living  as  you  please  iu  things  concerning  religion  :  that  every 
one  maybe  let  alone,  and  not  so  much  as  discountenanced  in  doing,  speak- 
ing, acting,  how,  what,  where,  or  when  he  pleaseth,  in  all  such  things  aa 
concerneth  the  worship  of  God,  articles  of  belief,  or  generally  any  thing 
commanded  in  religion ;  and  in  the  meantime,  the  parties  at  variance, 
and  litigant  about  differences,  freely  to  revile,  reject,  and  despise  one 
auother,  according  as  their  provoked  genius  shall  dispose  their  minds 
thereunto.  Now,  truly,  though  every  one  of  this  mind  pretends  to  cry 
for  mercy  to  be  extended  unto  poor  afflicted  Truth,  yet  I  cannot  but  be 
persuaded  that  such  a  toleration  would  prove  exceeding  pernicious  to  all 
sorts  of  men." — Essay  by  Dr  Owen,  appended  to  a  Sermon  preached  before- 
the  House  of  Commons,  Api'il  29,  10-AG ;  p.  G6. 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  341 

and  persuasion  are  the  arms  that  a  Christian  ought  to  em- 
ploy." Even  Calvin  and  Knox,  terrible  as  their  very  names 
appear  to  some,  and  associated  with  the  very  essence  of  in- 
tolerance, repeatedly  expressed  sentiments  precisely  similar, 
strenuously  maintaining  the  liberty  of  the  conscience,  and  con- 
demning persecution.  And  in  Scotland,  where  the  Presby- 
terian Church  was  early  established,  and  repeatedly  enjoyed 
much  power,  often  as  that  Church  suffered  persecution  in 
every  form  and  degree,  it  never,  in  its  day  of  power,  perse- 
cuted its  enemies  in  return.  This  some  will  think  a  strange 
assertion,  accustomed  as  they  have  been  to  hear  so  much 
about  Presbyterian  intolerance  ;  yet  it  is  not  more  strange 
than  true.  And  did  our  space  permit,  we  could  furnish 
ample  proof  that  the  true  principles  of  religious  toleration 
were  both  held  and  practised  in  Scotland  by  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  both  before  Independency  had  come  into 
existence,  and  during  the  very  time  of  the  struggle  between 
the  two  parties  in  England.  And  even  in  the  Westminster 
Assembly,  at  the  time  when  the  subject  of  toleration  was 
under  discussion,  the  true  principles  of  religious  liberty 
were  avowedly  held  and  publicly  taught  by  the  Presbyterian 
divines,  the  very  men  who  are  so  vehemently  accused  of  in- 
tolerance,— at  least  as  distinctly  and  earnestly  as  they  were 
by  the  Independents.  Such  sentiments  as  the  following 
were  frequently  expressed  by  them  in  their  public  sermons  : 
— "  Pierce  and  furious  prosecution,  even  of  a  good  cause, 
is  rather  prejudice  than  promotion.  We  must  tenaciously 
adhere  to  all  divine  truths  ourselves,  and,  with  our  wisest 
moderation,  plant  and  propagate  them  in  others.  Opposites, 
indeed,  must  be  opposed,  gainsaid,  reclaimed;  but  all  must 
be  done  in  a  way,  and  by  the  means,  appointed  from  heaven. 
It  is  one  thing  to  show  moderation  to  pious,  peaceable,  and 
tender  consciences ;  it  is  another  thing  to  proclaim  before- 
hand toleration  to  impious,  fiery,  and  unpeaceable  opinions/ 


342  HISTORY    OF    THE 

111  the  last  sentence  of  this  quotation  a  distinction  ia 
drawn  which  touches  the  essential  point  of  the  controversy 
between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents.  The 
Presbyterians  wished  Church  government  to  be  established 
in  the  first  instance,  and  then  a  toleration  to  be  granted  to 
tender  consciences :  the  Independents,  on  the  other  hand, 
strove  to  obtain  a  legislative  toleration  first,  and  thei>  + 
would  have  been  a  matter  of  little  moment  which,  01 
whether  any,  form  of  Church  government  should  be  estab- 
lished. The  Presbyterians  not  only  apprehended  that 
this  would  amount  to  the  establishment  of  the  Independent 
system,  instead  of  their  own,  and  consequently,  to  the 
frustration  of  the  very  object  for  which  the  Assembly  had 
met,  and  for  which  they  had  sworn  the  Covenant,  namely, 
the  promotion  of  uniformity  in  religious  matters  throughout 
Protestant  Christendom,  Independency  being  prevalent  in 
no  European  country ;  but  also,  they  regarded  it  with 
strong  alarm,  as  sanctioning  all  the  pernicious  heresies  with 
which  England  abounded,  and  establishing  the  principle  of 
universal  licentiousness.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Independ- 
ents knew  well,  that  unless  the  spirit  of  a  Presbyterian 
Church  should  be  different  in  England  from  what  it  was  in 
every  other  country,  its  establishment  would  not  prevent 
toleration,  to  the  utmost  extent  that  God's  Word  warrants, 
and  an  enlightened  conscience  can  require.  Such,  indeed 
was  the  conviction  of  Dr  Owen,  who,  though  not  a  member 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  was  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  many  of  the  leading  Presbyterians,  knew  their  senti- 
ments, and  understood  their  system.  "  Had  the  Presbyterian 
government,"  says  he,  "  been  settled  at  the  King's  restora- 
tion, by  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  the  practice 
of  it,  without  a  rigorous  imposition  of  every  thing  supposed 
by  any  to  belong  thereunto,  or  a  mixture  of  human  institu- 
tions, if  there  had  been  any  appearance  of  a  schism  or 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  343 

separation  between  the  parties,  I  do  judge  they  would  have 
been  both  to  blame  ;  for  they  allowed  distinct  communion 
upon  distinct  apprehensions  of  things  belonging  to  Church 
order  or  worship, — all  'keeping  the  unity  of  the  Spirit 
in  the  bond  of  peace.'  If  it  shall  be  asked,  Then  why 
did  they  not  formerly  agree  in  the  Assembly  1  I  answer, 
1.  I  was  none  of  them,  and  cannot  tell.  2.  They  did 
agree,  in  my  judgment,  well  enough,  if  they  could  have 
thought  so  j  and  further  I  am  not  concerned  in  the  differ- 
ence."1 

The  real  cause,  most  probably,  why  they  did  not  agree, 
was  what  has  been  already  suggested, — that  the  intriguing 
spirit  of  Nye  involved  the  Assembly  Independents  in  the 
political  schemes  of  Cromwell.  But  though  that  ambitious 
man  made  use  of  them  to  promote  his  designs,  by  retarding 
the  settlement  of  any  thing  till  his  power  was  matured ; 
and  though  he  continued  to  bestow  upon  them  the  chief 
share  of  his  favour  after  he  had  seized  upon  the  sceptre  of 
imperial  sway ;  he  neither  granted,  nor  did  they  sue  for, 
universal  toleration.  This  is  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the 
circumstances  connected  with  some  ecclesiastical  arrange- 
ments proposed  in  his  Parliament  in  the  year  1654.  The 
leading  Independent  ministers  laid  before  the  Committee 
of  Triers,  at  that  time  formed,  a  series  of  requests,  in  the 
form  of  a  representation,  one  article  of  which  was  as  follows  : 
— "That  this  honourable  Committee  be  desired  to  propose 
to  the  Parliament,  that  such  who  do  not  receive  those 
principles  of  religion,  without  acknowledgment  whereof 
the  Scriptures  do  clearly  and  plainly  affirm  that  salvation 
is  not  to  be  obtained,  as  those  formerly  complained  of  by 
the  ministers,  may  not  be  suffered  to  preach  or  promulgate 
any  thing  in  opposition  unto  such  principles."      In  con- 

1  Answer  to  Stillingfleet's  Unreasonableness  of  Separation.  Works 
vol.  xv.  p.  433,  Johnstone  &  Hunter's  edition. 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE 

sequence  of  this,  a  discussion  arose  respecting  the  extent  to 
which  religious  toleration  was  to  be  carried,  when  "  it  was 
voted,  that  all  should  be  tolerated  or  indulged  who  professed 
the  fundamentals  of  Christianity ;"  and  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  nominate  certain  divines  to  draw  up  a  catalogue 
of  the  fundamentals,  to  be  presented  to  the  House.  These 
divines,  chiefly  Owen,  Nye,  and  Goodwin,  accordingly  drew 
up  sixteen  articles,  and  presented  them  to  the  Committee 
of  Parliament,  by  whom  they  were  ordered  to  be  printed. 
A  strict  interpretation  and  application  of  these  sixteen 
fundamental  principles  of  religion  would  exclude  from 
toleration  all  Deists,  Papists,  Socinians,  Arians,  Antino- 
mians,  and  Quakers,  and  even  Arminians,  by  no  very  strained 
construction.1  From  this  it  is  evident,  that  whether  the 
Presbyterians  really  did  understand  and  act  upon  the  true 
principles  of  religious  liberty  or  not,  it  cannot  with  truth 
be  said  that  the  views  of  the  Independents  were  in  any 

i  u  The  Principles  of  Faith  presented  by  Mr  Thomas  Goodwin,  Mr  Nye, 
Mr  Simpson,  and  other  Ministers,  to  the  Committee  of  Parliament 
for  Keligion,  etc. 

"  1.  That  the  Holy  Scripture  is  that  rule  of  knowing  God,  and  living 
unto  Him,  which  whoso  does  not  believe  cannot  be  saved. 

"  2.  That  there  is  a  God,  who  is  the  Creator,  Governor,  and  Judge  of 
the  world, — which  is  to  be  received  by  faith ;  and  every  other  way  of  the 
knowledge  of  Him  is  insufficient. 

"  3.  That  this,  God,  who  is  the  Creator,  is  eternally  distinct  from  all 
creatures,  in  His  being  and  blessedness. 

••4.  That  this  God  is  one,  in  three  persons  or  subsistences. 

"  5.  That  Jesus  Christ  is  the  only  Mediator  between  God  and  man, 
without  the  knowledge  of  whom  there  is  no  salvation. 

"  6.  That  this  Jesus  Christ  is  the  true  God. 

"  7.  That  this  Jesus  Christ  is  also  true  man. 

"  8.  That  this  Jesus  Christ  is  God  and  man  in  one  person. 

"  9.  That  this  Jesus  Christ  is  our  Kedeemer,  who,  by  paying  a  ransom, 
and  bearing  our  sins,  has  made  satisfaction  for  them. 

"  10.  That  this  same  Jesus  Christ  is  He  that  was  crucified  at  Jeru.-alera 
and  rose  again,  and  ascended  into  heaven. 

"  1L  That  this  same  Jesus  Christ,  being  the  only  God  and  man  in 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  345 

Tespect  more  liberal  and  enlarged.  For  this  we  blame 
them  not,  but  merely  state  the  fact.  Perhaps  the  exact 
truth  is,  that  their  opinions  on  the  subject  were  nearly 
identical,  all  the  difference  between  them  being  that  of 
position  and  circumstance ;  and  it  may  fairly  be  admitted, 
that  the  subject  had  not  at  that  period  received  all  the 
attention  it  deserved,  and  the  elucidation  of  which  it  was 
capable.  It  was,  however,  brought  so  strongly  before  the 
notice  of  the  public  mind,  and  attention  was  so  forcibly 
directed  to  it  by  the  ejection  of  the  two  thousand  ministers 
on  St  Bartholomew's  day,  and  by  subsequent  events  during 
that  and  the  succeeding  reign,  that  it  became  one  of  the 
essential  elements  which  produced  the  Eevolution  of  1688, 
and  was  secured  by  the  Toleration  Act  of  the  following 
year.  The  Toleration  Act  itself  may  therefore  be  fairly 
regarded  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
though  few  have  been  hitherto  disposed  to  trace  it  to  that 
truly  illustrious  source. 

There  was  one  great,  and  even  sublime  idea,  brought 
somewhat  indefinitely  before  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
which  has  not  yet  been  realized, — the  idea  of  a  Protestant 
union  throughout  Christendom,  not  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
counterbalancing  Popery,  but  in  order  to  purify,  strengthen, 
one  person,  remains  for  ever  a  distinct  person  from  all  saints  and  angels, 
notwithstanding  their  union  and  communion  with  Him. 

"  12.  That  all  men  by  nature  are  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins ;  and  no 
man  can  be  saved  unless  he  be  born  again,  repent,  and  believe. 

"  13.  That  we  are  justified  and  saved  by  grace,  and  faith  in  Jesus 
Christ,  and  not  by  works. 

"  14.  That  to  continue  in  any  known  sin,  upon  what  pretence  or  prin- 
ciple soever,  is  damnable. 

"  15.  That  God  is  to  be  worshipped  according  to  His  own  will ;  and 
whosover  shall  forsake  and  despise  all  the  duties  of  His  worship  cannot 
be  saved. 

"  16.  That  the  dead  shall  rise ;  and  that  there  is  a  day  of  judgment 
wherein  all  shall  appear,  some  to  go  into  everlasting  life,  and  some  into 
everlasting  condemnation." — Xeal,  vol.  ii.  pp.  621,  622. 


340  HISTORY   OF   THE 

and  unite  all  true  Christian  Churches,  so  that  with  combined 
energy  and  zeal  they  might  go  forth,  in  glad  compliance 
with  the  Eedeemer's  commands,  teaching  all  nations,  and 
preaching  the  everlasting  gospel  to  every  creature  under 
heaven.  This  truly  magnificent,  and  also  truly  Christian  idea,, 
seems  to  have  originated  in  the  mind  of  that  distinguished 
man,  Alexander  Henderson.  It  was  suggested  by  him  to 
the  Scottish  Commissioners,  and  by  them  partially  brought 
before  the  English  Parliament,  requesting  them  to  direct 
the  Assembly  to  write  letters  to  the  Protestant  Churches 
in  France,  Holland,  Switzerland,  and  other  Reformed 
Churches,  Henderson  had  too  much  wisdom  to  state  the 
subject  fully  to  the  Parliament,  lest  they  should  be  startled 
by  a  thought  vast  beyond  their  conception.  They  gave  to 
the  Assembly  the  desired  direction,  and  the  letters  were  pre- 
pared and  sent.  A  hasty  perusal  of  these  letters  might  not 
suggest  the  idea  of  a  great  Protestant  union,  the  greater  part 
of  them  being  occupied  with  a  statement  of  the  causes  which 
had  led  to  the  calling  of  the  Assembly,  and  in  vindication 
of  themselves  against  the  accusations  wherewith  they  might 
be  assailed.  But  towards  the  conclusion  the  idea  is  dimly 
traced ;  and  along  with  these  letters  were  sent  copies  of  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant, — a  document  which  might 
itself  form  the  basis  of  such  a  Protestant  union.  The  deep^ 
thinking  divines  of  the  Netherlands  apprehended  the  idea, 
and  in  their  answer,  not  only  expressed  their  approbation 
of  the  Covenant,  but  also  desired  to  join  in  it  with  the 
British  kingdoms.  "Nov  did  they  content  themselves  with 
the  mere  expression  of  approval  and  willingness  to  join.  A 
letter  was  soon  afterwards  sent  to  the  Assembly  from  the 
Hague,  written  by  Duraeus  (the  celebrated  John  Dmy), 
offering  to  come  to  the  Assembly,  and  containing  a  copy  of 
a  vow  which  he  had  prepared  and  tendered  to  the  distin- 
guished Oxen^tiern,  Chancellor  of  S  »peden,  wherein  he  bound 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  347 

himself  "  to  prosecute  a  reconciliation  between  Protestants 
in  point  of  religion."1 

That  this  was  the  real  object  contemplated  in  this  re- 
markable correspondence  is  indicated  with  sufficient  plain- 
ness by  Baillie :  "  We  are  thinking  of  a  new  work  over 
sea,  if  this  Church  were  settled.  The  times  of  Antichrist's 
fall  are  approaching.  The  very  outward  providence  of  God 
seems  to  be  disposing  France,  Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany, 
for  the  receiving  of  the  gospel.  When  the  curtains  of  the 
Lord's  tabernacle  are  thus  far,  and  much  farther  enlarged, 
by  the  means  which  yet  appear  not,  how  shall  our  mouth 
be  filled  with  laughter,  our  tongue  with  praise,  and  our 
heart  with  rejoicing!"2  There  are  several  other  hints  of 
a  similar  character  to  be  found  in  Baillie' s  Letters  ;  and  on 
cue  occasion  Henderson  procured  a  passport  to  go  to  Hol- 
land, most  probably  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  this  grand 
idea.  But  the  intrigues  of  politicians,  the  delays  caused  by 
the  conduct  of  the  Independents,  and  the  narrow-minded 
Erastianism  of  the  English  Parliament,  all  conspired  to 
prevent  the  Assembly  from  entering  farther  into  that  truly 
glorious  Christian  enterprise.  Days  of  trouble  and  dark- 
ness came;  persecution  wore  out  the  great  men  of  that 
remarkable  period  ;  pure  and  vital  Christianity  was  stricken 
to  the  earth  and  trampled  under  foot ;  and  when  the  time 
of  deliverance  came  at  the  Revolution,  it  found  the  Churches 
too  much  exhausted  to  resume  the  mighty  tasks  begun, 
but  not  accomplished,  in  the  previous  generation.  Peace 
and  repose  were  chiefly  sought;  listless  inactivity  and 
spiritual  deadness  ensued ;  and  all  the  noble  purposes  and 
great  ideas  of  a  former  age  were  basely  forgotten  or  sinfully 
despised. 

But   although   the    Westminster    Assembly    and    its 
labours  seemed  to  have  been  thus  consigned  to  oblivion,  or 
•  Liglitfoot,  p.  86.  2  Baillie,  vol.  ii.  p.  19V 


348  HISTORY   OF   THE 

mentioned  by  prelatic  or  infidel  historians  merely  as  a 
topic  on  which  they  might  freely  ponr  forth  their  spite  or 
their  mockery,  its  influence  in  the  deep  undercurrent  of 
the  national  mind  was  unseen,  but  was  not  unfelt.  Even 
in  England,  where  every  effort  was  made  to  destroy  alike 
its  principles  and  their  fruit,  it  succeeded  in  communicat- 
ing a  secret  impulse  of  irresistible  energy  to  the  nation's 
heart.  This  was  first  proved  by  the  noble  testimony  borne  on 
St  Bartholomew's  day,  in  defence  of  religious  liberty.  And 
the  feeling  thus  called  into  action  showed  its  might  when 
afterwards  the  Popish  tyrant,  James  VII.,  was  hurled  from 
his  throne  by  the  indignant  voice  of  a  free  Protestant 
people.  Let  it  be  frankly  granted  that  the  English  bishops 
bore  a  considerable  part  in  that  memorable  Eevolution ; 
but  let  it  also  be  remembered,  that  in  their  youth  they  had 
imbibed  the  principles  of  religious  and  civil  liberty  under 
the  instruction  of  Presbyterian  and  Independent  professors 
and  masters  in  the  universities  ;  and  let  it  also  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Toleration  Act  was  the  production  of  the 
same  well-trained  generation ;  and  when  these  things  are 
borne  in  mind,  it  will  not  be  said  that  the  nation  derived 
no  advantage  from  the  labours  of  the  Westminster  Assembly. 
In  Scotland  its  results  were  more  directly  and  signally 
beneficial,  being  fully  accepted  by  the  Church,  and  ratified 
by  the  State.  Xot  even  twenty -eight  years  of  ruthless  per- 
secution could  extinguish  the  bright  light  of  sacred  truth 
which  it  had  contributed  to  shed  over  our  own  northern 
hills,  or  trample  out  of  existence  the  strong  spirit  of  liberty 
which  it  inspired  and  hallowed.  What  can  ever  expel 
rrom  the  mind  and  heart  of  a  Christian  people  that  single 
btxitence  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  :  "  God  alone  is  Lord 
of  the  conscience,  and  hath  left  it  free  from  the  doctrines 
and  commandments  of  men  which  are  in  anything  contrary 
to  His  Word,  or  beside  it,  in  matters  of  faith  or  worship." 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  349 

The  people  who  can  feel  and  understand  that  sacred  truth 
can  never  be  enslaved.  And  although,  after  the  Union, 
the  perfidy  of  traitorous  statesmen  introduced  the  uncon- 
stitutional element  of  patronage  into  the  external  arrange- 
ments of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  contrary  to  the  express 
stipulations  of  the  Act  of  Security,  by  which  the  Scottish 
nation  had  so  anxiously  sought  to  protect  their  National 
Church  ;  yet  it  required  the  lapse  of  generations  to  produce 
a  race  sufficiently  degenerated  to  allow  the  pernicious  ele- 
ment to  do  its  work.  Even  when  a  majority  of  the  Scot- 
tish ministers  had  become  unfaithful,  the  Confession  of 
Faith  and  the  Catechism  continued  to  infuse  their  strong 
and  living  principles  of  Christian  truth  into  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  the  people,  maintaining  a  spirit  and  an  energy 
that  nothing  could  subdue.  The  effect  of  this  was  seen  in 
the  Secession ;  and  not  less  manifestly  in  the  deep  and 
steady  devotedness  with  which  the  ministrations  of  evan- 
gelical truth  were  attended  in  the  Established  Church  it- 
self. A  recent  and  still  more  signal  manifestation  of  the 
power  of  these  principles  was  displayed  in  the  memorable 
Disruption  of  1843,  when,  in  vindication  of  their  truth, 
and  to  secure  the  liberty  of  maintaining  them,  four  hun- 
dred and  seventy-four  ministers  gave  up  all  connection 
with  the  State,  and  all  the  advantages  thence  arising, 
rather  than  surrender  spiritual  freedom  in  obedience  to 
Christ  alone.  Such  was  the  state  of  the  Churches  in  both 
kingdoms  throughout  the  listless  length  of  a  dreary  century, 
—  the  still  and  heavy  torpor  of  lethargic  sluggishness  above, 
the  silent  but  strong  current  of  a  deep  life-stream  beneath. 


350  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE  THEOLOGICAL  PRODUCTIONS  OF  THE  WESTMINSTER 
ASSEMBLY. 

It  has  been  suggested  repeatedly,  that  in  order  to  render 
this  work  a  full  History  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  it 
ought  to  contain,  at  least,  a  brief  sketch  of  its  theological 
productions.  This  Avas  not  at  first  thought  necessary,  be- 
cause as  its  chief  production  was  the  Confession  of  Faith, 
and  as  that  was  held  to  be  almost  universally  known,  there 
did  not  appear  much  need  for  anything  more  than  the 
mention  of  its  name.  But  in  deference  to  the  opinion  of 
others,  a  distinct  chapter  is  now  added  to  this  edition,  con- 
taining the  suggested  outline. 

After  having  spent  a  few  weeks  in  discussing  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, the  Assembly  was  required  by  the  Parliament  to 
direct  its  deliberations  to  the  important  topics  of  Discipline 
and  a  Directory  of  Worship  and  Church  Government.  On 
the  17th  day  of  October  1643,  accordingly,  the  Assembly 
took  into  consideration,  first,  the  subject  of  Government 
The  whole  matter  wrs  very  fully  argued,  chiefly  on  Scrip- 
tural grounds,  during  the  remainder  of  that  year,  and 
throughout  the  whole  of  1644,  with  numerous  delays  and 
interruptions  ;  and  when  completed  was  not  ratified  by 
the  English  Parliament,  but  allowed  to  lie  dormant  in  the 
hands  of  the  Committee  of  Accommodation  till  June  1646. 
But  u  copy  of  it  was  transmitted  to  Scotland,  laid  before 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  351 

the  General  Assembly,  and  approved  by  that  body  on  the 
10th  of  February  1645.  It  contains  a  very  distinct  state- 
ment of  the  supremacy  of  Christ,  of  the  Church,  of  its 
Office-bearers,  of  Congregations  and  their  Office-bearers, 
of  Church  Courts  and  their  jurisdiction  through  all  their 
ascending  gradations,- — Sessions,  Presbyteries,  Provincial 
Synods,  and  General  Assemblies, — and  of  all  that  relates 
"to  the  Ordination  of  Ministers.  These  topics  are  all 
succinctly  and  clearly  stated,  and  supported  by  proofs  from 
Scripture.  No  other  proof,  by  reasoning,  or  reference  to 
tradition,  or  the  practice  of  primitive  Christianity,  or  of 
•other  Churches,  is  given  ;  because  the  Assembly  regarded 
nothing  as  having  any  authority  in  regard  to  the  Church 
but  the  Word  of  God.  But  if  any  person  should  wish  to 
know  the  reasonings  of  the  Assembly  on  the  subject  of 
Church  government,  he  may  find  them  in  their  fullest  form 
in  the  volume  commonly  designated  "  The  Grand  Debate." 
The  Directory  of  Public  Worship  was  another  of  the 
strictly  theological  subjects  which  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  Westminster  Assembly.  As  the  whole  Prelatic  system 
had  been  abolished  before  the  Assembly  met,  and  as  the 
enforcement  of  its  Liturgy  and  ceremonies  had  already  been 
the  cause  of  such  prolonged  contests  and  excessive  afflic- 
tions in  England,  till  nearly  all  its  truly  evangelical  minis- 
ters had  been  forced  to  join  the  Puritans,  and  in  doing  so 
had  already  adopted  a  purely  scriptural  form  of  public 
worship,  the  Assembly  had  little  to  do  but  to  state,  in  their 
•own  well-weighed  and  concise  terms,  a  Directory  of  Public 
Worship  in  which  nearly  all  were  already  agreed.  This 
was  accordingly  done  during  the  course  of  1644,  its  various 
topics  being  taken  up  from  time  to  time,  in  the  intervals 
between  their  discussions  on  more  controverted  matters. 
The  Directory  was  transmitted  to  Scotland  along  with  the 
subject  of  Church  Government,  and  approved  by  the  Gene- 


352  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ral  Assembly  on  February  3,  1645.  It  will  be  found  in 
the  common  editions  of  the  volume  usually  designated  the 
"  Confession  of  Faith,"  from  the  most  important  portion. 
The  topics  of  the  Directory  need  not  be  here  either  enume- 
rated or  explained  ;  but  we  may  be  permitted  to  recommend 
its  very  careful  and  repeated  perusal  by  all  ministers,  and 
all  who  are  preparing  for  the  office  of  the  ministry.  They 
will  find  it  both  full  of  sound  and  well-expressed  instruc- 
tion, and  eminently  suggestive, — much  more  so,  we  antici- 
pate, than  they  would  readily  expect. 

When  the  Assembly  was  about  to  begin  the  important 
task  of  preparing  a  Catechism,  it  was  suggested  that  it  would 
be  more  prudent  first  to  prepare  a  Confession  of  Faith,  and 
then  the  Catechism  might  be  so  constructed  as  to  contain 
no  doctrinal  proposition  but  what  was  in  the  Confession, 
and  thereby  be  a  preparatory  training  for  the  subsequent 
study  of  that  graver  work.  The  mode  in  which  the  As- 
sembly carried  on  its  work  has  been  already  described,  and 
need  not  be  repeated,  further  than  by  stating  that  a  re-ar- 
rangement of  the  committees  was  made  with  express  refer- 
ence to  the  framing  of  the  Confession,  so  that  the  primary 
committee,  appointed  to  prepare  and  arrange  the  main  pro- 
positions which  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  Assembly,  was 
composed  entirely  of  its  most  able  and  learned  divines. 
These  were,  Dr  Hoyle,  Dr  Gouge,  Messrs  Herle,  Gataker, 
Tuckney,  Eeynolds,  and  Vines,  with  the  four  Scottish  Com- 
missioners, Henderson,  Eutherford,  Baillie,  and  Gillespie.1 
Henderson  was  already  well  prepared  for  entering  on  this 
most  important  task,  having  been  requested  by  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  Scottish  Church,  in  the  year  1641,  to 
draw  up  a  new  and  full  Confession  of  Faith,  which  the 
Church  might  adopt;  and  although  this  had  not  been 
actually  produced,  yet  the  subject  had  been  thereby  placed 
1  See  Appendix.  Note  B. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  353 

definitely  before  his  capacious  mind,  and  must  have  fre- 
quently engaged  his  thoughts. 

These  learned  and  able  divines  began  their  labours  by 
arranging,  in  the  most  systematic  order,  the  various  great 
and  sacred  truths  which  God  has  revealed  to  man  j  and 
then  reduced  these  to  thirty -two  distinct  heads  or  chapters. 
These  were  again  sub-divided  into  sections ;  and  the  com- 
mittee formed  themselves  into  several  sub-committees,  each 
of  which  took  a  specific  topic,  for  the  sake  of  exact  and 
concentrated  deliberation.  When  these  sub-committees  had 
completed  their  respective  tasks,  the  whole  results  were  laid 
before  the  entire  committee,  and  any  alterations  suggested, 
and  debated  till  all  were  of  one  mind,  and  fully  agreed  as 
to  both  doctrine  and  expression.  And  when  any  title  or 
chapter  had  been  thus  thoroughly  prepared  by  the  com- 
mittee, it  was  reported  to  the  Assembly,  and  again  sub- 
jected to  the  most  minute  and  careful  investigation,  in 
every  paragraph,  sentence,  and  even  word.  All  that  learn- 
ing the  most  profound  and  extensive,  intellect  the  most 
acute  and  searching,  and  piety  the  most  sincere  and  earnest, 
could  accomplish,  was  thus  concentrated  in  the  Westminster 
Assembly's  Confession  of  Faith,  which  may  be  safely  termed 
the  most  perfect  statement  of  Systematic  Theology  ever 
framed  by  the  Christian  Church. 

In  the  preliminary  deliberations  of  the  committee  the 
Scottish  divines  took  a  leading  part,  for  which  they  were 
peculiarly  qualified ;  but  no  report  of  these  deliberations 
either  was  or  could  be  made  public.  The  results  alone  ap- 
peared, when  the  committee,  from  time  to  time,  laid  its 
matured  propositions  before  the  Assembly.  And  it  is  grati- 
fying to  be  able  to  add,  that  throughout  the  deliberations 
of  the  Assembly  itself,  when  composing,  or  rather  formally 
sanctioning,  the  Confession  of  Faith,  there  prevailed  almost 
an  entire  harmony.     There  appear,  indeed,  to  have  been 

Z 


354  HISTORY   OF   THE 

only  two  subjects  on  which  any  difference  of  opinion  existed 
among  them.  The  one  of  these  was  the  doctrine  of  elec- 
tion, concerning  which  Baillie  informs  us  that  they  had 
"  long  and  tough  debates  ;"  the  other  was  about  the  lead- 
ing proposition  of  the  chapter  entitled,  "  Of  Church  Cen- 
sures," viz.,  "  The  Lord  Jesus,  as  King  and  Head  of  His 
Church,  hath  therein  appointed  a  government  in  the  hand 
of  Church-officers,  distinct  from  the  civil  magistrate."  This 
proposition  the  Assembly  manifestly  intended  and  under- 
stood to  contain  a  principle  directly  and  necessarily  opposed 
to  the  very  essence  of  Erastianism,  and  it  was  regarded  in 
the  same  light  by  the  Erastians  themselves ;  hence  it  had 
to  encounter  their  most  strenuous  opposition.  It  was,  how- 
ever, somewhat  beyond  the  grasp  of  the  lay  members  of  the 
Assembly,  especially  since  their  champion,  Selden,  had  in 
a  great  measure  withdrawn  from  the  debates  after  his  signal 
discomfiture  by  Gillespie ;  and  consequently  it  was  carried 
triumphantly,  the  single  dissentient  voice  being  that  of 
Lightfoot,  the  other  Erastian  divine,  Coleman,  having  died 
before  the  conclusion  of  the  debate.  The  framing  of  the 
Confession  occupied  the  Assembly  somewhat  more  than  a 
year.  After  having  been  carefully  transcribed,  it  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Parliament  on  the  3d  of  December  1646. 
The  House  of  Commons  required  the  proof  by  Scripture 
texts  to  be  added.  This  also  was  done,  and  a  completed 
copy  again  laid  before  the  House  on  the  29th  day  of  April 
1647.  Finally,  on  the  27th  of  August  1647,  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  passed  an  Act  approv- 
ing the  Confession  of  Faith,  with  a  caveat  in  the  conclud- 
ing sentence  of  that  Act,  guarding  against  some  portions  of 
it  which  might  be  construed  as  yielding  too  much  to  the 
authority  of  the  civil  magistrate.  This  Act  will  be  found 
in  all  the  common  editions  of  the  Confession  of  Faith,  and 
deserves  to  be  noticed. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  355 

There  have  been  many  objections  urged  against  the  use 
of  Creeds  and  Confessions  of  Faith ;  but  almost  the  only 
objection  which  is  now  attempted  with  any  degree  of  con- 
fidence, is  that  which  accuses  Confessions  of  usurping  a 
position  and  authority  due  to  divine  truth  alone.  This  ob- 
jection itself  has  its  origin  in  an  erroneous  view  of  what  a 
Confession  of  Faith  really  is,  and  wherein  the  necessity  of 
there  being  a  Confession  consists.  That  necessity  does  not 
lie  in  the  nature  of  the  truth  revealed  to  man  ;  but  in  the 
nature  of  the  human  mind  itself.  A  Confession  is  not  a 
revelation  of  divine  truth, — it  is  "  not  even  a  rule  of  faith 
and  practice,  but  a  help  in  both,"  to  use  the  words  of  the 
"Westminster  Confession  itself;  but  it  is  a  declaration  of 
the  manner  in  which  any  man,  or  number  of  men, — any 
•Christian,  or  any  Church — understands  the  truth  which  has 
been  revealed.  Its  object  is,  therefore,  not  to  teach  divine 
truth ;  but  to  exhibit  a  clear,  systematic,  and  intelligible 
declaration  of  our  own  sentiments,  and  to  furnish  the  means 
of  ascertaining  the  opinions  of  others,  especially  on  religious 
doctrines. 

The  Christian  Church,  as  a  divine  institution,  takes  the 
"Word  of  God  alone,  and  the  whole  Word  of  God,  as  her 
only  rule  of  faith ;  but  she  must  also  frame  and  promulgate 
a  statement  of  what  she  understands  the  Word  of  God  to 
teach.  This  she  does,  not  as  arrogating  any  authority  to 
suppress,  change,  or  amend  anything  that  God's  Word 
teaches ;  but  in  discharge  of  the  various  duties  which  she 
■owes  to  God,  to  the  world,  and  to  those  of  her  own  com- 
munion. Since  she  has  been  constituted  the  depositary  of 
God's  truth,  it  is  her  duty  to  Him  to  state,  in  the  most  dis- 
tinct and  explicit  terms,  what  she  understands  that  truth 
to  mean.  In  this  manner  she  not  only  proclaims  what  God 
has  said,  but  also  appends  her  seal  that  God  is  true.  Thus 
a  Confession  of  Faith  is  not  the  very  voice  of  divine  truth, 


356  HISTORY    OF   THE 

out  the  echo  of  that  voice  from  souls  that  have  heard  its 
utterance,  felt  its  power,  and  are  answering  to  its  call. 
And,  since  she  has  been  instituted  for  the  purpose  of  teach- 
ing God's  truth  to  an  erring  world,  her  duty  to  the  world 
requires  that  she  should  leave  it  in  no  doubt  respecting  the 
manner  in  which  she  understands  the  message  which  she 
has  to  deliver.  Without  doing  so,  the  Church  would  be  no 
teacher,  and  the  world  might  remain  untaught,  so  far  as  she 
was  concerned.  For  when  the  message  had  been  stated  in 
God's  own  words,  every  hearer  must  attempt,  according  to 
the  constitution  of  his  own  mind,  to  form  some  conception 
of  what  these  words  mean ;  and  his  conceptions  may  be 
very  vague  and  obscure,  or  even  very  erroneous,  unless  some 
attempt  be  made  to  define,  elucidate,  and  correct  them. 
Nor,  indeed,  could  either  the  hearers  or  the  teachers  know 
that  they  understood  the  truth  alike,  without  mutual  state- 
ments and  explanations  with  regard  to  the  meaning  which 
they  respectively  believe  it  to  convey.  Still  further,  the 
Church  has  a  duty  to  discharge  to  those  of  its  own  com- 
munion. To  them  she  must  produce  a  form  of  sound  words, 
in  order  both  to  promote  and  confirm  their  knowledge,  and 
also  to  guard  them  against  the  hazard  of  being  led  into 
errors ;  and,  as  they  must  be  regarded  as  all  agreed,  with 
respect  to  the  main  outline  of  the  truths  which  they  believe, 
they  are  deeply  interested  in  obtaining  some  security  that 
those  who  are  to  become  their  teachers  in  future  generations 
shall  continue  to  teach  the  same  divine  and  saving  truths. 
The  members  of  any  Church  must  know  each  other's  senti- 
ments ;  must  combine  to  hold  them  forth  steadily  and  con- 
sistently to  the  notice  of  all  around  them,  as  witnesses  for 
the  same  truths ;  and  must  do  their  utmost  to  secure  that 
the  same  truths  shall  be  taught  by  all  their  ministers,  and 
to  all  candidates  for  admission.  For  all  these  purposes  the 
formation  of  a  Creed,  or  Confession  of  Faith,  is  imperatively 


WESTMINISTER   ASSEMBLY.  357 

necessary ;  and  thus  it  appears  that  a  Church  cannot  ad- 
equately discharge  its  duty  to  God,  to  the  world,  and  to  its 
own  members,  without  a  Confession  of  Faith. 

There  never  has  been  a  period  in  which  the  Christian 
Church  has  been  without  a  Confession  of  Faith,  though 
these  Confessions  have  varied  both  in  character  and  in  ex- 
tent. The  first  and  simplest  Confession  is  that  of  Peter : 
"  Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God."  That 
of  th_'  Ethiopian  treasurer  is  similar,  and  almost  identical : 
"  I  believe  that  Jesus  Christ  is  the  Son  of  God."  This  Con- 
fession secured  admission  into  the  Church ;  but  without  this, 
admission  could  not  have  been  obtained.  It  was  not  long 
till  this  simple  and  brief  primitive  Confession  was  enlarged ; 
at  first,  in  order  to  meet  the  perverse  notions  of  the  Judaiz- 
ing  teachers,  and  next,  to  exclude  those  who  were  beginning 
to  be  tainted  with  the  Gnostic  heresies.  It  then  became 
necessary,  not  only  to  confess  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  Son 
of  God,  but  also  that  Jesus  Christ  was  come  in  the  flesh,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  admission,  and  to  check  the  teaching, 
of  those  who  held  that  Christ's  human  nature  was  a  mere 
phantasm  or  appearance.  In  like  manner  the  rise  of  any 
heresy  rendered  it  necessary,  first,  to  test  the  novel  tenet  by 
the  Word  of  God  and  by  the  decision  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  then  to  add  to  the  existing  Confession  of  Faith  a  new 
article,  containing  the  deliverance  of  the  Church  respecting 
each  successive  heresy.  Thus,  in  the  discharge  of  her  duty 
to  God,  to  the  world,  and  to  herself,  the  Church  was  con- 
strained to  enlarge  the  Confession  of  her  Faith.  But  this 
unavoidable  enlargement  ought  not  to  be  censured  as  un- 
necessarily lengthened  and  minute  j  for,  let  it  be  observed, 
that  it  led  to  a  continually  increasing  clearness  and  precision 
in  the  testimony  of  what  the  Church  believes,  and  tended  to 
the  progressive  development  of  sacred  truth.  Further,  as 
the  need  of  a  Confession  arises  from  the  nature  of  the  human 


358  HISTORY  OF   THE 

mind,  and  the  enlargement  of  the  Confession  was  caused  by 
the  successive  appearance  and  refutation  of  error,  and  as 
the  human  mind  is  still  the  same,  and  prone  to  the  same 
erroneous  notions,  the  Confession  of  Faith,  which  contains 
a  refutation  of  past  heresies,  furnishes,  at  the  same  time,  to 
all  who  understand  it,  a  ready  weapon  wherewith  to  en- 
counter any  resuscitated  heresy.  The  truth  of  this  view 
will  he  most  apparent  to  those  who  have  most  carefully 
studied  the  various  Confessions  of  Faith  framed  by  the 
Christian  Church.  And  it  must  ever  be  regarded  as  a 
matter  of  no  small  importance  by  those  who  seek  admis- 
sion into  any  Church,  that  in  its  Confession  they  can  ob- 
tain a  full  exhibition  of  the  terms  of  communion  to  which 
they  are  required  to  consent.  The  existence  of  a  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  is  ever  a  standing  defence  against  the  danger 
of  any  Church  lapsing  unawares  into  heresy.  For  although 
no  Church  ought  to  regard  her  Confession  as  a  standard 
of  faith,  in  any  other  than  a  subordinate  sense,  still  it  is 
a  standard  of  admitted  faith,  which  the  Church  may  not 
lightly  abandon,  and  a  term  of  communion  to  its  own  mem- 
bers, till  its  articles  are  accused  of  being  erroneous,  and 
again  brought  to  the  final  and  supreme  standard,  the  Word 
of  God  and  the  teaching  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  sincerely,, 
humbly,  and  earnestly  sought  in  faith  and  prayer. 

The  first  thing  which  must  strike  any  thoughtful  reader, 
after  having  carefully  and  studiously  perused  the  West- 
minster Assembly's  Confession  of  Faith,  i"  the  remarkable 
comprehensiveness  and  accuracy  of  its  character,  viewed  as 
a  systematic  exhibition  of  divine  truth,  or  what  is  termed  a 
system  of  theology.  In  this  respect  it  may  be  regarded  as 
almost  perfect,  both  in  its  arrangement  and  in  its  complete- 
ness. Even  a  single  glance  over  its  table  of  contents  will 
show  with  what  exquisite  skill  its  arrangement  proceeds, 
from  the  statement  of  first  principles  to  the  regular  develop- 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  359 

ment  and  final  consummation  of  the  whole  scheme  of  re- 
vealed truth.  Nothing  essential  is  omitted ;  and  nothing 
is  extended  to  a  length  disproportioned  to  its  due  import- 
ance. Too  little  attention,  perhaps,  has  been  shown  to  the 
Confession  in  this  respect ;  and  we  are  strongly  persuaded 
that  it  might  be  very  advantageously  used  in  our  theological 
halls  as  a  text-book.  This,  at  least,  may  be  affirmed,  that 
no  private  Christian  could  fail  to  benefit  largely  from  a  deli- 
berate and  studious  perusal  and  reperusal  of  the  Confession 
of  Faith,  for  the  express  purpose  of  obtaining  a  clear  and 
systematic  conception  of  sacred  truth,  both  as  a  whole,  and 
with  all  its  parts  so  arranged  as  to  display  their  relative 
importance,  and  their  mutual  bearing  upon,  and  illustration 
of,  each  other.  Such  a  deliberate  perusal  would  also  tend 
very  greatly  to  fortify  the  mind  against  the  danger  of  being 
led  astray  by  crude  notions,  or  induced  to  attribute  undue 
importance  to  some  favourite  doctrine,  to  the  disparagement 
of  others  not  less  essential,  and  with  serious  injury  to  the 
harmonious  analogy  of  faith. 

There  is  another  characteristic  of  the  "Westminster  Con- 
fession to  which  still  less  attention  has  been  generally 
directed,  but  which  is  not  less  remarkable.  Framed,  as  it 
was,  by  men  of  distinguished  learning  and  ability,  who 
were  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  history  of  the  Church 
from  the  earliest  times  till  the  period  in  which  they  lived, 
it  contains  the  calm  and  settled  judgment  of  these  profound 
divines  on  all  previous  heresies  and  subjects  of  controversy 
which  had  in  any  age  or  country  agitated  the  Church.  This 
it  does  without  expressly  naming  even  one  of  these  heresies, 
— the  great  Antichristian  system  alone  excepted, — or  enter- 
ing into  mere  controversy.  Each  error  is  condemned,  not 
by  a  direct  statement  and  refutation  of  it,  but  by  a  clear, 
definite,  and  strong  statement  of  the  converse  truth.  There 
was,  in  this  mode  of  exhibiting  the  truth,  singular  wisdom 


360  HISTORY  OF  THE 

combined  with  equally  singular  modesty.  Every  thing  of 
an  irritating  nature  is  suppressed,  and  the  pure  and  simple 
truth  alone  displayed ;  while  there  is  not  only  no  ostenta- 
tious parade  of  superior  learning,  but  even  a  concealment 
of  learning  the  most  accurate  and  profound.  A  hasty  or 
superficial  reader  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  will  scarcely 
perceive  that,  in  some  of  its  apparently  simple  propositions, 
he  is  perusing  an  acute  and  conclusive  refutation  of  the 
various  heresies  and  controversies  that  have  corrupted  and 
disturbed  the  Church.  Yet,  if  he  will  turn  to  Church  his- 
tory, make  himself  acquainted  with  its  details,  and  resume 
his  study  of  the  Confession,  he  will  often  be  surprised  to 
find  in  one  place  the  wild  theories  of  the  Gnostics  dis- 
pelled; in  another,  the  Arian  and  Socinian  heresies  set 
aside;  in  another,  the  very  essence  of  the  Papal  system 
annihilated ;  and  in  another,  the  basis  of  all  Pelagian  and 
Arminian  errors  removed.  Thus  viewed,  the  Confession  of 
Faith  might  be  so  connected  with  one  aspect  of  Church 
history  as  to  furnish,  if  not  a  text-book  according  to  chrono- 
logical arrangement,  in  studying  the  rise  and  refutation  of 
heresies,  yet  a  valuable  arrangement  of  their  relative  import- 
ance, doctrinally  considered.  And  when  we  advert  to  the 
fact,  that  owing  to  the  sameness  of  the  human  mind  in  all 
ages,  there  is  a  perpetually  recurring  tendency  to  reproduce 
an  old  and  exploded  error,  as  if  it  were  a  new  discovery  of 
some  hitherto  unknown  or  neglected  truth,  it  must  be 
obvious  that  were  the  peculiar  excellence  of  our  Confes- 
sion, as  a  deliverance  on  all  previously  existing  heresies, 
better  known  and  more  attended  to,  there  would  be  great 
reason  to  hope  that  their  reappearance  would  be  rendered 
almost  impossible,  or,  at  least,  that  their  growth  would  be 
very  speedily  and  effectually  checked. 

Closely  connected  with  this  excellence  of  the  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  is  its  astonishing  precision  of  thought  and 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  361 

language.  The  whole  mental  training  of  the  eminent 
divines  of  that  period  led  to  this  result.  They  were  accus- 
tomed to  cast  every  argument  into  the  syllogistic  form,  and 
to  adjust  all  its  terms  with  the  utmost  care  and  accuracy. 
Every  one  who  has  studied  the  propositions  of  the  Confes- 
sion must  have  remarked  their  extreme  precision ;  but, 
without  peculiar  attention,  he  may  not  perceive  the  ex- 
quisite care  which  these  divines  must  have  bestowed  on 
this  part  of  their  great  work.  This  may  be  best  shown  by 
an  instance.  Let  us  select  one  from  chapter  iii.,  "  On 
God's  Eternal  Decree,"  sections  3  and  4  :  "By  the  decree 
•of  God,  for  the  manifestation  of  His  glory,  some  men  and 
angels  are  predestinated  unto  everlasting  life,  and  others 
foreordained  to  everlasting  death.  These  angels  and  men 
thus  predestinated  and  foreordained,"  etc.  The  expressions 
to  which  we  wish  to  draw  the  reader's  attention  are  the 
words  predestinated  and  foreordained.  A  hasty  or  super- 
ficial reader  might  perceive  no  difference  between  these 
words.  But  if  so,  why  are  they  both  used  1  for  there  is  no 
instance  of  mere  tautological  repetition  in  the  concise  lan- 
guage of  the  Confession.  But  further,  let  it  be  well  re- 
marked that  the  word  "  predestinated"  is  used  only  in  con- 
nection with  "  everlasting  life,"  and  the  word  "  foreor- 
dained "  with  "  everlasting  death."  And  when  the  com- 
pound form  of  the  proposition  is  assumed,  both  terms  are 
used  to  represent  each  its  respective  member  in  the  general 
affirmation.  Why  is  this  the  case  1  Because  the  West- 
minster Divines  did  not  understand  the  meaning  of  the 
terms  predestined ion  and  foreordinat ion  to  be  identical,  and 
therefore  never  used  these  words  as  synonymous.  By  pre- 
destination they  meant  a  positive  decree  determining  to 
confer  everlasting  life  ;  and  this  they  regarded  as  the  basis 
of  the  whole  doctrine  of  free  grace,  arising  from  nothing  in 
man,  but  having  for  its   divine  origin  the  character  and 


362  HISTORY   OF   THE 

sovereignty  of  God.  By  foreordination,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  meant  a  decree  of  ordet ,  or  arrangement,  determining 
thai  the  guilty  should  be  condemned  to  everlasting  death  ; 
and  this  they  regarded  as  the  basis  of  judicial  procedure, 
according  to  which  God  "  ordains  men  to  dishonour  and 
wrath  for  their  sin,"  and  having  respect  to  man's  own 
character  and  conduct.  Let  it  be  further  remarked,  that 
while,  according  to  this  view,  the  term  predestinat ion  could 
never  with  propriety  be  applied  to  the  lost,  the  term  foreor- 
dination might  be  applied  to  the  saved,  since  they  also  are 
subjects,  in  one  sense,  of  judicial  procedure.  Accordingly, 
there  is  no  instance  in  the  Confession  of  Faith  where  the 
term  predestination  is  applied  to  the  lost,  though  there 
are  several  instances  where  the  term  foreordination,  or  a 
kindred  term,  is  applied  to  the  saved.  And  let  this  also 
be  marked,  that  the  term  reprobation,  winch  is  so  liable  to 
be  misunderstood  and  applied  in  an  offensive  sense  to  the 
doctrine  of  predestination,  is  not  even  once  used  in  the 
Confession  of  Faith  and  the  Larger  and  Shorter  Catechisms. 
Later  writers  on  that  doctrine  have  indeed  employed  that 
word,  as  older  writers  had  done,  and  had  thereby  furnished 
occasion  to  the  opponents  of  the  doctrine  to  misrepresent 
it;  but  the  'Westminster  Divines  cautiously  avoided  the 
use  of  an  offensive  term,  carefully  selected  such  words  as 
were  best  fitted  to  convey  their  meaning,  and  in  every 
instance  used  them  with  the  most  strict  and  definite  preci- 
sion. Many  other  examples  might  be  given  of  the  remark- 
able accuracy  of  thought  and  language  which  forms  a  dis- 
tinguished characteristic  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  ;  but  we 
must  content  ourselves  with  suggesting  the  line  of  investi- 
gation, leaving  it  to  every  reader  to  prosecute  it  for  himself. 
Another  decided  and  great  merit  of  the  Confession  con- 
sists in  the  clear  and  well-defined  statement  which  it  makes 
of  the   principles   on  which  alone   can   securely  rest    the 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  365 

great  idea  of  the  co-ordination,  yet  mutual  support,  of  the 
civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions.  It  is  but  too 
usual  for  people  to  misunderstand  those  parts  of  the  Con- 
fession which  treat  of  these  jurisdictions, — some  accusing 
them  of  containing  Erastian  concessions,  and  others  charg- 
ing them  with  being  either  lawless  or  intolerant.  The 
truth  is,  they  favour  no  extreme.  Proceeding  upon  the 
sacred  rule,  to  render  to  Caesar  what  is  Caesar's,  and  to  God 
what  is  God's,  they  willingly  ascribe  to  the  civil  magistrate 
a  supreme  power  in  the  State, — all  that  belongs  to  his  pro- 
vince, not  merely  with  regard  to  his  due  authority  over  the 
persons  and  property  of  men,  but  also  with  regard  to  what 
pertains  to  his  own  official  mode  of  rendering  homage  to 
the  King  of  kings.  It  is  in  this  latter  department  of 
magisterial  duty  that  what  is  called  the  power  of  the  civil 
magistrate  circa  sacra — about  religious  matters — consists. 
But  there  his  province  ends,  and  he  has  no  power  in  sacris 
— in  religious  matters.  This  is  most  carefully  guarded  in 
the  leading  proposition  of  chapter  xxx.  : — "  The  Lord 
Jesus,  as  King  and  Head  of  His  Church,  hath  therein 
appointed  a  government  in  the  hand  of  church  offi- 
CERS, distinct  from  the  Civil  Magistrate."  The  leading 
Erastians  of  that  period,  learned  and  subtle  as  they  were, 
felt  it  impossible  to  evade  the  force  of  that  proposition,  and 
could  but  refuse  to  give  to  it  the  sanction  of  the  Legis- 
lature. They  could  not,  however,  prevail  upon  the  Assem- 
bly either  to  modify  or  suppress  it ;  and  there  it  remains, 
and  must  remain,  as  the  unanswered  and  unanswerable  re- 
futation of  the  Erastian  heresy  by  the  Westminster  Assem- 
bly of  Divines.  In  modern  times  it  has  been  too  much 
the  custom  of  the  opponents  of  Erastianism  tacitly  to  grant 
the  Erastian  argument, — or,  at  least,  the  principle  on  which 
it  rests, — by  admitting,  or  even  asserting,  that  if  a  Church 
be  established,  it  must  cease  to  have  a  separate  and  inde 


364  HISTORY  OF  THE 

pendent  jurisdiction,  and  must  obey  the  laws  of  the  State, 
even  in  spiritual  matters  ;  but  then  declaring,  that  as  this  is 
evidently  wrong,  there  ought  to  be  no  Established  Church. 
There  is  more  peril  to  both  civil  and  religious  liberty  in 
this  mode  of  evading  Erastianism  than  is  commonly  per- 
ceived; for  if  it  were  generally  admitted  that  an  Estab- 
lished Church  ought  to  be  subject,  even  in  spiritual  mat- 
ters, to  the  civil  jurisdiction  of  the  State,  then  would  civil 
rulers  have  a  direct  and  admitted  interest  in  establishing  a 
Church,  not  for  the  sake  of  promoting  Christianity,  nor 
with  the  view  of  rendering  homage  to  the  Prince  of  the 
kings  of  the  earth,  but  for  the  purpose  of  employing  the 
Church  as  a  powerful  engine  of  State  policy.  That  they 
would  avail  themselves  of  such  an  admission  is  certain  ; 
and  this  would  necessarily  tend  to  produce  a  perilous  con- 
test between  the  defenders  of  religious  liberty  and  the  sup 
porters  of  arbitrary  power ;  and  if  the  issue  should  be  the 
triumph  of  Erastianism,  that  issue  would  inevitably  involve 
the  loss  of  both  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  the  blending 
of  the  two  jurisdictions, — which  is  the  very  essence  of  abso- 
lute despotism.  Of  this  the  framers  of  our  Confession  were 
well  aware  ;  and  therefore  they  strove  to  procure  the  well- 
adjusted  and  mutual  counterpoise  and  co-operation  of  the 
two  jurisdictions,  as  the  best  safeguards  of  both  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  and  as  founded  on  the  express  authority 
of  the  Word  of  God.  It  never  yet  has  been  proved,  from 
either  Scripture  or  reason,  that  they  were  wrong,  although 
their  views  have  been  much  misunderstood  and  grievously 
misrepresented. 

The  Confession  of  Faith  has  often  been  accused  of  ad- 
vocating intolerant  and  persecuting  principles.  It  is,  how- 
ever, in  truth,  equally  free  from  latitudinarian  laxity  on  the 
one  hand,  and  intolerance  on  the  other.  An  intelligent 
and  candid  perusal  of  chapter  xx.,  "  On  Christian  Liberty, 


WESTMINSTER   ASSEMBLY.  365 

and  Liberty  of  Conscience,"  ought  of  itself  to  refute  all  such 
calumnies.  The  mind  of  man  never  produced  a  truer  or 
nobler  proposition  than  the  following  : — "  God  alone  is  lord 
of  the  conscience,  and  hath  left  it  free  from  the  doctrines 
and  commandments  of  men,  which  are  in  anything  contrary 
to  His  Word,  or  beside  it,  in  matters  of  faith  or  worship." 
The  man  who  can  comprehend,  entertain,  and  act  upon  that 
principle,  can  never  arrogate  an  overbearing  and  intolerant 
authority  over  the  conscience  of  his  fellow-man,  much  less 
wield  against  him  the  weapons  of  remorseless  persecution. 
But  there  is  a  very  prevalent,  and  yet  very  false,  method  of 
thinking,  or  pretending  to  think,  respecting  toleration  and 
liberty  of  conscience.  Many  seem  to  be  of  opinion  that 
toleration  consists  in  making  no  distinction  between  truth 
and  error,  but  regarding  them  with  equal  favour ;  which  was- 
precisely  the  theory  of  Nye  and  his  brethren,  and  also  of 
Cromwell — till  they  were  in  possession  of  power,  but  no 
longer.  This  opinion,  if  carefully  analysed,  would  be  found 
to  be  essentially  of  an  infidel  character.  Many  seem  to 
think  that  by  liberty  of  conscience  is  meant,  that  every  man 
should  be  at  liberty  to  act  in  every  thing  according  to  his 
own  inclination,  without  regard  to  the  feelings,  convictions, 
and  rights  of  other  men.  This  would,  indeed,  be  to  convert 
liberty  into  lawlessness,  and  to  make  conscience  of  licen- 
tiousness. But  the  Confession  proceeds  upon  the  principle 
that  truth  can  be  distinguished  from  error,  right  from  wrong;, 
that  though  conscience  cannot  be  compelled,  it  may  be 
enlightened ;  and  that  when  sinful,  corrupt,  and  prone  to 
licentiousness,  men  may  be  lawfully  restrained  from  the 
commission  of  such  excesses  as  are  offensive  to  public  feel- 
ing, and  injurious  to  the  moral  welfare  of  the  community. 
If  this  be  intolerance,  it  is  a  kind  of  intolerance  of  which 
none  will  complain  but  those  who  wish  to  be  free  from  all 
restraint  of  law,  human  and  divine.     Nothing,  in  our  opi- 


366  HISTORY   OF   THE 

nion,  but  a  wilful  determination  to  misrepresent  the  senti- 
ments expressed  in  the  Confession  of  Faith,  or  a  culpable 
degree  of  wilful  ignorance  respecting  the  true  meaning  of 
these  sentiments,  could  induce  any  man  to  accuse  it  of 
favouring  intolerant  and  persecuting  principles.  Certainly 
the  conduct  of  those  who  framed  it  gave  no  ground  for  such 
an  accusation,  though  that  calumny  has  been  often  and  most 
pertinaciously  asserted.  On  this  point  also  it  would  be  well 
if  people  would  take  the  trouble  to  ascertain  what  precise 
meaning  the  framers  of  the  Confession  gave  to  the  words 
which  they  employed;  for  it  is  not  doing  justice  to  them 
and  their  work  to  adopt  some  modern  acceptation  of  a  term 
used  by  them  in  a  different  sense,  and  then  to  charge  them 
with  holding  the  sentiment  conveyed  by  the  modern  use  or 
misuse  of  that  term.  Yet  this  is  the  method  almost  in- 
variably employed  by  the  assailants  of  the  Confession  of 
Faith.  It  may  be  readily  admitted  that  the  Westminster 
Divines  used  expressions  in  reference  to  what  was  called 
41  unlimited  toleration,"  which  were  not  only  strong  and 
severe,  but  harsh,  and  susceptible  of  being  so  construed  as 
to  have  a  persecuting  aspect, — expressions  which  would 
not  now  be  used.  But  let  it  be  also  remembered,  that 
these  expressions  were  not  employed  against  the  principle 
of  toleration  itself,  rightly  understood.  They  were  aimed 
against  that  licentiousness  which  was  claimed  as  a  cover  to 
immoralities  too  horrible  to  be  named,  and  to  civil  misde- 
meanours, perpetrated  in  the  name  of  religion,  fatal  to  the 
very  existence  of  society.  The  avowed  toleration  of  such 
atrocities  by  an  Assembly  of  Divines  would  have  amounted 
to  nothing  less  than  a  proclaimed  dissolution  of  all  law, 
civil,  moral,  and  religious,  human  and  divine. 

A  few  remarks  may  be  made  with  regard  to  the  plan 
according  to  which  the  Confession  is  constructed.  A  Con- 
fession of  Faith  is  simply  a  declaration  of  belief  in  religious 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  367 

truths,  not  scientifically  discovered  by  man,  but  divinely 
revealed  to  man.  While,  therefore,  there  may  fairly  be  a 
question  whether  a  course  of  Systematic  Theology  should 
begin  with  disquisitions  relative  to  the  being  and  character 
of  God,  as  revealed,  or  with  an  inquiry  what  Natural  Theo- 
logy can  teach,  proceeding  thence  to  the  doctrines  of  Reve- 
lation,  there  can  be  no  question  that  a  Confession  of  Faith 
in  revealed  religion  ought  to  begin  with  that  revelation  it- 
self. This  is  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Westminster  Con- 
fession. It  begins  with  a  chapter  on  the  Holy  Scriptures ; 
then  follow  four  chapters  on  the  nature,  decrees,  and  works 
of  God  in  creation  and  providence :  and  these  five  chapters 
form  a  distinct  division,  systematically  viewed,  of  the  Con- 
fession. The  next  division  relates  to  the  Fall  and  conse- 
quent miserable  condition  of  man,  the  Remedy  divinely 
provided,  its  nature,  mode  of  application,  and  results  as 
•effectually  applied  :  and  this  division,  beginning  with  the 
sixth  chapter,  ends  with  the  eighteenth.  The  next  two 
chapters,  relating  to  subjects  of  such  deep  and  comprehen- 
sive importance  as  the  Law  of  God  and  the  Liberty  of  Con- 
science, may  well  be  regarded  as  themselves  constituting  a 
third  division.  The  fourth,  beginning  with  the  chapter  on 
Religious  Worship,  and  proceeding  with  the  various  rela- 
tions between  the  visible  church  and  the  world,  contains 
■eleven  chapters,  from  the  twenty-first  to  the  thirty-first,  in- 
clusive of  both.  The  two  remaining  chapters,  looking  for- 
ward to  the  future  so  far  as  that  has  been  revealed,  conclude 
the  Confession.  This  plan,  when  rightly  understood,  ap- 
pears, as  we  venture  to  think,  as  perfect  as  any  uninspired 
production  can  well  be,  and  it  is  so  because  it  closely  fol- 
lows the  course  and  language  of  inspiration. 

Some  captious  objections  may  be  made  to  a  few  expres- 
sions which  have  either  become  obsolete,  or  have  undergone 
u  change  of  meaning  by  the  modifications  incident  to  every 


368  HISTORY   OF    THE 

living  language  in  the  lapse  of  time,  and  by  the  progress  of 
cultivation.  But  any  slight  obscurity  thus  occasioned  may 
be  easily  removed,  either  by  referring  to  the  writings  of  that 
age,  or  by  the  insertion  in  modern  editions  of  two  or  three 
glossarial  notes.  In  one  instance  there  may  seem  to  be  a 
collision  between  the  statement  of  the  Confession  on  the 
subject  of  Creation,  and  the  discoveries  and  deductions  of 
Geology;  but  as  this  is  not  greater  than  the  apparent  dis- 
agreement between  the  Bible  and  Geology,  it  will  of  course 
be  removed  whenever  the  Mosaic  record  and  Geology  have 
been  reconciled ;  till  then,  those  who  subscribe  the  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  are  in  no  worse  condition  than  those  who  be- 
lieve the  Bible,  and  may  safely  allow  science  to  prosecute 
its  investigations  without  anxiety  and  alarm,  confident  in 
this,  that  when  these  apparently  conflicting  inquiries  have 
been  fully  elucidated,  it  will  be  found  that  the  truth  of 
God's  works  has  but  confirmed  the  truth  of  God's  AVord. 

A  plan  similar  to  that  already  described  was  also  em- 
ployed in  preparing  those  admirable  digests  of  Christian 
doctrine,  the  Larger  and  Shorter  Catechisms,  and  so  far  as 
can  be  ascertained,  by  the  same  committee.1  For  a  time, 
indeed,  they  attempted  to  prosecute  the  framing  of  both 
Confession  and  Catechisms  at  once  ;  but  after  some  pro- 
gress had  been  made  with  both,  the  Assembly  resolved  to 
finish  the  Confession  first,  for  reasons  already  stated.  By 
this  arrangement  they  wisely  avoided  the  danger  of  subse- 
quent debate  and  delay.  Various  obstacles,  however,  inter- 
posed, and  so  greatly  impeded  the  progress  of  the  Assem- 
bly, that  the  Catechisms  were  not  so  speedily  completed  as 
had  been  expected.  They  were  at  length  presented  to  the 
House  of  Commons,  the  Shorter  on  the  25th  of  Xovember 
1647,  and  the  Larger  on  the  14th  of  April  1648.  Both 
were  transmitted  to  Scotland,  carefully  examined  by  the 
1  See  Appendix.  Note  D. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  369 

General  Assembly,  and  approved, — the  Larger  by  an  Act 
passed  on  the  2d  July  1648,  and  the  Shorter,  on  the  28th 
July  1648. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  state  the  systematic  method  of 
the  Catechisms,  as  that  has  been  done  with  regard  to  the 
Confession,  which  they  closely  followed,  with  one  very  im- 
portant exception, — the  Catechisms  contain  nothing  rela- 
tive to  Church  government,  but  are  purely  doctrinal.  This 
might  arise  very  naturally  from  the  consideration,  that  as  a 
catechism  is  intended  chiefly  for  the  use  of  children,  it 
ought  not  to  contain  anything  unsuited  to  their  period  of 
life  and  stage  of  mental  development.  This  very  prudent 
omission  has  already  been  productive  of  the  most  beneficial 
results,  from  the  ready  access  which  it  secured  to  all  par- 
ties who  agreed  in  doctrine,  but  contended  fiercely  on  the 
subjects  of  form  and  government.  Eesults,  even  more 
beneficial  than  ever,  may  be  hoped  for  as  likely  to  arise 
from  the  same  happy  omission.  Scottish  Presbyterianism, 
split  asunder  as  it  is  into  three  great  sections,  yet  all  retain- 
ing their  hereditary  regard  for  the  Shorter  Catechism,  so 
long  used  as  the  very  basis  of  Scottish  education,  may  yet 
combine  in  determining  that  it  shall  not  cease  to  be  uni- 
versally employed  in  conveying  religious  instruction  to 
the  minds  of  their  children,  and  their  children's  children 
through  all  succeeding  generations.  Such  a  result  would 
itself  secure  that  the  labours  of  the  Westminster  Assembly 
had  not  been  in  vain. 

There  is  one  anecdote  connected  with  the  formation  of 
the  Shorter  Catechism,  both  full  of  interest  and  so  very 
beautiful  that  it  must  not  be  omitted.  In  one  of  the 
earliest  meetings  of  the  committee,  the  subject  of  delibera- 
tion was  to  frame  an  answer  to  the  question,  "  What  is 
God1?"  Each  man  felt  the  unapproachable  sublimity  of 
the  divine  idea  suggested  by  these  words  j  but  who  could 

A  A 


370  HISTORY  OF   THE 

venture  to  give  it  expression  in  human  language  !  All 
shrunk  from  the  too  sacred  task  in  awe-struck,  reverential 
fear.  At  length  it  was  resolved,  as  an  expression  of  the 
committee's  deep  humility,  that  the  youngest  member  should 
make  the  attempt.  He  modestly  declined,  then  reluctantly 
consented  ;  but  begged  that  the  brethren  would  first  unite 
with  him  in  prayer  for  divine  enlightenment.  Then  in 
slow  and  solemn  accents  he  thus  began  his  prayer  : — "  0 
God,  Thou  art  a  spirit,  infinite,  eternal,  and  unchangeable, 
in  Thy  being,  wisdom,  power,  holiness,  justice,  goodness, 
and  truth."  When  he  ceased,  the  first  sentence  of  his 
prayer  was  immediately  written  by  one  of  the  brethren, 
read,  and  adopted,  as  the  most  perfect  answer  that  could 
be  conceived, — as,  indeed,  in  a  very  sacred  sense,  God's 
own  answer,  given  to  prayer  and  in  prayer,  descriptive  of 
Himself.  Who,  then,  was  the  youngest  member  of  the 
committee  1  When  Ave  compare  the  birth-dates  of  the  re- 
spective members  of  the  committee,  we  find  that  George 
Gillespie  was  the  youngest  by  more  than  a  dozen  years. 
We  may,  therefore,  safely  conclude  that  George  Gillespie 
was  the  man  who  was  thus  spiritually  guided  to  frame 
almost  unconsciously  this  marvellous  answer.1 

The  only  other  productions  of  the  Westminster  Assem- 
bly were  controversial  rather  than  theological,  although 
much  directly  religious  truth  is  contained  and  earnestly 
enforced  in  those  productions.  They  have  been  already 
mentioned,  namely,  "The  "Reasons  of  Dissent,  together 
with  the  Anwers  of  the  Assembly ;  "  which  work  is  also 
known  by  the  title  of  "  The  Grand  Debate."  Closely  con- 
nected with  this  is  another  but  much  smaller  work,  en- 
titled, "  Answer  to  a  Copy  of  a  Eemonstrance,"  etc.  This 
production  is  now  very  rarely  to  be  met  with,  and  deserves 
to  be  republished,  as  a  complete  vindication  of  the  Assem 
1  See  Appendix,  end  of  Xote  D. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  371 

bly  against  the  insinuations  of  their  opponents  then  and 
detractors  since.  I  have  already  stated  my  strong  convic- 
tion that  the  work  entitled  "  Jus  Divinum  Regiminis  Ec- 
clesiastici ;  or,  The  Divine  Eight  of  Church  Government," 
although  bearing  to  be  "  By  sundry  Ministers  of  Christ 
within  the  City  of  London,"  if  not  directly  the  production 
of  the  Assembly,  at  least  contains  the  answer  prepared  by 
them  to  the  queries  concerning  the  jus  divinum  proposed 
by  the  Parliament.  A  subsequent  examination  and  com- 
parison of  this  work  with  other  kindred  works  by  members 
of  the  Assembly,  strongly  confirms  that  opinion,  which  I 
would  thus  express  : — The  Jus  Divinum  of  the  city  minis- 
ters appears  to  me  to  be  both  virtually  and  substantially 
the  Assembly's  Answer  to  the  Parliament,  containing  ac- 
tually that  very  Answer  as  prepared  by  them ;  but  with 
such  additional  amplifications  in  statement  and  illustrations, 
by  the  city  ministers  themselves,  as  might  both  render  it 
more  complete  and  fit  for  publication  as  a  distinct  work  on 
the  subject,  and  at  the  same  time  entitle  them  to  publish  it 
on  their  own  responsibility.  This  work  well  deserves  to 
be  republished,  with  such  explanatory  notes  as  might  adapt 
it  to  the  present  age ;  for  the  principles  which  it  states  and 
advocates  have  not  yet  been  received  as  they  ought, — as 
they  must  and  will,  before  there  can  be  a  reign  of  right- 
eousness and  peace. 

AVe  have  already  made  some  remarks  on  the  necessity 
for  the  existence  of  Creeds  and  Confessions,  and  the  im- 
portant purposes  subserved  by  these  subordinate  standards; 
and  we  resume  that  view  for  the  purpose  of  stating  the  in- 
ference to  which  it  ought  to  lead.  Since  a  Church  cannot 
exist  without  some  Confession,  or  mode  of  ascertaining  that 
its  members  are  agreed  in  their  general  conception  of  what 
they  understand  divine  truth  to  mean ;  and  since  the  suc- 
cessive rise  of  heretical  opinions,  and  their  successive  refu- 


372  HISTORY   OF   THE 

tation,  necessarily  tend  to  an  enlargement  of  the  Confession,, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  an  increasing  development  of  the 
knowledge  of  divine  truth,  ought  it  not  to  follow  that  the 
various  Confessions  of  separate  Churches  would  have  a 
constant  tendency  to  approximate,  till  they  should  all 
blend  in  one  harmonious  Confession  of  one  Church  general  1 
Ko  one  who  has  studied  a  Harmony  of  Protestant  Confes- 
sions can  hesitate  to  admit  that  this  is  a  very  possible,  as 
it  is  a  most  desirable  result.  "When,  further,  we  rise  to- 
that  spiritual  element  to  which  also  our  attention  has  been 
directed,  we  may  anticipate  an  increasing  degree  of  enlight- 
enment in  the  Christian  Church,  bestowed  by  the  Holy 
Spirit,  in  answer  to  the  earnest  prayers  of  sincere  and 
humble  faith,  which  will  greatly  tend  to  hasten  forward 
and  secure  an  amount  of  Christian  unity  in  faith  and  love 
far  beyond  what  has  existed  since  the  times  of  the  apostles. 
Entertaining  this  pleasing  idea,  we  might  expect  both  that 
the  latest  Confession  of  Faith  framed  by  a  Protestant 
Church  would  be  the  most  perfect,  and  also  that  it  might 
form  a  basis  of  evangelical  union  to  the  whole  Church. 
To  some  this  may  seem  a  startling,  or  even  an  extrava- 
gant idea.  But  let  it  be  remembered,  that  owing  to  a 
peculiar  series  of  unpropitious  circumstances,  the  West- 
minster Assembly's  Confession  of  Paith  has  never  yet  been 
adequately  known  to  the  Christian  Churches.  By  the 
Scottish  alone  was  it  fully  received ;  and  in  consequence  of 
the  various  events  which  have  since  befallen  that  Church, 
comparatively  little  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  Confes- 
sion of  Paith  till  recent  times.  It  is  now,  we  trust,  in  the 
process  of  becoming  more  known  and  better  understood 
than  formerly ;  and  we  feel  assured  that  the  more  it  is 
known  and  the  better  it  is  understood,  the  more  highly 
will  its  great  and  varied  excellences  be  estimated.  This 
will  tend,  at  the  same  time,  to  direct  to  it  the  attention  of 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  373 

other  Churches  j  and  we  cannot  help  anticipating  the  de- 
gree of  surprise  which  will  be  felt  by  many  ingenuous 
minds,  that  they  had  remained  so  long  unacquainted  with 
a  production  of  such  remarkable  value. 

Such  a  result  would  be  the  realization  of  the  great  idea 
entertained  by  the  leading  members  of  the  Westminster 
Assembly,  and  especially  by  the  Scottish  Commissioners — 
with  whom,  indeed,  it  originated.  Kb  narrow  and  limited 
object  could  satisfy  the  desires  and  anticipations  of  these 
enlightened  and  large-hearted  men.  With  one  comprehen- 
sive glance  they  surveyed  the  condition  of  Christendom  and 
the  world — marked  its  necessities,  and  contemplated  the 
remedy.  Thus  they  formed  the  great,  and  even  sublime 
idea  of  a  Protestant  union  throughout  Christendom ;  not 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  counterbalancing  Popery,  but  in 
order  to  purify,  strengthen,  and  unite  all  true  Christian 
Churches ;  so  that,  with  combined  energy  and  zeal,  they 
might  go  forth,  in  glad  compliance  with  the  Eedeemer's 
command,  teaching  all  nations,  and  preaching  the  everlast- 
ing gospel  to  every  creature  under  heaven.  Such  was  the 
magnificent  conception  of  men  whom  it  has  been  too  much 
the  fashion  to  stigmatize  as  narrow-minded  bigots.  It  is 
not  in  the  heart  of  a  bigot  that  a  love  able  to  embrace 
Christendom  could  be  cherished, — it  is  not  in  the  mind  of 
.a  bigot  that  an  idea  of  such  moral  sublimity  could  be  con- 
ceived. It  may  be  said,  no  doubt,  that  this  idea  was  pre- 
mature. Premature  it  was  in  one  sense,  for  it  could  not  be 
then  realized  ;  but  the  statement  of  it  was  not  premature, 
for  it  was  the  statement  of  the  grand  result  which  ought  to 
have  been  produced  by  the  Eeformation.  In  still  another 
sense  it  was  not  premature,  any  more  than  it  is  premature 
to  sow  the  seed  in  spring  from  which  we  expect  to  reap  the 
autumnal  harvest.  The  seed  must  be  sown  before  the  har- 
vest can  be  produced, — the  idea  must  be  stated  before  it 


374  HISTORY   OF   THE 

can  be  realized.  It  must  then  be  left  to  work  its  way  into 
the  mind  of  man, — to  grow,  and  strengthen,  and  enlarge, 
till  in  due  time  it  shall  produce  its  fruit  in  its  season. 

May  it  not  be  hoped  that  the  fruit-bearing  season  is  at 
hand  1  A  time  of  refreshing  and  revival  has  come ;  the 
lethargic  sleep  of  a  century  has  passed  away ;  the  awaken- 
ing throb  of  Christian  life  is  high  and  warm ;  and  again, 
snapping  her  benumbing  bands  asunder,  the  Church  is 
going  forth  on  her  heavenly  mission  with  renewed  energy 
and  power.  All  things  seem  hastening  forward  to  some 
mighty  change  or  development.  On  all  sides  the  elements 
of  evil  are  mustering  with  almost  preternatural  rapidity 
and  strength.  Popery  has,  to  an  unexpected  degree, 
recovered  from  its  deadly  wound  and  its  exhausted  weak- 
ness, and  is  putting  forth  its  destructive  energies  in  every 
quarter  of  the  world,  especially  in  the  high  regions  of 
political  intrigue  and  diplomatic  management.  Numerous 
and  startling  are  the  coincidences  which  are  appearing 
between  the  period  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  and  the 
present  time.  So  strong  are  these,  that  they  force  upon  a 
reflecting  mind  the  thought  that  all  human  events  move  in 
revolving  cycles,  one  age  but  producing  a  renewed  aspect 
of  the  past.  In  England  the  dread  aspect  of  Laudean 
Prelacy  has  re-appeared — called,  indeed,  by  a  new  name, 
but  displaying  all  the  formidable  characteristics  of  its  pre- 
decessor— the  same  in  its  lofty  pretensions,  in  its  Popish 
tendencies,  in  its  supercilious  contempt  of  every  other 
Church,  and  in  its  persecuting  spirit.  The  Scottish  Eccle- 
siastical Establishment  has  been  rent  asunder;  its  con- 
stitution has  been  changed,  or  rather  subverted ;  and 
those  who  firmly  maintained  the  principles  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly  have  been  constrained  to  separate  from 
the  State,  in  order  to  preserve  their  principles  unim- 
paired.    The  true  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland  is  again 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  375 

disestablished,  as  she  has  been  in  former  times ;  but 
she  is  Free — free  to  maintain  all  those  sacred  principles 
bequeathed  to  her  by  reformers,  and  divines,  and  martyrs — 
free  to  offer  to  all  other  evangelical  Churches  the  right 
hand  of  brotherly  love  and  fellowship — free  to  engage  with 
them  in  the  formation  of  a  great  evangelical  union,  on 
the  firm  basis  of  sacred  and  eternal  truth.  Surely  these 
concurring  events  are  enough  to  constrain  all  who  are  able 
to  comprehend  them,  to  long  for  some  sure  rallying  ground 
on  which  the  defenders  of  religious  truth  and  liberty  may 
plant  their  standard.  Such  a  rallying  ground  we  think  the 
Confession  of  Faith  would  afford,  were  its  principles  care- 
fully considered  and  fully  understood. 

But  revolving  cycles,  though  similar,  are  not  identical. 
Each  has  in  itself  some  characteristics  of  a  peculiar  nature, 
and  to  that  extent  part  of  its  characteristics  may  terminate 
in  its  own  period,  and  part  may  survive  and  expand  into 
the  new  revolving  movement.  Thus,  while  the  course  of 
human  events  is  one  of  revolving  cycles,  one  tends  to  pro- 
duce another,  and  that  to  expand  and  perfect  what  it  re- 
ceived, and  also  to  transmit  its  own  new  influences  to  its 
successor, — all  combining  to  carry  on  the  ripening  and 
widening  movements  that  make  the  world's  history.  The 
truth  of  this  view  may  be  seen  by  closely  marking  the 
characteristics  of  the  conflict  which  shook  the  nations  two 
hundred  years  ago,  and  that  which  has  begun  to  shake  them 
now.  At  the  Reformation,  the  idea  of  separate  and  co-ordi- 
nate jurisdictions,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  was  introduced ; 
but  the  supreme  civil  power  wished  to  combine  and  possess 
both,  and  this  gave  rise  to  what  has  been  called  Erastianism. 
At  first,  however,  the  conflict  was  waged  chiefly  respecting 
uniformity  in  matters  external,  and  submission  to  all  civil 
decrees  concerning  rites,  ceremonies,  vestments,  and  common 
prayer.     Subsequently,  it  related  to  a  still  more  important 


376  HISTORY  OF  THE 

point — discipline.  On  all  these  matters  the  unscriptural 
encroachments  of  the  civil  power  were  resisted, — not  so 
much,  in  some  instances,  because  of  their  importance,  as 
because  of  the  principle  which  they  involved.  But  the 
recent,  and  still  present  and  pending  struggle,  regards  the 
actual  assumption  of  supremacy  by  civil  courts  over  spiritual 
courts  as  such ;  and  is  therefore  of  a  much  more  formidable 
character  than  that  in  which  our  ancestors  were  engaged. 
The  ancient  contest  was  founded  ostensibly  on  the  desir- 
ableness of  national  uniformity  in  public  worship ;  the 
modern  is  founded  ostensibly  on  the  fact  of  endowments, 
and  on  the  civil  rights  which  such  endowments  are  said  to 
involve  or  confer.1  The  ancient  contest  was  waged  on  the 
ground  of  the  royal  prerogative  ;  the  modern,  on  the  ground 
of  abstract  law.  In  the  ancient  struggle  the  two  kingdoms 
of  England  and  Scotland  strove  to  preserve  both  civil  and 
religious  liberty  ;  and  though  for  a  time  both  seemed  lost, 
yet  the  result  was,  the  complete  gaining  and  establishing  of 
the  former  by  the  Eevolution  of  1688,  and  the  full  settle- 
ment of  the  British  Constitution :  in  the  modern  struggle 
religious  liberty  has  yet  to  be  asserted,  defended,  and 
secured,  and  that,  too,  against  a  power  in  many  respects 
more  formidable  than  any  that  has  hitherto  been  encoun 
tered  by  the  Christian  Church — the  power  of  abstract  law, 
in  what  is  assumed  to  be  a  free  country,  and  in  which  reli- 
gious toleration  is  understood  to  be  maintained.  Hence  it 
is,  that  whatever  even  seems  to  oppose  the  decisions  of 
courts  of  law,  must  expect  to  be  overwhelmed  with  reproach 
and  contumely  ;  as  if  human  law  were  infallible,  and  what- 
ever opposed  it  were  necessarily  wildly  and  intolerably 
wrons.  The  Erastianism  of  human  law  is  Erastianism  in 
its  most  pernicious  and  terrible  aspect ;  and  if  triumphant, 

1  The  allusion  is  to  the  "  Ten  Years'  Conflict,"  which  resulted  in  the 
Disruption  of  the  Church  of  Scotlaud  in  May  1843. 


WESTMINSTER  ASSEMBLY.  377 

can  end  in  nothing  but  the  entire  destruction  of  religious 
liberty,  and  consequently  of  true  religion  itself.  Its  direct 
aim  is  the  abolition  of  spiritual  courts ;  and  so  far  as  Estab- 
lishments are  concerned,  it  has  succeeded ;  for  that  is  no 
true  spiritual  court  which  either  cannot  meet  without  the 
permission  of  the  civil  authority,  or  where  not  merely  its 
decisions  can  be  reviewed  and  reversed  by  one  of  a  different 
character,  but  where  the  judges  themselves  can  be  punished 
for  their  conscientious  judgments.  And  since  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  instituted  a  government  in  His  Church,  the 
loss  of  spiritual  courts  is  the  loss  of  that  government,  and 
necessarily  the  loss  of  direct  union  with  the  Head  and  King 
of  the  Church, — which  is,  in  other  and  plainer  words,  the 
loss  of  spiritual  life  and  true  religion. 

The  cycle  in  which  we  live  displays  much  of  the  impress 
of  its  predecessor,  and  has  also  duties,  advantages,  and 
perils  of  its  own.  It  may  not  be  now  either  premature  or 
too  late  to  cherish  the  hope  of  at  length  accomplishing  the 
Christian  enterprise  for  which  the  Westminster  Assembly 
met  together  j  and  of  realising  the  great  idea  which  filled 
the  minds  of  its  most  eminent  Christian  patriots.  The  wide 
diffusion  of  knowledge,  the  rapid  communication  of  thought 
and  action  from  clime  to  clime,  and  the  very  progress  of 
events  in  the  world's  history,  have  rendered  many  a  mighty 
undertaking  of  easy  achievement  now,  which,  two  centuries 
ago,  was  utterly  impossible.  And  what  was  gained  then 
furnishes  now  a  vantage-ground  on  which  the  struggle  may 
be  more  propitiously  waged.  Civil  liberty  and  religious 
toleration  are  citadels  not  certainly  impregnable,  but  not 
easily  to  be  reduced.  It  is  equally  the  duty  and  the  inter- 
est of  all  who  value  these  to  unite  in  their  defence ;  for 
the  loss  of  them  to  one  class  of  British  citizens,  or  to  one 
Church  in  Britain,  would  issue  in  the  loss  of  them  to  all. 
Let  but  the  attempt  be  made,  in  the  spirit  of  faith,  and 


378  HISTORY    OF   THE 

prayer,  and  sincerity,  and  love  unfeigned,  and  there  may 
now  be  realised  a  religious  union  embracing  all  true  Chris- 
tians. 

The  errors  which  prevented  the  success  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly  may  be  to  us  beacons,  both  warning  from 
danger  and  guiding  on  to  safety.  In  their  case,  political  in- 
fluence and  intrigue  formed  one  baneful  element  of  deadly 
power.  Let  all  political  influence  be  distrusted  and  avoided, 
and  let  political  intrigue  be  utterly  unknown  in  all  our  reli- 
gious deliberations.  In  times  of  trouble  and  alarm,  "  Trust 
not  in  princes,  nor  in  the  sons  of  men,"  with  its  divine 
counterpart,  "  Trust  in  the  Lord,  and  stay  yourselves  upon 
your  God,"  should  be  the  watchword  and  reply  of  all  true 
Christian  Churches.  Dissensions  among  brethren,  ground- 
less jealousies,  and  misconstructions,  and  want  of  openness 
and  candour,  were  grievously  pernicious  to  the  Westminster 
Assembly.  If  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents  could 
have  banished  the  spirit  of  dissension,  expelled  all  petty 
jealousy,  and  laid  their  hearts  open  to  each  other  in  godly 
simplicity  and  sincerity,  all  the  uniformity  that  was  really 
necessary  might  have  been  easily  obtained.  And  if  all 
truly  evangelical  Christians,  whether  they  be  Presbyterians, 
or  Independents,  or  Baptists,  or  Methodists,  or  Episco- 
palians, such  as  some  that  could  be  named,  would  but  give 
full  scope  to  their  already  existing  and  strong  principles 
and  feelings  of  faith  and  hope  and  love,  there  could  be 
little  difficulty  in  framing  such  a  Christian  union, — term  it 
Presbyterian  or  Evangelical,  so  that  it  be  truly  scriptural, — 
as  might  be  able,  by  the  blessing  and  the  help  of  God,  to 
stem  and  bear  back  the  growing  and  portentous  tide  of 
Popery  and  infidelity,  that  threaten,  with  their  proud 
waves,  once  more  to  overwhelm  the  world. 

Has  not  the  time  for  this  great  evangelical  and  scrip 
tural  union  come?     It  is   impossible  for  any  one  to  look 


WESTMINSTER    ASSEMBLY.  379 

abroad  upon  the  general  aspect  of  the  world  with  even  a 
hasty  glance,  without  perceiving  indications  of  an  almost 
universal  preparation  for  some  great  event.  The  nations  of 
the  earth  are  again  still — not  in  peace,  but,  like  wearied  com- 
batants, resting  on  their  arms  a  brief  breathing  space,  that, 
with  recovered  strength  and  quickened  animosity,  they  may 
spring  anew  to  the  mortal  struggle.  During  this  fallacious 
repose  there  has  been,  and  there  is,  an  exertion  of  the  most 
intense  and  reckless  activity,  by  principles  the  most  fiercely 
hostile,  for  the  acquisition  of  partisans.  Despotism  and  de- 
mocracy, superstition  and  infidelity,  have  alike  been  mus- 
tering their  powers  and  calling  forth  their  energies,  less,  ap- 
parently, for  mutual  destruction,  according  to  their  wont 
and  nature,  than  in  order  to  form  an  unnatural  coalition 
and  conspiracy  against  the  very  existence  of  free,  pure,  and 
spiritual  Christianity.  Nor,  in  one  point  of  view,  has  Chris- 
tianity been  recently  lying  supine  and  dormant.  Many  a 
noble  enterprise  for  the  extension  of  the  gospel  at  home  and 
abroad  has  been  planned  and  executed ;  and  the  great  doc- 
trines of  saving  truth  have  been  clearly  explained  and  boldly 
proclaimed,  with  earnest  warmth  and  uncompromising  faith- 
fulness. A  time  of  refreshing  also  has  come  from  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Lord, — a  spirit  of  revival  has  been  poured  forth 
upon  the  thirsty  Church,  and  the  hearts  of  Christian  brethren 
have  learned  to  melt  and  blend  with  a  generous  and  rejoic- 
ing sympathy,  to  which  they  had  too  long  been  strangers. 
Can  all  these  things  be  beheld  and  passed  lightly  over,  as 
leading  to  nothing,  and  portending  nothing  1  That  were 
little  short  of  blind  infatuation.  What  they  do  fully  por- 
tend it  were  presumptuous  to  say ;  but  it  is  not  difficult 
to  say  for  what  they  form  an  unprecedented  preparation. 
What  now  prevents  a  world-wide  evangelical  and  scriptural 
union  1  "  All  things  are  prepared ;  come  to  the  marriage." 
"  If  ye  love  Me,  love  one  another."     M  Because  He  laid 


380  HISTORY   OF   THE 

down  his  life  for  us,  we  also  ought  to  lay  down  our  lives 
for  the  brethren."  Had  these  been  fully  the  principles  and 
rules  of  conduct  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  its  great 
idea  might  have  been  realised.  Let  them  be  those  that 
animate  and  guide  all  Christian  Churches  now.  They  have 
been  felt  in  our  great  unions  for  prayer  ;  they  should  be  felt 
by  all  who  venerate  and  can  understand  the  standards  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly.  And  if  they  be,  then  may  we  not 
only  accomplish  the  object  of  its  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant, concur  in  its  Confession  of  Faith,  and  realise  its  great 
idea  of  a  general  evangelical  union ;  but  we  may  also,  if 
such  be  the  will  of  our  Divine  Head  and  King,  be  mightily 
instrumental  in  promoting  the  universal  propagation  of  the 
gospel,  and  drawing  down  from  above  the  fulfilled  answer 
of  that  sacred  prayer  in  which  we  all  unite, — '  Thy  king- 
dom come  :    Thy  will  be  done   in   earth,  as  it  is   in 

HEAVEN.' 


APPENDIX. 

i. 

(Seepage  118.) 

Every  person  must  be  aware,  that  one  of  the  charges  most 
frequently  and  vehemently  urged  against  the  Presbyterian 
Church  of  Scotland,  is  that  of  its  being  possessed  by  such 
a  bigoted  and  proselytising  spirit  as  led  it  to  attempt,  by 
undue  means,  to  force  its  own  system  upon  England  dur- 
ing the  troubled  period  of  the  civil  war.  In  the  hope  of 
showing  the  utter  groundlessness  of  that  accusation,  and 
of  repelling  it  at  once  and  for  ever,  I  have  resolved  to 
append  to  this  work  the  following  important  document, 
which  contains  a  distinct  statement,  by  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners, of  the  views  and  desires  entertained  by  the 
Church  and  State  of  Scotland  before  the  civil  war  had 
begun.  The  paper  was  written  by  Alexander  Henderson, 
towards  the  close  of  the  year  1640,  and  given  in  by  the 
Scottish  Commissioners  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treaty,  as  they 
were  termed,  in  the  beginning  of  1641,  when  the  business 
of  negotiation  had  been  transferred  from  Ripon  to  London. 
It  was  printed  and  published  about  the  same  time,  that  it 
might  be  so  fairly  before  the  community  as  to  enable  all 
whom  it  concerned  to  know  precisely  what  it  was  that 
Scotland  wished  and  recommended,  and  to  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, all  calumnious  misrepresentation.  Certainly  the 
publication  of  such  a  document  tended,  of  itself,  to  bind 
the  Scottish  Commissioners,  and  consequently  the  Scot- 
tish Church  and  kingdom,  which  they  represented,  from 
making  any  attempt  to  force  their  own  system  upon  Eng- 
land, even  if  they  had  been  afterwards  inclined ;  since  if 


382  APPENDIX. 

put  it  in  the  power  of  the  English  Church  and  Parliament 
to  appeal  immediately  to  this  public  declaration.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  it  both  prepared  the  mind  of  England  for 
the  calling  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  about  two  years 
and  a  half  afterwards,  and  contributed,  to  prevent,  for  a 
time,  the  rise  of  any  considerable  degree  of  jealousy  in  the 
ecclesiastical  proceedings  that  followed,  till  the  harmony 
that  had  prevailed  was  destroyed  by  the  Independent  and 
Erastian  controversies.  Prelatic  writers  make  no  mention 
of  this  important  document,  and  consequently  indulge  in 
the  most  violent  accusations  against  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land for  presuming  to  endeavour  to  enforce  its  system  upon 
England.  Let  the  truth  be  known ;  from  that  the  Church 
of  Scotland  has  nothing  to  fear  : — 

"  Our  Destres  concerning  Unity  in  Religion,  and  Uni- 
formity of  Chuech  Government,  as  a  special  aIean 
to  Conserve  Peace  in  his  Majesty's  Dominions. 

As  we  shall  not  make  any  proposition  about  this  last 
article,  of  establishing  a  firm  and  happy  peace,  but  that 
which  we  conceive  to  be  both  expedient  and  just  j  so  will 
your  lordships,  we  doubt  not,  in  your  wisdom  consider, 
that  since  that  which  is  sought  is  not  a  cessation  of  arms 
for  a  time,  but  peace  for  ever,  and  not  peace  only,  but  per- 
fect amity  and  a  more  near  union  than  before, — which  is  of 
greater  consequence  than  all  the  former  articles, — it  is  no 
marvel  that  a  composition  so  excellent,  and  so  powerful  to 
preserve  the  whole  island  in  health  against  all  inward  dis- 
tempers, and  in  strength  against  all  contagion  and  wounds 
from  without,  require  many  ingredients,  of  which,  if  any 
one  be  wanting,  we  may  on  both  sides  please  ourselves  for 
the  present  with  the  sweet  name  of  peace,  and  yet  for  no 
long  time  enjoy  peace  itself,  which  hath  not  only  sweetness 
and  pleasure,  but  also  much  more  profit  and  true  honoui 
than  all  the  triumphs  on  earth. 

As  we  account  it  no  less  than  usurpation  and  presump- 
tion for  one  kingdom  or  Church,  were  it  never  so  mighty 
and   srlorious,  to    give  laws    and   rules   of  reformation  to 


APPENDIX.  383 

another  free  and  independent  Church  and  kingdom,  were 
it  never  so  mean, — civil  liberty  and  conscience  being  sc 
tender  and  delicate,  that  they  cannot  endure  to  be  touched 
but  by  such  as  they  are  wedded  unto,  and  have  lawful 
authority  over  them ;  so  have  we  not  been  so  forgetful  of 
ourselves,  who  are  the  lesser,  and  of  England,  which  is  the 
greater  kingdom,  as  to  suffer  any  such  arrogant  and  pre- 
sumptuous thoughts  to  enter  into  our  minds, — our  ways 
also  are  witnesses  of  the  contrary  against  the  malicious, 
who  do  not  express  what  we  are  or  have  been,  but  do  still 
devise  what  may  be  fuel  for  a  common  combustion.  Yet 
charity  is  no  presumption,  and  the  common  duty  of  charity 
bindeth  all  Christians  at  all  times,  both  to  pray  and  profess 
their  desire  that  all  others  were  not  only  almost  but  al- 
together such  as  themselves,  except  their  afflictions  and 
distresses ;  and,  beside  common  charity,  we  are  bound,  as 
commissioners  in  a  special  duty,  to  propound  the  best  and 
readiest  means  for  settling  of  a  firm  peace.  As  we  love  not 
to  be  curious  in  another  commonwealth,  nor  to  play  the 
bishop  in  another  diocese,  so  may  we  not  be  careless  and 
negligent  in  that  which  concerneth  both  nations. 

We  do  all  know  and  profess,  that  religion  is  not  only 
the  mean  to  serve  God,  and  to  save  our  own  souls,  but  that 
it  is  also  the  base  and  foundation  of  kingdoms  and  estates, 
and  the  strongest  band  to  tie  subjects  and  their  prince  in 
true  loyalty,  and  to  knit  their  hearts  one  to  another  in 
true  unity.  Nothing  so  powerful  to  divide  the  hearts  of 
people  as  division  in  religion ;  nothing  so  strong  to  unite 
them  as  unity  in  religion  :  and  the  greater  zeal  in  different 
religions  the  greater  division;  but  the  more  zeal  in  one 
religion  the  more  firm  union.  In  the  paradise  of  nature 
the  diversity  of  flowers  and  herbs  is  pleasant  and  useful ; 
but  in  the  paradise  of  the  Church  different  and  contrary 
religions  are  unpleasant  and  hurtful.  It  is  therefore  to  be 
wished  that  there  were  one  Confession  of  Faith,  one  form 
of  Catechism,  one  Directory  for  all  the  parts  of  the  public 
worship  of  God,  and  for  prayer,  preaching,  administration 
of  sacraments,  etc.,  and  one  form  of  Church  government,  in 
all  the  Churches  of  his  majesty's  dominions. 


384  APPENDIX. 

This  would, — 

1.  Be  acceptable  to  God  Almighty,  who  delighteth  to 
see  His  people  walking  in  truth  and  unity,  and  who  would 
look  upon  this  island  with  the  greater  complacency  that  we 
were  all  of  one  heart  and  one  soul  in  matters  of  religion. 

2.  This  unity  in  religion  will  preserve  our  peace,  and 
prevent  many  divisions  and  troubles.  Of  old  (as  Beda 
recordeth)  the  difference  about  the  time  of  observing  of 
Easter,  although  no  great  matter  in  religion,  and  although 
in  divers  independent  kingdoms,  had  troubled  their  peace, 
if  the  wiser  sort  had  not  brought  them  to  a  uniformity ; 
wherein  they  were  so  zealous  that  they  would  not  suffer 
so  much  as  one  small  island,  which  differed  from  the  rest, 
to  be  unconform. 

3.  His  majesty  and  his  successors  in  their  government 
shall  be  eased  of  much  trouble  which  ariseth  from  differ- 
ences of  religion,  and  hath  been  very  grievous  unto  kings 
and  emperors,  as  Eusebius  witnesseth  in  his  3d  book,  chap. 
12,  of  the  Life  of  Constantine.  Sedition  begotten  in  the 
Church  of  God  (saith  Constantine)  seemeth  to  me  to  contain 
in  itself  more  trouble  and  bitterness  than  any  tear  or  battle. 

4.  Since,  by  Divine  Providence,  his  majesty  is  king  of 
divers  kingdoms,  it  shall  be  much  content  both  to  himself, 
to  his  nobles  and  court,  and  to  all  his  people,  when  his 
majesty  shall  in  person  visit  any  of  his  kingdoms,  that 
king,  court,  and  people  may,  without  all  scruple  of  con- 
science, be  partakers  of  one  and  the  same  form  of  divine 
worship,  and  his  majesty  with  his  court  may  come  to  the 
public  assembly  of  the  people,  and  serve  God  with  them, 
according  to  the  practice  of  the  good  kings  of  Judah  ;  as, 
on  the  other  part,  difference  in  forms  of  divine  worship 
divideth  between  the  king  and  the  people. 

5.  This  shall  be  a  great  comfort  to  all  his  majesty's 
subjects,  when  they  travel  abroad  from  their  own  country 
to  any  other  place  in  his  majesty's  dominions,  whether  for 
commerce  or  whatsoever  negotiation  and  affairs,  that  they 
may  with  confidence  resort  to  the  public  worship  as  if  they 
were  at  home,  and  in  their  own  parish  church,  and  shall 
satisfy  many  doubts,  and  remove  many  exceptions,  jealousy, 


APPENDIX.  385 

and  scandals,  which  arise  upon  resorting  to  different  forms 
of  worship. 

6.  The  names  of  heresies  and  sects,  of  Puritans,  Con- 
formists, Separatists,  which  rend  the  bowels  both  of  Church 
and  kingdom,  are  a  matter  of  much  stumbling  to  the 
people,  and  diminish  the  glory  of  his  majesty's  reign,  shall 
no  more  be  heard ;  but  as  the  Lord  is  one,  His  name  shall 
be  one,  and  the  name  of  the  people  one,  in  all  his  majesty's 
dominions. 

7.  Papists  and  recusants  shall  despair  of  success  to 
have  their  religion  set  up  again,  and  shall  either  conform 
themselves  or  get  them  hence ;  and  irreligious  men  shall 
have  a  great  scandal  removed  out  of  their  way,  which  shall 
be  a  mean  of  great  safety  and  security,  and  of  many  bless- 
ings both  to  king  and  people.  '  I  am  persuaded '  (saith 
Constantine,  as  Eusebius  recordeth  in  his  Life,  lib.  ii.  c. 
63),  'were  I  able,  as  it  is  my  desires,  to  bind  all  the  true 
worshippers  of  God  by  the  common  bond  of  concord,  all 
the  subjects  of  my  empire  would  quickly  turn  themselves 
to  their  pious  ordinances.' 

8.  This  unity  of  religion  shall  make  ministers  to  build 
the  Church  with  both  their  hands,  whilst  now  the  one  hand 
is  holden  out  in  opposition  against  the  other  party,  and 
shall  turn  the  many  and  unpleasant  labours  of  writing  and 
reading  of  unprofitable  controversies  into  treatises  of  morti- 
fication, and  studies  of  devotion  and  practical  divinity. 

This  unity  of  religion  is  a  thing  so  desirable,  that  all 
sound  divines  and  politicians  are  for  it,  where  it  may  be 
easily  obtained  and  brought  about.  And  as  we  conceive 
so  pious  and  profitable  a  work  to  be  worthy  of  the  best 
consideration,  so  are  we  earnest  in  recommending  it  to  your 
lordships,  that  it  may  be  brought  before  his  majesty  and 
the  Parliament,  as  that  which  doth  highly  concern  his  ma- 
jesty's honour  and  the  weal  of  all  his  dominions,  and  which, 
without  forcing  of  consciences,  seemeth  not  only  to  be  pos- 
sible, but  an  easy  work.  But  because  the  matter  is  of  great 
weight,  and  of  a  large  extent,  and  therefore  will  require  a 
large  time,  our  desire  is,  that  for  the  present  some  course 
may  be  taken  for  an  uniformity  in  government. 

B  B 


386  APPENDIX. 

1.  Because  there  can  be  small  hope  of  unity  in  religion, 
which  is  the  chief  bond  of  peace  and  human  society,  unless 
first  there  be  one  form  of  ecclesiastical  government. 

2.  Because  difference  in  this  point  hath  been  the  main 
cause  of  all  other  differences  between  the  two  nations,  since 
the  reformation  of  religion. 

3.  Because  (although  it  ought  not  to  be  so)  we  find  it 
true  in  experience,  that  Churchmen,  through  their  corrup- 
tion, are  more  hot  and  greater  zealots  about  government 
than  about  matters  more  substantial, — their  worldly  dig- 
nities and  wealth  being  herein  concerned  ;  as  Erasmus  ren- 
dered this  reason  of  the  animosity  of  the  Church  of  Ronie 
against  Luther,  seeking  after  reformation,  that  he  meddled 
with  the  Pope's  crown  and  the  monks'  bellies. 

4.  It  is  observed  by  politicians,  and  we  have  found  it 
in  experience,  that  Churchmen  do  not  only  bear  with  dif- 
ferent religions,  and  suffer  divisions  both  in  Church  and 
policy  to  rise  and  grow  ;  but  do  also  foment  and  cherish 
the  contrary  factions,  that  they  themselves  may  grow  big, 
and  swell  in  greatness,  while  both  sides  have  their  depend- 
ence upon  them,  and  have  their  thoughts  busied  about  other 
matters  than  about  Church  government,  and  the  ambition, 
pomp,  and  other  corruptions,  of  Church  governors. 

5.  None  of  all  the  Eeformed  Churches,  although  in  na- 
tions far  distant  one  from  another,  and  under  divers  princes 
and  magistrates,  are  at  so  great  a  difference  in  Church  govern- 
ment as  these  two  kingdoms  be,  which  are  in  one  island, 
and  under  one  monarch, — which  made  King  James,  of  happy 
memory,  to  labour  to  bring  them  under  one  form  of  govern- 
ment. 

But  since  all  the  question  is,  Whether  of  the  two  Church 
governments  shall  have  place  in  both  nations  1  (for  we  know 
no  third  form  of  government  of  a  National  Church  distinct 
from  these  two)  we  do  not  presume  to  propound  the  form 
of  government  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  as  a  pattern  for 
the  Church  of  England,  but  do  only  represent,  in  all  modesty, 
these  few  considerations,  according  to  the  trust  committed 
unto  us. 

1.  The  government  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  is  the 


APPENDIX.  387 

same  with  the  government  of  all  the  Reformed  Churches, 
and  hath  been  by  them  universally  received  and  practised, 
with  the  reformation  of  doctrine  and  worship  ;  from  which 
so  far  as  we  depart,  we  disjoin  ourselves  as  far  from  them, 
and  do  lose  so  much  of  our  harmony  with  them.  Whence 
it  is  that  from  other  Reformed  Churches  it  hath  been  writ- 
ten to  the  Church  of  Scotland,  '  That  it  was  a  great  gift  of 
God  that  they  had  brought  together  into  Scotland  the  purity 
■of  religion,  and  discipline  whereby  the  doctrine  is  safely  kept; 
praying  and  beseeching  them  so  to  keep  these  tivo  together,  as 
being  assured  that  if  the  one  fall  the  other  cannot  long  stand' 
Upon  the  other  part,  the  government  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  not  changed  with  the  doctrine  at  the  time  of  Re- 
formation. The  Pope  was  rejected,  but  his  hierarchy  was 
retained ;  which  hath  been  a  ground  of  jealousy  and  sus- 
picion to  the  Reformed  Churches,  of  continual  contention 
in  the  Church  of  England  these  eighty  years  past  (since  the 
beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  her  reign),  and  of  hopes  and 
expectation  to  the  Church  of  Rome  ;  for,  saith  Contzen,  in 
his  Politicks,  lib.  ii.  cap.  18, '  Were  all  England  once  brought 
to  approve  of  bishops,  it  were  easy  to  reduce  it  to  the  Church 
of  Rome.'  But  what  one  prince  hath  begun,  and  by  reason 
of  the  times,  or  of  other  hindrances,  could  not  promote  or 
perfect,  another,  raised  up  by  the  mercy  of  God,  may  bring 
to  pass  ;  according  to  the  example  of  good  Josiah,  like  unto 
whom  there  was  no  king  before  him, — which  we  heartily 
wish  may  be  verified  of  King  Charles. 

2.  The  Church  of  Scotland  hath  been  continually,  and 
many  sundry  ways,  vexed  and  disquieted  by  the  bishops  of 
JEngland. 

(1.)  By  the  continual  and  restless  negotiation  of  the 
prime  prelates  in  England  with  some  of  that  faction  in 
Scotland,  both  before  the  coming  of  King  James  into  Eng- 
land (which  we  are  ready  to  make  manifest),  and  since  his 
coming ;  till  at  last  a  kind  of  Episcopacy  was  erected  there 
by  the  power  of  the  prelates  of  England,  against  the  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  the  Covenant,  and  Acts  of  the  National 
Assemblies  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 

(2.)  The  prelates  of  England,  without  the  consent  or 


388  APPENDIX. 

knowledge  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  gave  episcopal  con- 
secration to  some  corrupt  ministers  of  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land, and  sent  them  home  to  consecrate  others  like  unto 
themselves  ;  and  when  some  great  men  have  been,  for  their 
obstinacy  in  Papistry,  excommunicated  by  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  they  have  been  absolved  from  the  sentence  by 
the  prelates  of  England  :  so  that  they  have  usurped  the 
power  of  that  which,  in  their  own  opinion,  is  the  highest 
ordination,  and  of  that  which  is  indeed  the  highest  point 
of  jurisdiction. 

(3.)  They  rested  not  here,  but  proceeded  to  change  the 
form  of  divine  worship ;  and  for  many  years  bred  a  great 
disturbance,  both  to  pastors  and  people,  by  five  articles  of 
conformity  with  the  Church  of  England. 

(4.)  Having  in  the  former  prevailed,  and  finding  their 
opportunity,  and  rare  concourse  of  many  powerful  hands 
and  heads  ready  to  co-operate,  they  made  strong  assaults 
upon  the  whole  external  worship  and  doctrine  of  our  Church, 
by  enforcing  upon  us  a  Popish  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
for  making  Scotland  first,  as  the  weaker,  and  thereafter 
England,  conform  to  Eome ;  and  upon  the  consciences, 
liberties,  and  goods  of  the  people,  by  a  Book  of  Canons 
and  Constitutions  Ecclesiastical,  establishing  a  tyrannical 
power  in  the  persons  of  our  prelates,  and  abolishing  the 
whole  discipline  and  government  of  our  Church,  without 
so  much  as  consulting  with  any  Presbytery,  Synod,  or  As- 
sembly, in  all  the  land. 

(5.)  They  procured  subsidies  to  be  lifted  for  war  against 
us,  under  pain  of  deprivation  to  all  of  the  clergy  that  should 
refuse. 

(6.)  They  commanded  both  preaching  and  imprecations 
against  us,  as  enemies  to  God  and  the  king. 

(7.)  They  have  received  into  the  ministry,  and  provided 
places  for  such  of  our  ministers  as,  for  their  disobedience  1  o 
the  voice  of  the  Assembly,  and  their  other  faults  and  scan- 
dals, were  deposed  in  Scotland.  And  finally,  they  have 
left  nothing  undone  which  might  tend  to  the  overthrow  of 
our  Church,  not  only  of  late,  by  the  occasion  of  these 
troubles  whereof  they  have  been  the  authors,  but  of  old, 


APPENDIX.  389 

from  that  opposition  which  is  between  Episcopal  govern- 
ment and  the  government  of  the  Reformed  Churches  by 
Assemblies.  Upon  the  contrary,  the  Church  of  Scotland 
never  had  molested  them,  either  in  the  doctrine,  worship, 
ceremonies,  or  discipline  of  their  Church,  but  have  lived 
quietly  by  them,  kept  themselves  within  their  line,  and 
would  have  been  glad  to  enjoy  their  own  liberties  in  peace; 
which  yet  is,  and  by  the  help  of  God  shall  be,  our  constant 
desire.  Yet  can  we  not  conceal  our  minds,  but  in  our  con- 
sciences, and  before  God,  must  declare, — not  for  any  sauci- 
nes3,  or  presumptuous  intention  to  reform  England,  but 
from  our  just  fears  and  apprehensions,  that  our  reforma- 
tion, which  hath  cost  us  so  dear,  and  is  all  our  wealth  and 
glory,  shall  again  be  spoiled  and  defaced  from  England, 
—that  whatsoever  peace  shall  be  agreed  upon,  we  cannot 
see  nor  conceive  the  way  how  our  peace  shall  be  firm  and 
durable,  but  our  fear  is,  that  all  will  run  into  a  confusion 
again,  ere  it  be  long,  if  Episcopacy  shall  be  retained  in 
England ;  for  the  same  causes  will  not  fail  to  produce  the 
same  effects.  Their  opposition  against,  and  hatred  of,  the 
government  of  the  Reformed  Churches, — their  credit  at 
Court,  and  nearness  to  the  King,  living  in  England, — the 
opinion  they  have  of  their  own  great  learning,  and  of  the 
glory  of  their  prelatical  Church,  joined  with  the  small 
esteem  and  disdain  of  our  Christian  simplicity, — the  con- 
sanguinity of  their  hierarchy  with  the  Church  of  Rome, 
and  their  fear  to  fall  before  us  at  last, — will  still  be  work- 
ing, especially  now,  when  they  are  made  operative,  and 
shall  be  set  on  work  at  the  first  advantage,  by  their  vin- 
dictive disposition  to  be  avenged  upon  us  for  the  present 
quarrel,  which  can  never  be  changed  by  any  limitations. 
As,  on  the  contrary,  the  cause  being  taken  away,  the  effects 
will  cease,  and  the  peace  shall  be  firm.  It  would  seem  that 
limitations,  cautions,  and  triennial  Parliaments,  may  do 
much ;  but  we  know  that  fear  of  perjury,  infamy,  excom- 
munication, and  the  power  of  a  National  Assembly, — which 
was  in  Scotland  as  terrible  to  a  bishop  as  a  Parliament, — 
could  not  keep  our  men  from  rising  to  be  prelates ;  and 
after  they  had  risen  to  their  greatness,  their  apology  was, 


390  APPENDIX. 

— '  These  other  cautions  or  conditions  were  rather  accepted  of 
for  the  time,  to  prevent  all  occasion  of  jangling  with  the  con- 
tentiowt,  than  out  of  any  -purpose  to  observe  them  for  ever.1 
Much  is  spoken  and  "written  for  the  limitations  of  bishops; 
but  what  good  can  their  limitation  do  to  the  Church,  if 
ordination  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  shall  depend  upon 
them,  and  shall  not  be  absolutely  into  the  hands  of  the 
Assemblies  of  the  Church  1  and  if  it  shall  not  depend  upon 
them,  what  shall  their  office  be  above  other  pastors  1  or  how 
shall  their  labours  be  worthy  so  large  "wages '!  What  ser- 
vice can  they  do  to  King,  Church,  or  State  1  Eome  and 
Spain  may  be  glad  at  the  retaining  of  the  name  of  Bishops, 
more  than  the  Eeformed  Churches,  which  expect  from  us 
at  this  time  some  matter  of  rejoicing. 

3.  The  Eeformed  Churches  do  hold  "without  doubting, 
their  Church-officers,  Pastors,  Doctors,  Elders,  and  Deacons, 
and  their  Church  government  by  Assemblies,  to  be  jure 
divi)(0,  and  perpetual,  as  is  manifest  in  all  their  "writings. 
And  on  the  other  hand,  Episcopacy,  as  it  differeth  from 
the  office  of  Pastor,  is  almost  universally  acknowledged, 
even  by  the  bishops  themselves,  and  their  adherents,  to  be 
but  a  human  ordinance,  established  by  law  and  custom  for 
conveniency,  without  warrant  of  Scripture ;  which,  therefore, 
by  human  authority  may  be  altered  and  abolished,  upon  so 
great  a  conveniency  as  is  the  hearty  conjunction  with  all  the 
Eeformed  Churches,  and  a  durable  peace  of  the  two  king- 
doms, which  have  been  formerly  divided  by  this  partition- 
Avail.  We  therefore  desire,  that  jus  divinum  and  humanum, 
conscience  and  convenience,  yea,  the  greater  conveniency 
with  the  lesser,  and,  we  may  add,  a  conveniency  and  an  in- 
eonveniency,  may  be  compared,  and  equally  weighed  in  the 
balance,  without  adding  any  weight  of  prejudice. 

4.  The  Church  of  Scotland,  warranted  by  authority, 
hath  abjured  Episcopal  government,  as  having  no  warrant 
in  .Scripture,  and  by  solemn  oath  and  covenant  divers  times 
before,  and  now  again  of  late,  hath  established  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Church  by  Assemblies  ;  but  England,  neither 
having  adjured  the  one  nor  sworn  the  other,  hath  liberty 

vom  all  bands  of  this  kind  to  make  choice  of  that  which  is 


APPENDIX.  391 

most  warrantable  by  the  "Word  of  God.  And,  lest  it  be 
thought  that  we  have  wilfully  bound  ourselves  of  late  by 
oath  that  we  be  not  pressed  with  a  change,  Ave  desire  it  to 
be  considered,  that  our  late  oath  was  nothing  but  the 
renovation  of  our  former  oath  and  Covenant,  which  did 
bind  our  Church  before,  but  was  transgressed  of  many  by 
means  of  the  prelates. 

5.  If  it  shall  please  the  Lord  to  move  the  King's  heart 
to  chose  this  course,  he  shall,  in  a  better  way  than  was  pro- 
jected, accomplish  the  great  and  glorious  design  which  King 
James  had  before  his  eyes  all  his  time,  of  the  unity  of  re- 
ligion and  Church  government  in  all  his  dominions, — his 
crowns  and  kingdoms  shall  be  free  of  all  assaults  and 
policies  of  Churchmen.  Which,  whether  in  the  way  of 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  Church  censure,  or  by  com- 
plying with  the  Pope,  the  greatest  enemy  of  monarchy,  or 
by  bringing  civil  governments  into  a  confusion,  or  by  taking 
the  fat  of  the  sacrifice  to  themselves,  when  the  people  are 
pleased  with  the  government,  and  when  they  are  displeased, 
by  transferring  the  hatred  upon  authority, — which  was  never 
wont  to  be  done  by  any  good  statesmen :  all  which,  all  these 
ways,  have  proceeded  from  bishops  seeking  their  own  great- 
ness, never  from  Assemblies,  which,  unless  overruled  by 
bishops,  have  been  a  strong  guard  to  monarchy  and  magis- 
tracy,— both  the  one  and  the  other  being  the  ordinances  of 
God.  The  Church  shall  be  peaceably  governed,  by  common 
consent  of  Churchmen,  in  Assemblies, — in  which  the  King's 
majesty  hath  always  that  eminency  which  is  due  unto  the 
supreme  magistrate,  and  by  which  all  heresies,  errors,  and 
schisms,  abounding  under  Episcopal  government,  shall  be 
suppressed  ;  and  the  State,  and  all  civil  matters,  in  Parlia- 
ment, Council,  and  other  inferior  judicatures,  governed  by 
civil  men,  and  not  by  Churchmen, — who,  being  out  of  their 
own  element,  must  needs  stir  and  make  trouble  to  them- 
selves and  the  whole  State,  as  woful  experience  hath  taught. 
The  work  shall  be  better  done,  and  the  means  which  did 
uphold  their  unprofitable  pomp  and  greatness  may  supply 
the  wants  of  many  preaching  ministers  to  be  provided  to 
places  ;  and,  without  the  smallest  loss  or  damage  to  the 


392  APPENDIX. 

subjects,  may  be  a  great  increase  of  his  majesty's  revenues. 
His  royal  authority  shall  be  more  deeply  rooted  in  the 
united  hearts,  and  more  strongly  guarded  by  the  joint 
forces,  of  his  subjects,  as  if  they  were  all  of  one  kingdom  ; 
and  his  greatness  shall  be  enlarged  abroad,  by  becoming 
the  head  of  all  the  Protestants  in  Europe,  to  the  greater 
horror  of  his  enemies,  and  to  the  sowing  of  greatness  to  his 
posterity  and  royal  succession.  All  which  we  entreat  may 
be  represented  unto  his  majesty  and  the  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, as  the  expression  of  our  desires  and  fears,  and  as  a 
testimony  of  our  faithfulness  in  acquitting  ourselves  in  the 
trust  committed  unto  us  ;  but  no  ways  forgetting  our  dis- 
tance, or  intending  to  pass  our  bounds,  in  prescribing  or 
setting  down  rules  to  their  wisdom  and  authority,  which 
we  do  highly  reverence  and  honour,  and  from  which  only, 
as  the  proper  fountain,  the  laws  and  order  of  reformation 
in  this  Church  and  Policy  must  proceed,  for  the  nearer 
union  and  greater  happiness  of  his  majesty's  dominions." 

Let  the  thoughtful  reader  ponder  well  the  deep  mean- 
ing of  this  remarkable  document ;  and  while  he  will  per- 
ceive in  it  a  complete  vindication  of  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
he  will  also  be  constrained,  when  he  contemplates  the 
present  sufferings  of  that  Church,  to  admire  the  almost  pro- 
phetic foresight  of  that  great  man  by  whom  it  was  written, 
who  saw  clearly  that  the  Prelatic  spirit  would  never  cease 
to  strive  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Presbyterian  Church. 


II. 

(Seejwges  199,  200,  237-240.) 

So  much  reference  has  been  made  by  a  certain  class  of 
writers  to  the  name  and  reputation  of  the  learned  Selden, 
and  the  influence  which  he  is  said  to  have  exercised  in  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  that  I  have  thought  it  expedient 
to  state  his  arguments  more  fully  in  the  body  of  the  Work 
than  their  own  merit  seems  to  me  to  deserve.    I  have  given 


APPENDIX.  393 

them  also  as  reported  by  Lightfoot,  who,  being  likewise  an 
Erastian,  cannot  be  suspected  of  doing  them  injustice.  But 
as  the  same  discussion  is  reported  in  Gillespie's  own  notes 
of  the  Assembly's  proceedings,  I  am  persuaded  that  the 
general  reader  will  peruse  the  following  extract  with  con- 
siderable curiosity  and  interest  : — 

"Debate  respecting  Matthew  xviii. 

1  Mr  Selden  said,  There  is  nothing  in  Matthew  xviii.  of 
■excommunication  or  jurisdiction  ;  which  could  not  be  exer- 
cised by  the  ancient  Church,  till  the  Church  of  Konie  got 
their  power  from  the  emperor.  That  some  late  men — as 
Dominicus  Solo,  and  Sayrus,  and  Henriquez — say  that  there 
is  some  power  given  to  the  Church,  which  the  Church  after- 
wards did  specificate  to  be  a  power  of  excommunication. 
He  said,  Matthew's  Gospel  was  the  first  that  was  written, 
about  eight  years  after  Christ's  ascension,  the  first  year  of 
Claudius  :  that  it  was  written  in  Hebrew,  and  translated 
into  Greek  by  John :  that  though  the  Hebrew  that  Matthew 
wrote  be  not  extant,  yet  two  editions  of  the  Gospel  (are) 
in  Hebrew,  one  by  Munster,  another  by  Tilius  ;  that  we 
find  in  Tilius'  edition  Kahal,  Matt,  xviii.,  and  Guedah, 
Matt,  xviii.,  though  in  Munster's  Kahal  be  in  both  places. 
Now,  there  being  no  place  of  the  New  Testament  written 
when  this  was  written,  we  must  expound  it  by  the  custom 
of  the  Jews,  which,  according  to  the  law  (Lev.  xix.  17), 
was,  that  when  one  offended  his  brother,  the  offended 
brother  required  satisfaction  ;  and  if  he  get  it  not,  speak  to 
him  before  two  or  three  witnesses  ;  and  if  he  hear  them 
not,  to  tell  it  to  a  greater  number  (for  which  he  offered  to 
show  many  Hebrew  authors  and  Talmudists).  That  they 
had  in  Jerusalem,  beside  the  great  sanhedrim,  two  courts 
of  23,  and  in  every  city  one  court  of  23.  That  the  casting 
•out  of  the  synagogue  was  only  the  putting  of  a  man  in  that 
condition  that  he  might  not  come  within  four  cubits  of 
another ;  that  any  man  being  twelve  years  of  age  might 
excommunicate  another  ;  not  that  he  was  altogether  cast 
off  from  having  any  thing  to  do  with  the  synagogue.  He 
said  the  convocation  was  called  Clerus  Anglicanus,  and  the 


394  APPENDIX. 

parliament  Populus  Anglicanus.  So  here  Ghtedah  and 
'EKK\i](na  signify  only  a  select  number  ;  that  the  word  is 
used  in  one  place  for  woman  ;  Dent  xxiii.,  '  shall  not  enter 
into  the  congregation.'  That  Christ,  when  He  said  '  Die 
Ecclesice,'  was  in  Capernaum,  where  there  was  a  court  of 
23  ;  that  the  meaning  is,  tell  the  sanhedrim,  which  can 
redress  the  wrong.  That  if  the  Jewish  State  had  been 
Christian,  their  civil  government  might  have  continued, 
though  the  ceremonies  were  gone ;  so  that  Ecclesia  here 
would  have  been  a  civil  court." 

Gillespie's  answer,  as  given  by  himself,  is  as  follows  : — 
"  It  is  a  spiritual,  not  a  civil  court,  which  is  meant  by 
'the  Church,'  Matt,  xviii. ;  for,  1.  Subjeda  materia  is  spirit- 
ual. '  If  thy  brother  trespass  against  thee,'  is  not  meant  of 
personal  or  civil  injurie?,  but  of  any  scandal  given  to  our 
brother,  whereby  we  trespass  against  him,  inasmuch  as  we 
trespass  against  the  law  of  charity.  Augustine  and  Testa  tus- 
expound  it  of  any  scandal,  and  the  coherence  conlirmeth  it ; 
for  scandals  were  spoken  of  before  in  that  chapter.  2.  The 
end  is  spiritual — the  gaining  of  the  offenders  soul,  which 
is  not  the  end  of  a  civil  court.  3.  The  persons  are  spirit- 
ual, for  Christ  speaks  to  His  apostles.  4.  The  manner  of 
proceeding  is  spiritual  (verses  19,  20), — prayer,  and  doing 
all  in  the  name  of  Christ :  which  places,  not  only  our 
divines,  but  Testatus  and  Hugo  Cardinalis,  expound  of 
meetings  for  Church  censures,  not  of  meetings  for  worship. 
5.  The  censure  is  spiritual — binding  of  the  soul,  or  retain- 
ing of  sins. — (Verse  18,  compared  with  Matt.  xvi.  19;  John 
xx.  23.)  G.  Christ  would  not  have  sent  His  disciples  for 
private  injuries  to  a  civil  court,  especially  those  who  were 
living  among  heathens. — (1  Cor.  vi.  1.)  7.  If  we  look  even 
to  the  Jewish  customs,  they  had  spiritual  censures.  To  be 
held  '  as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican,'  imports  a  restraint 
asacris ;  for  heathens  were  not  admitted  into  the  temple. 
— (Ezek.  xliv.  7-9  ;  Acts  xxi.  28.)  So  the  profane  were 
debarred  from  the  temple.  Josephus  (Antiq.,  lib.  xix.  cap. 
17)  tells  us  that  one  Simon,  a  doctor  of  the  law  of  Moses, 
in  Jerusalem,  did  accuse  King  Agrippa  as  a  wicked  man, 
that  should  not  be  admitted  into  the  temple.     Philo  (Lib. 


APPENDIX.  395 

de  Sacrificantibus)  writeth,  it  was  the  custom  in  his  own 
time  that  a  manslayer  was  not  admitted  into  the  temple. 
The  Scripture  also  giveth  light  in  this  ;  for  if  they  that 
were  ceremonially  unclean  might  not  enter  into  the  temple, 
how  shall  we  think  that  they  which  were  morally  unclean 
might  enter  V3 

The  close  coincidence  of  the  debate,  as  here  given,  with 
the  account  of  it  in  Lightfoot's  journal,  will  at  once  be  per- 
ceived, confirming  the  authenticity  of  both ;  the  chief  dif- 
ference between  them  being,  that  Gillespie's  is  the  more 
clear  and  succinct  of  the  two,  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  his  intellectual  pre-eminence. 

"While  giving  some  fragmentary  records  of  the  opinions 
of  the  leading  men  among  the  Westminster  Divines  on 
peculiar  points,  it  may  not  be  inexpedient  to  show  what 
were  the  sentiments  of  Gillespie  on  the  subject  of  the  elec- 
tion of  ministers,  and  how  far  these  were  entertained  by  the 
Church  of  Scotland  at  that  period,  and  are  identical  with 
those  held  by  the  evangelical  majority  of  the  present  time. 
The  arguments  of  Henderson,  Gillespie,  and  Rutherford,  have 
been  already  stated,  as  used  by  them  in  the  debate  on  the 
subject,  an  account  of  which  will  be  found  in  pages  171, 172, 
of  this  work.  On  a  subsequent  occasion,  when  Gillespie, 
in  his  "  Male  Audis,"  was  answering  the  Erastian  argu- 
ments of  Coleman  and  Hussey,  the  subject  came  again  un- 
der discussion,  and  drew  forth  from  Gillespie  a  re-statement 
of  his  opinion.  Hussey  had  boldly  affirmed,  that  the  Par- 
liament may  require  such  as  they  receive  for  preachers  of 
truth,  '  to  send  out  able  men  to  supply  the  places,  and  that 
icithout  any  regard  to  the  allowance  or  disallowance  of  the 
people.'  This  truly  tyrannical  theory  Gillespie  strongly 
condemns ;  reminds  Iris  opponent  that  one,  and  not  the 
least,  of  the  controversies  between  the  Papists  and  the  Pro- 
testants is,  what  right  the  Church  hath  in  the  vocation  of 
ministers ;  refers  to  the  Helvetic  Confession,  which  says, 
that  the  right  choosing  of  ministers  is  by  the  consent  of 
the  Church ;  and  to  the  Belgic  Confession,  which  says, 
'  We  believe  that  the  ministers,  seniors,  and  deacons,  ought 


396  APPENDIX. 

to  be  called  to  these  their  functions,  and  by  the  lawful  elec- 
tion of  the  Church  to  be  advanced  into  these  rooms ;'  add- 
ing, "  I  might  here,  if  it  were  requisite,  bring  a  heap  of 
testimonies  from  the  Protestant  writers, — the  least  thing 
which  they  can  admit  of  is,  that  a  minister  be  not  obtruded 
renitente  ecclesia.  It  may  be  helped  when  it  is  done,  with- 
out making  null  or  void  the  ministry,  but  in  a  well-con- 
stituted Church  there  ought  to  be  no  intrusion  into  the 
ministry." — (Male  Audis,  p.  27.) 

In  his  "  Miscellany  Questions,"  the  last  work  that  came 
from  his  pen,  published  after  his  death,  Gillespie  discusses 
the  question,  "  Of  the  Election  of  Pastors  with  the  Congre- 
gation's Consent,"  in  a  chapter  of  2-i  pages,  stating  the 
various  opinions  held  by  Prelatists,  Sectarians,  and  others, 
explaining  what  he  regarded  to  be  the  system  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  and  answering  objections.  He  cites  with  ap- 
probation the  opinions  of  the  Reformers  Luther,  Calvin, 
Zanchius,  Beza,  and  many  others,  all  of  whom  maintained, 
ut  sine  populi  consensu  et  sujfragio  nemo  legiftime  electus, — 
"  that  without  the  consent  and  suffrage  of  the  people  no 
person  was  lawfully  elected:"  also  the  strong  language  of 
the  First  and  Second  Books  of  Discipline, — "  This  liberty 
with  all  care  must  be  preserved  to  every  several  kirk  to 
have  their  votes  and  suffrages  in  election  of  their  minis- 
ters ;"  and,  "  It  is  to  be  eschewed  that  any  person  be  in- 
truded in  any  offices  of  the  Kirk,  contrary  to  the  will  of 
the  congregation  to  which  they  are  appointed ;"  adding 
several  Acts  of  Assembly  to  the  same  effect.  In  answering 
objections,  his  own  opinion  comes  very  clearly  into  view. 
As,  for  instance,  "  Objection — This  liberty  granted  to  con- 
gregations prejudgeth  the  right  of  patrons.  Answer — If  it 
were  so,  yet  the  argument  is  not  pungent  in  divinit}T,  for 
wrhy  should  not  human  right  give  place  to  divine  right  ] 
The  states  of  Zealand  did  abolish  patronages,  and  give  to 
each  congregation  the  free  election  of  their  own  minister ; 
which  I  take  to  be  one  cause  why  religion  flourisheth  better 
there  than  in  any  other  of  the  United  Provinces."  Again, 
it  is  objected,  "  That  the  Church's  liberty  of  consenting  or 
not  consenting  must  ever  be  understood  to  be  rational,  so 


APPENDIX.  397 

that  the  Church  may  not  disassent  without  objecting  some- 
what against  the  doctrine  or  life  of  the  person  presented." 
(There  is  nothing  new,  it  seems,  even  in  the  objections  of 
Law  Lords,  and  Moderates.)  In  answer  to  this,  Gillespie 
first  cites  authorities  to  prove  that  this  argument  is  the 
very  one  used  by  Popish  and  Prelatic  writers,  in  defence  of 
their  systems,  which  allowed  no  shadow  of  liberty  to  the 
people  ;  and  then  exclaims,  "  Now,  then,  if  this  be  all  that 
people  may  object,  it  is  no  more  than  Prelates,  yea,  Papists, 
have  yielded.  This  objection  cannot  strike  against  the  elec- 
tion of  a  pastor  by  the  judgment  and  vote  of  the  particular 
eldership  of  that  church  where  he  is  to  serve.  Men  vote 
in  elderships,  as  in  all  courts  and  consistories,  freely  accord- 
ing to  the  judgment  of  their  conscience,  and  are  not  called 
to  an  account  for  a  reason  of  their  votes.  As  the  vote  of 
the  eldership  is  a  free  vote,  so  is  the  congregation's  consent 
a  free  consent.  Any  man,  though  not  a  member  of  the 
congregation,  hath  place  to  object  against  the  admission  of 
him  that  is  presented,  if  he  know  such  an  impediment  as 
may  make  him  incapable,  either  at  all  of  the  ministry,  or  of 
the  ministry  of  that  church  to  which  he  is  presented.  So 
that  unless  the  congregation  have  somewhat  more  than 
liberty  of  objecting,  they  shall  have  no  privilege  or  liberty, 
but  that  which  is  common  to  strangers  as  well  as  to  them. 
Though  nothing  be  objected  against  the  man's  doctrine  or 
life,  yet  if  the  people  desire  another  better,  or  as  well  Quali- 
fied, by  whom  they  find  themselves  more  edified  than  by 
the  other,  that  is  a  reason  sufficient,  if  a  reason  must  be 
given  at  all." 

But  we  cannot  afford  space  for  more  quotations,  nor  can 
it  be  necessary  to  do  so,  as  those  already  produced  must 
convince  every  unprejudiced  person,  that  the  Church  of 
Scotland  held  then,  as  in  the  days  of  Knox,  and  always, 
down  to  the  present  time,  that  congregations  possess  the 
inherent  right  of  choosing  their  own  pastors  ;  and  that  when 
patronage  interfered  with  this  right,  the  very  least  privilege 
to  which  they  were  entitled  wras,  the  expression  of  their 
free  consent,  or  equally  free  dissent,  without  being  obliged 
to  assign  reasons  for  either,  and  that  no  man  should  be 


398  APPENDIX. 

intruded  contrary  to  that  free  expression  of  their  mind  and 
will.  And  these  opinions  of  Gillespie,  according  to  Eaillie, 
were  held  by  the  majority  of  the  Assembly  of  1649,  when 
preparing  a  new  Directory  for  the  election  of  ministers, 
after  the  abolition  of  patronage  by  the  Parliament.  Yet 
the  Church  of  Scotland  has  been  disestablished,  on  the 
strength  of  the  utterly  false  assertion,  that  the  principle 
that  "  Xo  pastor  be  intruded  into  a  parish  contrary  to  the 
will  of  the  congregation,"  was  never  heard  of  till  the  year 
1834! 

HI. 
{See  page  255.) 

"  An  Ordinance  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled 
in  Parliament,  about  Suspension  from  the  Lord's 
Supper."— 20th  October  1645. 

It  was  my  intention  to  have  inserted  the  whole  of  this 
important  ordinance  in  the  Appendix,  for  the  purpose  o 
showing  the  exact  point  on  which  the  \Vestminster  As- 
sembly and  the  Parliament  disagreed,  as  well  as  the  extent 
to  which  they  were  of  one  mind.  But  as  that  has  been 
done  with  considerable  distinctness  in  the  body  of  the 
work,  and  as  I  am  desirous  to  avoid  all  unnecessary  ex- 
pansion, it  seems  to  me  expedient  for  the  present  to  sup- 
press that  rather  prolix  document,  reserving  to  myself  the 
power  of  inserting  it  in  a  future  edition,  should  it  be  then 
thought  desirable,  or  should  I  prosecute  the  intention  of 
enlarging  the  work. 


IV. 

{See  page  259.) 

"  Ax  Ordinance  of  the  Lords  and  Commmons  assembled 
in  Parliament,  concerning  the  Choice  of  Elders." 
—14th  March  1646. 

For  the  reasons  above  stated,  and  with  still  greater 
reluctance,  I  have  resolved  to  abstain  from  inserting  this 


APPENDIX.  399 

ordinance  also.  And  I  may  add,  that  had  the  plan  of  the 
present  work,  and  the  dimensions  within  which  it  was 
judged  necessary  to  confine  it  permitted,  there  are  a  num- 
ber of  very  important  documents,  little  known  or  regarded, 
which  might  have  been  inserted  in  the  Appendix,  and  would 
have  formed  a  very  valuable  addition  to  the  means  by 
which  the  general  reader  may  acquire  some  adequate  know- 
ledge of  the  true  history  and  character  of  the  Westminster 
Assembly  of  Divines. 


y. 
THE  SCOTTISH  COMMISSIONERS, 

A  brief  notice  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  to  the  West- 
minster Assembly  may  be  interesting  to  those  who  have 
not  ready  access  to  the  biographical  memoirs  of  those  emi- 
nent men. 


1.— ALEXANDER  HENDERSON. 

This  very  distinguished  man,  the  leader  of  the  Second  Re- 
formation in  Scotland,  was  born  in  the  year  1583,  in  the 
parish  of  Creich,  in  Fifeshire.  Of  his  direct  parentage 
nothing  is  known,  except  that  his  father  was  a  cadet  of  the 
family  of  Henderson  of  Ford  el,  an  ancient  and  honourable 
family  in  the  same  county.  He  entered  the  University  of 
St  Andrews  in  the  year  1599,  and  took  the  degree  of  Mas- 
ter of  Arts  in  1603  ;  and  a  few  years  afterwards  was 
appointed  to  a  Professorship  in  the  same  University.1     He 

1  On  the  19th  December  1599,  Henderson  was  matriculated  in  the 
College  of  St  Salvator.  In  1603,  he  took  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts, 
— "  Alexander  Henrisonus."  In  1G10,  he  was  Professor  of  Logic  and 
.Rhetoric,  and  also  Questor  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts. 

In  1611,  he  subscribed  the  accounts  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts, — " Mr 
Alexander  Hewi/sone" — In  16S2,  he  was  made  a  Burgess  of  Dundee,  fur 
services  rendered  to  the  schools  there.  The  Burgess  Ticket  was  in  the 
possession  of  Dr  Lee. — See  Aitou's  Life  of  Henderson,  pp.  88,  89,  620. — 
K,  W. 


400  APPENDIX. 

continued  to  retain  his  class  of  philosophy  and  rhetoric, 
which  he  taught  with  great  applause,  till  about  the  year 
1613,  when  he  was  presented  to  the  parish  of  Leuchars, 
through  the  influence,  it  is  said,  of  Archbishop  Glad- 
Btanea  As  he  at  that  time  favoured  Prelacy,  which 
King  James  was  imposing  upon  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
his  settlement  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the  people. 
They  fastened  the  church  door  on  the  day  of  his  induc- 
tion, and  kept  it  so  securely,  that  he  and  the  ministers 
who  accompanied  him  were  obliged  to  make  their  entrance 
by  a  window.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  paid  any  at- 
tention to  the  wishes  or  the  welfare  of  the  people,  but 
merely  to  have  viewed  Leuchars  as  a  position  from  which 
to  commence  a  course  of  ambition  and  of  clerical  prefer- 
ment. 

But  a  change  was  at  hand,  which  affected  the  whole  of 
his  future  life  and  conduct.  The  venerable  and  heavenly- 
minded  Robert  Bruce  had  about  that  time  been  permitted 
to  return  from  his  banishment  to  the  Highlands,  and  took 
advantage  of  his  recovered  liberty  to  preach  in  those  parts 
of  the  country  to  which  he  obtained  access.  Mr  Hender- 
son, having  learned  that  Bruce  was  to  preach  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, felt  a  strong  desire  to  hear  a  man  so  celebrated. 
He  went  secretly  to  the  church — tradition  names  Dairsie 
as  the  place — and  took  a  position  in  a  dark  corner,  where 
he  could  remain  concealed.  Bruce  entered  the  pulpit,  and, 
after  a  solemn  pause,  gave  out  as  his  text  the  following 
words  :  "  Verily,  verily,  I  say  unto  you,  He  that  entereth 
not  by  the  door,  but  climbeth  up  some  other  way,  the  same 
is  a  thief  and  a  robber."  Every  word,  uttered  with  the 
grave  emphasis  of  Bruce's  deep  voice,  went  to  the  heart  of 
Henderson,  as  it  described  and  condemned  his  mode  of 
entrance  into  Leuchars.  He  returned  with  the  arrow  in 
his  heart,  and  the  result  was  his  conversion.  From  that 
time  forward  he  was  a  changed  man.  Hitherto  he  had 
been  a  favourer  of  the  Prelatic  system,  but  without  having 
studied  it,  or  tried  it  by  Scripture.  He  now  felt  it  his 
duty  to  study  the  difference  between  the  Prelatic  and  Pres- 
byterian systems  ;  and  arrived  at  the  clear  conviction  that 


APPENDIX. 


401 


Episcopacy  was  equally  unauthorised  by  the  Word  of  God 
and  inconsistent  with  the  constitution  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland. 

The  progress  of  events  soon  constrained  him  to  bear  his 
testimony  to  the  truth  publicly.  He  opposed  the  Articles 
of  Perth,  at  the  Assembly  held  in  that  town  in  the  year 
1618.  From  that  time  forward  for  a  considerable  number 
of  years,  Henderson  remained  in  comparative  obscurity, 
prosecuting  his  pastoral  duties  earnestly,  maintaining  cor- 
respondence with  the  most  pious  ministers  throughout 
the  country,  and  jealously  watched  by  the  Prelatic  party. 
A  remarkable  revival  of  vital  godliness  was  during  that 
period  spreading  extensively  throughout  the  kingdom, 
preparatory,  no  doubt,  for  the  coming  struggle ;  and  in 
that  revival  Henderson  was  deeply  interested.  But  the 
very  stillness  of  that  religious  revival,  appearing  to  the 
Prelatic  party  to  be  something  like  gloomy  acquiescence 
in  their  innovations,  led  them  to  anticipate  a  complete 
triumph,  and  they  roused  themselves  to  make  a  hnal 
effort. 

Then  came  the  crisis.  In  the  year  1636,  a  book  of 
ecclesiastical  canons  was  sent  down  from  England ;  and  in 
the  course  of  the  same  year  a  book  of  ordination.  In  the 
following  year  a  liturgy  appeared,  and  was  ordered  to  be 
read  in  all  the  churches.  Henderson  and  other  ministers 
presented  a  petition  to  the  Privy  Council,  praying  to  be  re- 
lieved from  constrained  compliance  with  these  injunctions. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  a  regular  and  lawful  mode 
of  opposition  ;  but  the  rash  pride  of  the  prelates  compelled 
the  resistance  to  assume  a  more  stormy  aspect.  The  at- 
tempt to  enforce  the  reading  of  the  liturgy  in  Edinburgh, 
on  the  23d  of  July  1637,  caused  a  tumult,  in  which  a 
woman's  hand  dashed  to  the  earth  all  the  anticipations  of 
that  tyrannical  party.  That  tumult  was  soon  allayed,  but 
not  the  deep  and  strong  spirit  of  resistance  which  had 
taken  possession  of  the  energetic  mind  of  Scotland.  Grave, 
earnest,  and  thoughtful  men,  now  resolved  to  combine  for 
the  restoration  and  defence  of  their  religious  and  civil 
liberties,  and    of   these   Henderson   became    at    once  the 

C  0 


402  APPENDIX. 

acknowledged  leader.  The  union  thus  begun  was  knit 
into  sacred  strength  by  the  National  Covenant,  framed 
chiefly  by  Henderson  and  Johnston  of  Warriston,  and 
subscribed  by  thousands  in  the  Greyfriars'  Church,  on  the 
28th  day  of  February  1638. 

This  solemn  and  sacred  document  was  subscribed  with 
great  cordiality  throughout  the  entire  kingdom,  and  gave 
to  the  Covenanted  Eeformation  a  name  and  a  power 
which  can  never  perish  while  spiritual  freedom  is  dear  to 
those  whom  the  truth  has  made  free  indeed.  The  union  of 
Scottish  Presbyterians  thus  confirmed  was  too  strong  to  be 
put  down  by  force,  or  set  at  defiance.  The  King  consented 
that  a  General  Assembly  should  be  held,  in  which  all  reli- 
gious matters  might  be  considered.  This  Assembly,  the 
first  which  had  been  held  since  that  of  Perth,  in  1618, 
met  at  Glasgow  on  the  21st  of  November  1638,  and  Hen- 
derson was  unanimously  chosen  to  be  the  moderator.  The 
position  was  one  of  great  difficulty,  and  demanded  not  only 
a  man  of  high  principle  and  calm  courage,  but  of  the  most 
consummate  prudence.  Henderson  was  equal  to  the  posi- 
tion and  its  duties,  as  he  fully  proved  by  his  firmness  and 
decision  when  the  royal  commissioner  attempted  to  dissolve 
the  Assembly  ;  his  grave  dignity,  when  he  pronounced 
sentence  on  the  bishops ;  and  his  prophet-like  solemnity 
when  he  summed  up  the  proceedings  at  the  close,  and 
sealed  them  with  the  awful  reference  to  the  curse  of  Hiel 
the  Bethelite.  Henderson  was  at  this  time  translated 
from  Leuchars  to  Edinburgh,  contrary  to  his  declared  love 
of  retirement,  on  the  condition  that  he  should  be  al- 
lowed to  retreat  to  some  quiet  rural  parish  when  over- 
taken by  the  infirmities  of  age, — a  quiet  retreat  which  the 
public  necessities  of  the  period  never  permitted  him  to 
realise. 

From  that  time  forward  he  was  constrained  to  take  a 
prominent  part  in  all  public  duties.  Papers  on  public 
affairs,  which  would  now  be  called  Stale  Papers,  were  writ- 
ten by  him,  though  issued  in  the  name  of  the  nobility  ;  he 
was  constrained  to  aid  in  conducting  negotiations  for  peace 
with  the  King ;  he  was  made  Rector  of  the  University  of 


APPENDIX.  403 

Edinburgh  :  and  when  the  English  Parliament  began  to 
entertain  the  idea  of  seeking  a  reformation  of  church 
government  in  their  own  country,  and  of  seeking  an  alli- 
ance with  Scotland  and  its  Church,  they  anxiously  sought 
the  concurrence  and  aid  of  Alexander  Henderson.  The 
correspondence  with  England  was  almost  entirely  con- 
ducted by  him,  till  it  issued  in  the  English  Parliament 
summoning  the  "Westminster  Assembly,  and  requiring  minis- 
ters from  Scotland  to  be  present  at  and  aid  in  its  deli- 
berations. 

During  the  discussions  of  the  Westminster  Assembly, 
Henderson  continued  to  retain  his  high  influence  with  all 
parties,  and  to  exercise  it  wisely,  as  the  history  of  its  pro- 
ceedings amply  proves.  When  the  King  went  to  the  Scot- 
tish army,  and  withdrew  with  it  to  Newcastle,  Henderson 
was  sent  thither,  as  a  last  attempt  to  induce  his  majesty  to 
•consent  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the  Parliament.  But 
as  the  Parliament  had  abolished  Episcopacy,  which  Charles 
had  determined  to  support,  he  drew  Henderson  into  a  dis- 
cussion by  exchange  of  letters  on  the  Episcopalian  contro- 
versy, and  the  binding  force  of  the  coronation  oath.  Tins 
•epistolary  controversy  extended  to  five  letters  on  the  part 
of  the  King,  and  three  on  that  of  Henderson.  At  length 
Henderson,  worn  out  in  constitution  with  his  numerous, 
weighty,  and  incessant  labours,  and  sick  at  heart  with  the 
obstinate  infatuation  of  the  despotic  and  deceitful  monarch, 
.abandoned  his  hopeless  enterprise  to  save  a  king,  whom 
no  reasoning  could  convince,  and  no  treaties  could  bind, 
resolved  to  return  to  Scotland,  that  he  might  at  last 
die  in  peace.  He  arrived  in  Edinburgh  on  the  11th  of 
August,  and  died  on  the  19th  of  the  same  month,  in  a 
state  of  calm  serenity,  holy  hope,  and  deep  gratitude  to 
God  for  having  called  him  to  believe  and  preach  the 
glorious  gospel. 

A  brief  outline  of  the  mental  character  and  abilities  of 
Alexander  Henderson  has  been  already  given  in  the  preced- 
ing pages  of  this  work,  and  need  not  be  here  repeated. 
Yet,  if  our  space  had  permitted,  we  should  have  liked  to 
have    directed    attention    to    those  remarkable    papers   on 


404  APPENDIX. 

public  affairs  which  were  written  by  him.  They  display 
statesmanship  of  the  very  highest  order,  surpassed  in  splen- 
dour of  diction  by  those  of  Milton,  but  not  surpassed  even 
by  Milton  in  comprehensiveness  of  thought,  loftiness  of 
principle,  and  dignity  of  expression,  while  they  are  perfectly 
free  from  the  proud  scorn  and  fierce  denunciations  in  which 
the  stern  republican  indulged.  They  are  every  way  worthy 
of  a  truly  Christian  statesman, — a  character  which  the 
world  has  rarely  seen,  and  for  want  of  which  the  suffering 
nations  are  convulsed  and  miserable. 

Episcopalian  writers  have  assigned  the  victory  to  the 
King,  in  the  controversial  correspondence  between  him  and 
Henderson.  For  such  a  preference  nothing  but  the  most 
blinding  prejudice  can  account,  as  it  would  be  very  easy  to 
prove,  had  we  space  to  give  even  a  brief  analysis  of  the 
respective  arguments.  We  may  add,  that  not  only  in  learn- 
ing and  reasoning  are  Henderson's  papers  immeasurably 
superior  to  those  of  the  King,  but  even  in  calm  and  graceful 
dignity  of  style,  in  which  a  sovereign  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  excel,  from  the  habitual  influence  of  his  high 
station.  But  Henderson  was  by  nature  a  king  of  men,  and 
his  whole  bearing  and  language  were  always  kingly.  He 
was  one  of  those  great  men  whom  God  gives  to  elevate  a 
nation,  and  work  a  mighty  work  ;  and  whose  departure 
leaves  that  age  dark,  feeble,  and  deploring. 


2.— SAMUEL   EUTHERFOED. 

There  is  some  difficulty  in  ascertaining  either  the  birth- 
place of  Samuel  Rutherford  or  the  year  in  which  he  was 
born  ;  but  the  most  probable  account  is,  that  he  was  born 
about  the  year  1600,  and  that  Nisbet,  a  village  close  to  the 
river  Teviot,  in  the  parish  of  Crailing,  Roxburghshire,  was 
his  birthplace.  He  appears  to  have  received  his  early  edu- 
cation at  Jedburgh.  In  the  year  1617,  he  became  a  stu- 
dent in  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  where  he  took  his 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts  in  1621.     In  1623  he  was  elected 


APPENDIX.  405 

one  of  the  Regents  of  the  College ;  which  office  he  re- 
linquished in  1625,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of 
divinity.  In  the  year  1627  he  was  settled  pastor  at  An- 
woth,  in  the  stewarty  of  Kirkcudbright,  without  having 
been  constrained  to  come  under  any  engagement  to  the 
bishop. 

Rutherford  continued  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the 
ministry  in  this  small  and  remote  parish,  with  great  zeal, 
unwearied  diligence,  and  remarkable  success,  during  a 
period  of  nine  years.  But  that  period  was  not  without  its 
troubles.  First,  he  lost  his  two  children,  and  then  his 
wife  died,  after  a  severe  illness  of  above  a  year,  by  which 
his  gentle  and  affectionate  heart  was  very  deeply  afflicted. 
He  was  himself  laid  aside  from  his  public  labours  for  thir- 
teen weeks  by  a  fever,  which  reduced  him  to  extreme  de- 
bility for  a  time.  After  his  recovery,  he  continued  to  pro- 
secute his  labours  with  increased  earnestness  and  activity, 
and  became  very  dear,  not  only  to  all  the  people  of  his 
own  charge,  but  to  the  entire  district  around.  Many  anec- 
dotes are  preserved  by  tradition  of  the  influence  which  he 
acquired,  and  the  way  in  which  he  used  it  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  evil  customs,  and  the  promotion  of  vital  godliness. 
There  is  a  traditionary  account,  also,  of  a  private  visit  paid 
to  him  by  Archbishop  Ussher,  at  first  as  an  unknown 
stranger,  till  a  discovery  took  place  ;  and  the  archbishop, 
at  Rutherford's  request,  preached  in  the  pulpit  of  the 
Presbyterian  minister,  and  stayed  another  day  to  enjoy  his 
heavenly  conversation. 

But  the  quiet  and  holy  life  which  Rutherford  had 
hitherto  led  was  not  permitted  to  continue.  The  death  of 
Bishop  Lamb  having  made  the  see  of  Galloway  vacant, 
Sydserff,  Bishop  of  Brechin,  was  translated  to  Galloway, 
and  immediately  began  a  course  of  oppressive  domination 
over  his  new  diocese.  Rutherford  had  published  an  elabo- 
rate work  against  Arminianism,  written  in  Latin ;  and 
Sydserff,  who  held  Arminian  tenets,  directed  his  persecut- 
ing power  against  the  author.  Rutherford  was  summoned 
to  appear  before  the  bishop's  High  Commission  Court,  and 
deprived  of  his  office,  in  1636.     The  Court  of  High  Com- 


406  APPENDIX. 

mission  in  Edinburgh  ratified  the  sentence  of  deposition, 
and  banished  him  to  Aberdeen,  in  which  Prelacy  reigned 
supreme.  The  Aberdeen  doctors  at  first  engaged  him  in 
controversial  disputations ;  but  three  of  these  discussions 
were  enough  for  them,  and  they  prudently  ceased  from  a 
controversy  in  which  the}7  were  overmatched.  In  a  short 
time,  the  influence  of  Eutherford  began  to  be  felt  in  Aber- 
deen, among  the  people ;  and  the  baffled  doctors  petitioned 
the  court  that  he  might  be  sent  farther  north,  or  banished 
from  the  kingdom.  The  King  had  actually  granted  a  war- 
rant to  that  effect,  when  the  power  of  Prelacy  was  over- 
thrown by  the  commotion  of  1637;  in  consequence  of 
which,  Eutherford  ventured  to  return  to  Anwoth,  which 
he  reached  in  February  1G38.  He  was  sent  by  his  presby- 
tery to  attend  the  Assembly  of  Glasgow,  and  by  that  As- 
sembly was  appointed  to  be  one  of  the  professors  of  divinity 
at  the  University  of  St  Andrews,  to  his  own  grief  and  that 
of  his  beloved  and  attached  flock  at  Anwoth. 

In  the  year  1642,  he  was  sent  to  London,  as  one  of  the 
Commissioners  from  the  Church  of  Scotland,  to  the  West- 
minster Assembly.  While  he  attended  that  Assembly,  he 
greatly  distinguished  himself  by  his  skill  in  debate,  his 
eloquence  in  preaching,  and  his  great  learning  and  ability 
as  an  author.  Pew  works  of  that  age  surpass,  or  even 
equal,  those  which  were  produced  by  Eutherford,  during 
that  intensely  laborious  period  of  his  life.  The  first  of 
these  was  entitled  "  The  Due  Eight  of  Presbytery."  Xext 
appeared  "  Lex  Eex,"  a  profound  work  on  constitutional 
law.  which  has  not  yet  found  its  superior.  Soon  afterwards 
he  published  a  work  on  "  The  Divine  Eight  of  Church 
Government,"  in  opposition  to  the  Erastians.  Three  very 
excellent  works  on  practical  theology  were  produced  in  the 
same  toilful  and  prolific  period,  "  The  Trial  and  Triumph 
of  Faith,"  "  Christ's  Dying  and  Drawing  Sinners,"  and 
'•  Survey  of  the  Spiritual  Antichrist,"  In  1649  he  pub- 
lished a  "  Free  Disputation  against  Pretended  Liberty  of 
Conscience,"  chiefly  directed  against  the  claims  of  the  Eng- 
lish Sectarians  for  an  unlimited  licence  to  utter  every 
opinion,   and  engage  in    every  practice   which   any   man 


APPENDIX.  407 

might  choose,  without  regard  to  the  peace  or  welfare  of  the 
community, — a  degree  of  licentiousness  which  Cromwell 
was  at  last  constrained  to  put  down  by  the  strong  hand  of 
armed  power,  when  it  threatened  danger  to  even  his  iron 
away. 

Not  long  after  his  return  from  London,  he  was  elevated 
to  the  Principalship  of  the  New  College  in  St  Andrews ; 
and  while  discharging  his  professorial  duties  with  all  his 
former  zeal,  resumed  also  his  practice  of  preaching,  in  which 
he  was  so  much  delighted,  as  often  as  opportunity  and  time 
permitted.  When  the  contests  between  the  Eesolutioners 
and  the  Protesters  arose,  Rutherford  joined  the  Protestors, 
and  advocated  their  views  with  great  and  even  impassioned 
eagerness.  This  led  to  alienation  between  him  and  friends 
with  whom  he  had  been  formerly  accustomed  to  hold  inti- 
mate and  cordial  intercourse,  and  greatly  distressed  all  the 
remainder  of  his  life,  while  it  exposed  him  to  the  fierce 
hostility  of  those  traitors  and  tyrants  who  were  plotting  for 
the  restoration  of  Prelacy.  Sharp,  in  particular,  treated 
him  with  the  utmost  contumely,  procuring  an  order  from 
the  Committee  of  Estates  to  burn  his  "  Lex  Rex"  at  the 
market  cross  in  Edinburgh,  and  presiding  at  the  repetition 
of  the  same  mean  act  beneath  Rutherford's  own  windows 
in  St  Andrews.  Rutherford  was  at  the  time  sinking  under 
toil,  grief,  and  bodily  sickness,  yet  his  persecutors  procured 
a  sentence  against  him,  depriving  him  of  his  situation  in 
the  college,  confiscating  his  salary,  confining  him  to  his 
own  house,  and  citing  him  to  appear  before  the  ensuing 
Parliament,  on  a  charge  of  high  treason.  On  hearing  of 
this  summons,  he  calmly  remarked,  that  he  had  got  another 
summons  before  a  superior  Judge  and  judicatory,  and  sent 
back  the  following  message :  "  I  behove  to  answer  my  first 
summons  ;  and  ere  your  day  arrive,  I  shall  be  where  few 
kings  and  great  folks  come." 

He  then  prepared  a  dying  testimony  in  behalf  of  the 
covenanted  Reformation  ;  and  having  thus  finished  his  work 
on  earth,  looked  rapturously  forward  to  the  hour  of  his  re- 
lease. During  his  few  remaining  days  he  enjoyed  remark- 
able happiness  and  elevation  of  spirit  in  the  near  prospect 


408  APPENDIX. 

of  death,  or  rather  of  departure  to  be  with  Christ.  His 
language  to  those  friends  who  came  to  see  him,  was  full  of 
holy  joy.  His  last  words  were,  "  Glory,  glory  dwelleth  in 
Emmanuel's  land  ;"  and  having  uttered  these  words,  he  ex- 
pired, on  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  March  1661,  in  the 
sixty-first  year  of  his  age.  The  threatening  sound  of  the 
coming  storm,  so  soon  to  burst  in  a  tempest  of  persecuting 
fury  on  Scotland,  had  been  but  faintly  heard  by  him,  when 
the  hand  of  his  Saviour  snatched  him  from  its  violence,  and 
took  him  to  his  home  in  heaven. 


3.— BOBEBT  BAILLIE. 

Egbert  Baillie  was  born  in  Glasgow  on  the  30th  of  April 
1602.  His  father,  a  merchant  in  that  city,  was  a  younger 
son  of  Robert  Baillie  of  Jerviston,  near  Hamilton,  and  thus 
connected  with  several  families  of  distinction  in  the  west 
of  Scotland.  He  was  educated  at  the  public  school,  at  that 
time  taught  by  Eobert  Blair,  who  afterwards  became  emi- 
nent as  a  divine.  He  entered  the  University  of  Glasgow 
in  1617,  and  took  his  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  in  1620, 
with  considerable  distinction.  Being  fond  of  learning,  and 
desirous  to  acquire  as  much  of  it  as  possible  before  enter- 
ing on  the  duties  of  the  ministry,  to  which  he  had  devoted 
himself,  Baillie  continued  to  attend  the  college,  under  Boyd 
of  Trochrig,  and  Cameron,  who  had  previously  been  pro- 
fessor of  divinity  at  Saumur.  Cameron  was  accustomed  to 
inculcate  the  slavish  tenet,  "  That  all  resistance  to  the  su- 
preme magistrate  in  any  case  was  unlawful ;"  and  the  effect 
of  this  was  never  entirely  banished  from  the  mind  of  Baillie. 
He  became  one  of  the  regents  in  the  college  in  the  year 
1625,  about  which  time  he  received  orders  from  Law,  Arch- 
bishop of  Glasgow.  In  the  year  1631  he  was  appointed 
minister  of  Kilwinning,  through  the  influence  of  the  Eglin- 
ton  family,  and  was  soon  afterwards  married.  Up  till  this 
period,  and  for  some  years  longer,  Baillie  had  been  disposed 
to  conform  to  many  of  the  Prelatic  ceremonies  recently  in- 


APPENDIX.  409 

troduced ;  but  was  strongly  opposed  to  all  Arminian  and 
Popish  doctrines. 

But  the  despotic  proceedings  of  the  King  and  the  Pre- 
latic  party,  in  their  attempt  to  imposs  their  canons  and 
liturgy  on  the  Church  and  people  of  Scotland,  roused  the 
somewhat  compromising  and  timid  spirit  of  Baillie,  and  im- 
pelled him  to  study,  more  carefully  than  he  had  previously 
done,  the  real  nature  and  tendency  of  such  arbitrary  men  and 
measures.  With  some  hesitation  he  joined  those  who  peti- 
tioned against  the  violent  imposition  of  these  books  ;  and 
at  length  joined  in  the  subscription  of  the  National  Cove- 
nant. From  that  time  forward  his  conduct  became  more 
decided  than  before,  though  he  continued  to  cherish  some 
scruples  in  regard  to  the  total  abolition  of  diocesan  Epis- 
copacy, as  he  showed  by  his  modified  vote  in  the  Glasgow 
Assembly,  when  that  point  was  decided.  When  the  King 
attempted  to  subdue  the  Covenanters  by  force,  and  they 
raised  an  army  in  defence  of  their  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ties, Baillie  accompanied  a  regiment  of  men  raised  in  Ayr- 
shire, as  their  chaplain,  when  the  free  Scottish  nation  met 
the  King  in  arms  at  Dunse  Law. 

Baillie's  strong  literary  tendency  led  him  to  employ  his 
ready  and  prolific  pen  in  writing  against  the  innovations  of 
the  Prelatic  faction  ;  and  the  extensive  and  exact  learning 
displayed  in  his  writings  induced  the  men  of  greater  action 
to  employ  him  in  literary  labours.  He  was  in  consequence 
summoned  to  Newcastle  in  1640,  and  sent  to  London  soon 
afterwards  as  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  conducting  the 
treaty  with  the  King.  After  his  return  to  Scotland  he  was, 
contrary  to  his  inclination,  appointed  one  of  the  professors 
of  divinity  in  the  University  of  Glasgow.  To  this  office  he 
was  admitted  in  July  1642. 

This  important  position,  however,  he  was  not  long  al- 
lowed to  occupy  undisturbed.  He  was  appointed  by  the 
Assembly  of  1643  as  one  of  the  Scottish  Commissioners  to 
attend  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  Divines,  and  arrived 
at  London  on  the  18th  of  November  the  same  year.  He 
continued  at  the  post  of  duty  and  labour  till  December 
1  646,  with  the  exception  of  one  short  journey  to  Scotland, 


410  APPENDIX. 

to  report  to  the  Scottish  Assembly  what  progress  had  been 
made  by  the  Westminster  Divines.  During  the  period  of 
his  residence  in  London,  the  restless  pen  of  Baillie  was  in- 
cessantly engaged,  both  in  the  production  of  elaborate  con- 
troversial treatises  and  in  the  writing  of  those  numerous 
"  Letters  and  Journals  "  which  give  such  full,  minute,  and 
graphic  accounts  of  the  Westminster  Assembly. 

On  resuming  his  duties  in  the  university,  Baillie  em- 
ployed all  his  influence  for  the  important  object  of  carry- 
ing into  effect  various  overtures  passed  by  previous  Assem- 
blies "  for  the  advancement  of  learning  and  good  order  in 
grammar  schools  and  colleges."  But  this  most  laudable 
attempt  was  frustrated  by  the  recurrence  of  fresh  troubles 
in  the  Church  and  kingdom.  When  the  King  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  English  army  and  Parliament,  a  secret  treaty, 
termed  "  the  Engagement,"  was  framed  between  the  Koyal- 
ists  of  the  two  kingdoms,  for  the  purpose  of  attempting  to 
rescue  the  infatuated  monarch  from  the  danger  into  which 
his  open  despotism  and  known  disregard  for  the  faith  of 
treaties  had  led  him.  This  unhappy  attempt  introduced 
the  most  deplorable  disunion  into  Scotland,  both  in  Church 
and  State.  In  a  short  time  the  Church  was  split  into  two 
parties,  known  by  the  names  of  Besolutioners  and  Pro- 
testers ;  of  which  it  may  be  fairly  said,  that  the  Eesolu- 
tioners  were  too  ready  to  adopt  the  base  course  of  compro- 
mise and  expediency  in  which  mere  politicians  delight, 
while  the  Protesters  not  only  maintained  a  stern  and  un- 
complying attitude,  but  allowed  themselves  to  use  the  lan- 
guage of  keen  asperity,  and  showed  somewhat  of  a  vindic- 
tive spirit.  Alexander  Henderson  was  dead  before  these 
disastrous  contentions  began.  Gillespie,  too,  was  no  more  ; 
and  the  men  of  less  commanding  talents  and  inferior  judg- 
ment were  unable  to  sway  the  public  mind,  as  had  been 
done  during  the  great  period  of  the  Covenant.  Baillie 
joined  the  Eesolutioners,  as  was  to  be  expected  from  his 
early  training  and  his  constitutional  timidity.  He  con- 
tinued to  hold  his  position  and  discharge  his  duties  as  pro- 
fessor,— often  with  great  grief  and  vexation,  in  consequence 
of  the  increasing  confusion  in  Church  and  State.     Soon 


APPENDIX.  411 

after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  Baillie  was  elevated  to 
the  Principalship  of  the  University  ;  but  did  not  long  en- 
joy his  well-earned  honours,  and  not  for  one  moment  in 
peace.  His  remaining  days  were  imbittered  by  the  perfi- 
dious aud  treacherous  conduct  of  nearly  all  those  whom  he 
had  most  trusted, — of  the  King,  of  Lauderdale,  and  chiefly 
of  Mr  James  Sharp,  better  known  as  Archbishop  Sharp, — 
a  man  whose  memory  is  more  deeply  stained  with  the  base 
and  cruel  crimes  of  treachery  and  persecution  than  almost 
any  other  that  ever  disgraced  the  country  which  gave  him 
birth. 

But  the  time  of  Eobert  Baillie's  relief  from  all  earthly 
troubles  was  at  hand.  He  lived  to  see  the  re-imposition  of 
Episcopacy  in  Scotland,  and  the  entry  of  Archbishop  Eair- 
foull  into  Glasgow  in  April  1662,  and  died,  weary  and 
heart-broken,  toward  the  end  of  August  in  the  same  year, 
in  the  sixty-first  year  of  his  age,  in  time  to  be  spared  from 
witnessing  the  storm  of  bloody  persecution  then  breaking 
out,  by  which  Scotland  was  devastated  for  twenty-eight  dark 
and  terrible  years  of  crime  and  suffering. 


4.— GEOEGE  GILLESPIE. 

Few  men  have  gained  so  much  renown  within  so  short  a 
period  as  George  Gillespie, — few  have  been  more  beloved 
when  living,  more  bewailed  when  dead.  He  was  the  son 
of  the  Rev.  John  Gillespie,  minister  at  Kirkcaldy,  and  was 
born  on  the  21st  of  January  1613.  In  the  year  1629  he 
commenced  his  academic  studies  at  the  University  of  St 
Andrews,  where  he  is  said  to  have  early  distinguished  him- 
self. But  when  he  had  completed  his  course  and  was  ready 
to  enter  the  ministry,  he  was  constrained  to  pause  for  a 
period.  Being  convinced  that  Prelatic  church  government 
is  of  human  invention,  he  would  not  submit  to  receive  ordi- 
nation from  a  bishop,  and  could  not,  at  that  juncture, 
obtain  admission  to   the  ministry  without  it.     But  Lord 


412  APPENDIX. 

Kenmure  took  him  into  his  household  as  domestic  chap- 
lain, where  he  resided  till  the  death  of  that  pious  noble- 
man, in  1634.  Soon  afterwards  he  occupied  a  similar  posi- 
tion in  the  family  of  the  Earl  of  Cassilis,  and  at  the  same 
time  acted  as  tutor  to  Lord  Kennedy,  the  Earl's  eldest  son. 
He  had  thus  both  leisure  and  inducement  to  prosecute  his 
studies  ;  which  subsequent  events  prove  him  to  have  done 
with  equal  assiduity  and  success. 

When,  in  1637,  the  King  and  the  Prelatic  party  had 
formed  the  desperate  resolution  of  forcibly  imposing  the 
Book  of  Canons  and  the  Liturgy  upon  the  Church  and 
people  of  Scotland,  George  Gillespie,  in  the  early  part  of 
the  summer  of  that  year,  published  his  work  entitled,  "  A 
Dispute  against  the  English  Popish  Ceremonies."  [Nothing 
could  have  been  more  suited  to  the  emergency.  It  encoun- 
tered systematically,  and  point  by  point,  all  the  arguments 
of  the  Prelatic  party,  with  such  aD  extensive  array  of  learn- 
ing, and  such  acuteness  and  power  of  reasoning,  as  to  ex- 
cite universal  astonishment.  At  that  time  Gillespie  was 
only  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  and  both  friends  and  foes 
marvelled  at  the  appearance  of  a  work  so  elaborate  from 
the  pen  of  such  a  youth.  The  only  answer  attempted  by 
the  Prelatic  party  was  their  procuring  an  order  from  the 
Privy  Council  that  the  book  should  be  called  in  and  burned. 
It  is  not,  however,  by  such  a  process  that  a  true  and  able 
book  can  be  destroyed.  Gillespie's  work  still  exists,  and 
may  yet  be  of  service. 

The  power  of  the  bishops  departed  ;  and,  as  George 
Gillespie  had  become  known  and  admired,  he  was  not 
allowed  to  remain  much  longer  in  a  private  position.  Hav- 
ing received  a  call  from  the  church  and  parish  of  Wemyss, 
he  was  ordained  to  the  pastoral  charge  thereof  by  the  Pres- 
bytery of  Kirkcaldy,  on  the  26th  of  April  1638  j  and  was 
the  first  who  was  admitted  by  a  presbytery,  at  that  period, 
without  the  authority  of  the  bishops.  Erom  that  time  for- 
ward Gillespie,  notwithstanding  his  youth,  occupied  a  pro- 
minent position.  He  was  a  member  of  the  famous  Glasgow 
Assembly  of  1638  ;  and  he  was  also  sent  as  one  of  the 
Commissioners  to  London  in  1640.     He  was  translated  to 


APPENDIX.  413 

Edinburgh  in  1642,  and  continued  to  be  one  of  the  minis-  • 
ters  of  that  city  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

George  Gillespie  was  one  of  the  Commissioners  sent  by 
the  Scottish  General  Assembly  to  take  part  in  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  Westminster  Assembly.  He  arrived  at  Lon- 
don, along  with  Alexander  Henderson,  on  the  15th  of  Sep- 
tember 1643,  and  almost  immediately  became  one  of  the 
most  prominent  members  of  that  august  assembly,  although 
the  youngest  man  and  minister  of  the  whole,  being  only  in 
the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  and  the  fifth  of  his  ministry. 
"That  is  an  excellent  youth,"  says  Baillie ;  "  my  heart 
blesses  God  in  his  behalf.  There  is  no  man  whose  parts  in 
a  public  dispute  I  do  so  admire.  He  has  studied  so  accu- 
rately all  the  points  that  are  yet  to  come  to  our  Assembly ; 
he  has  got  so  ready,  so  assured,  so  solid  a  way  of  public 
debating ;  that  however  there  be  in  t«ie  Assembly  divers 
very  excellent  men,  yet,  in  my  poor  judgment,  there  is  not 
one  who  speaks  more  rationally,  and  to  the  point,  than  that 
brave  youth  has  done  ever."  Great,  unquestionably,  must 
have  been  the  learning  and  the  ability  of  the  man  who  met 
and  defeated,  each  on  his  own  peculiar  ground,  such  anta- 
gonists as  Goodwin  and  Nye,  on  the  Independent  contro- 
versy ;  and  Coleman,  Lightfoot,  and  "  the  learned  Selden," 
on  the  side  of  Erastianism ;  as  the  accounts  of  contempo- 
raries prove  Gillespie  to  have  done. 

In  addition  to  his  constant  attendance  in  the  Assembly, 
and  his  arduous  exertions  in  the  course  of  its  debates,  Gil- 
lespie employed  his  acute  and  powerful  mind  in  written 
controversy  with  the  ablest  advocates  of  Erastianism.  In 
two  or  three  vigorous  pamphlets  he  completely  silenced 
Coleman,  whose  reputation  for  Hebrew  learning  had  pro- 
cured him  the  name  of  Kabbi  Coleman.  But  he  had  also 
planned,  and  was  all  the  while  prosecuting,  a  much  larger 
work.  That  work  appeared  about  the  close  of  the  year 
1616,  under  the  title  of  "  Aaron's  Rod  Blossoming ;  or,  the 
Divine  Ordinance  of  Church  Government  Vindicated." 
This  remarkably  able  and  elaborate  work  was  conclusive 
on  the  subject  of  the  Erastian  controversy.  Not  one  of 
the  learned  and  able  Erastians  of  that  a^e  even  made  the 


414  APPENDIX. 

attempt  to  answer  it,  although  they  did  not  relinquish  their 
sullen  grasp  of  unscriptural  power.  It  has  not  been 
answered  yet ;  and  although  it  may  not  be  suited  to  the 
forms  of  modern  thought  and  expression,  yet  if  its  reason- 
ings were  recast  in  a  modern  mould  it  would  still  be  found 
triumphantly  conclusive. 

Nor  was  it  in  the  field  of  controversy  alone  that  Gilles- 
pie employed  his  pre-eminent  mental  qualifications.  He 
took  an  equally  active  and  influential  part  in  the  framing 
of  the  Confession  of  Faith  and  the  Catechisms,  which  em- 
bodied the  doctrinal  decisions  of  the  Assembly  ;  and  some 
memorable  anecdotes  have  been  preserved  relating  to  his 
special  eminence  in  connection  with  these  more  strictly 
theological  productions. 

"When  the  public  labours  of  the  Westminster  Assembly 
drew  near  a  close,  the  Scottish  Commissioners  returned  to 
their  native  country.  Gillespie,  along  with  Baillie,  ap- 
peared at  the  General  Assembly  which  met  in  August 
1647,  and  laid  before  it  the  result  of  their  protracted 
labours.  The  Confession  of  Faith  was  ratified  by  that 
Assembly,  and  so  became  the  doctrinal  standard  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  subordinate  only  to  the  Bible,  on 
which  all  of  its  doctrines  were  avowedly  founded.  The 
same  Assembly  caused  to  be  printed  a  series  of  proposi- 
tions, or  "  Theses  against  Erastianism,"  as  Baillie  terms 
them,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  eleven,  drawn  up 
by  Gillespie.  The  perusal  of  these  propositions  would 
enable  any  person  of  unprejudiced  and  intelligent  mind  to 
master  and  refute  the  whole  Erastian  theory,  and  could 
not  fail,  at  the  same  time,  to  call  forth  sentiments  of 
admiration  towards  the  clear  and  strong  mind  by  which 
they  were  framed. 

George  Gillespie  was  appointed  moderator  of  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  of  1648,  although  worn  out  with  the  great 
and  incessant  toils  in  which  he  had  been  engaged,  and 
suffering  under  a  severe  illness  which  already  displayed 
the  symptoms  of  consumption.  His  influence  was  suffi- 
cient to  preserve  the  Assembly  from  consenting  to  give  any 
countenance  to    the  weak   and   wicked    intrigues   already 


APPENDIX.  415 

'begun  by  worldly  politicians  ;  but  the  renewed  anxiety  and 
labour  incurred  by  these  exertions  completely  exhausted 
his  remaining  strength.  He  left  Edinburgh,  and  retired  to 
Kirkcaldy,  his  birthplace,  in  the  faint  hope  of  obtaining, 
"by  change  of  scene  and  air,  some  renovation  to  his  health. 
But  continuing  to  sink,  and  being  no  longer  able  to  attend 
Church  courts,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Commission  of 
Assembly  in  September,  stating  his  opinions  concerning 
the  duties  and  the  dangers  of  the  time.  Feeling  death  at 
hand,  he  partly  wrote  and  partly  dictated  what  may  be 
termed  his  dying  "  Testimony  against  association  with 
malignant  enemies  of  the  truth  and  godliness."  At  length, 
on  the  17th  of  December  1648,  his  toils  and  sorrows 
ceased,  and  he  fell  asleep  in  Jesus.  So  passed  away  from 
this  world  one  of  those  bright  and  powerful  spirits  which 
are  sent  in  troublous  times  to  carry  forward  God's  work 
among  mankind,  and  recalled  to  heaven  when  that  work 
is  done. 


5.— WAKKISTOK 

Archibald  Johnston  of  Warriston,  was  one  of  the  elders 
appointed  by  the  General  Assembly  to  act  as  Commission- 
ers to  the  Westminster  Assembly.  Previous  to  this  he  had 
distinguished  himself  in  the  struggle  between  the  Church 
of  Scotland  and  its  Prelatic  oppressors.  He  was  rapidly 
becoming  eminent  as  an  advocate  at  the  Scottish  bar,  when 
the  outraged  Church  roused  itself  to  resist  the  imposition 
of  the  Canons  and  Liturgy.  Immediately  he  joined  the 
assertors  of  religious  liberty,  and  took  an  active  part  in  all 
their  public  procedure ;  in  which  his  great  legal  knowledge, 
acuteness  of  intellect,  soundness  of  judgment,  and  prompti- 
tude in  action,  proved  signally  beneficial  to  the  cause  of 
truth  and  righteousness.  When  the  General  Assembly 
met  at  Glasgow  in  1638,  Mr  Johnston  was  unanimously 
chosen  to  be  clerk  of  the  Assembly ;  for  which  office  he 
was  peculiarly  qualified,  being  as  well  acquainted  with 
ecclesiastical  as  with  civil  law.     A  very  remarkable  conge- 


416  APPENDIX. 

niality  of  mental  endowments  and  moral  qualities  soon 
rendered  Johnston  and  Henderson  almost  inseparable  com- 
panions and  fellow-counsellors.  The  great  National  Cove- 
nant was  framed  by  their  conjoint  powers  of  knowledge 
and  thought ;  they  were  the  leading  men  of  the  Commis- 
sioners appointed  to  treat  for  peace  with  the  King  ;  by 
them  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  between  Eng- 
land and  Scotland  was  written ;  and  their  labours  were 
again  conjoined  when  they  were  sent  together  to  the  AYest- 
mi i  1  ster  A  ssembly. 

Two  years  before  that  period,  the  King  having  come  to 
Scotland  with  a  view  of  conciliating  or  deceiving  the  Cove- 
nanters, showed  great  favour  to  Mr  Johnst  m,  raised  him 
to  the  order  of  knighthood,  and  made  him  one  of  the  judges 
in  the  Court  of  Session,  by  the  title  of  Lord  Warriston. 
But  these  preferments  and  honours  did  not  induce  him  to 
swerve  a  hair's  breadth  from  his  fidelity  to  the  Covenanted 
Church  of  Scotland,  which  was  dearer  to  him  than  rank 
and  wealth,  and  the  smiles  of  a  monarch. 

In  the  "Westminster  Assembly  Warriston  attended  very 
constantly,  and  frequently  engaged  in  the  discussions  and 
debates  of  that  grave  and  learned  body,  fully  maintaining 
his  high  reputation.  Even  the  English  Parliament  re- 
quested him  to  sit  among  them  and  aid  in  their  delibera- 
tions, although  he  was  not,  and  could  not  become,  a  mem- 
ber of  that  high  court. 

After  the  decapitation  of  Charles  I.  by  the  English  Par- 
liament, against  the  strong  and  earnest  protestations  of  both 
State  and  Church  in  Scotland,  the  outraged  and  indignant 
feeling  of  the  community  enabled  the  Scottish  Royalists  to 
gain  the  ascendency  in  public  affairs,  and  they  determined 
to  place  his  son  on  the  throne  of  Scotland,  and  framed  an 
engagement  with  the  English  Royalists  to  aid  them  in  the 
attempt  to  recover  that  of  England  also.  Warriston  did 
his  utmost  to  prevent  the  nation  from  entering  upon  a 
course  which  could  only  lead  to  ruin  :  and  when  he  could 
not  prevail,  he  joined  the  Protesters,  and  aided  their  coun- 
sels. Cromwell  easily  triumphed  over  the  divided  power  of 
Scotland ;  but  Warriston,  though  lie  strove  to  avert  a  war 


APPENDIX.  417 

with  England,  refused  to  hold  office  under  the  Protector, 
whom  he  regarded  as  a  usurper  of  regal  power.  Some  years 
afterwards  he  was  induced  to  accept  the  office  of  clerk 
register  under  the  administration  of  Cromwell. 

On  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  the  Marquis  of  Argyle 
was  thrown  into  prison,  and  orders  were  issued  for  the 
seizure  of  others,  including  Warriston,  but  he  escaped  and 
fled  to  the  continent.  While  there,  he  was  attacked  by  a 
severe  illness,  and  reduced  almost  to  death  by  that  and 
the  unskilfulness — some  say  the  treachery — of  a  physician. 
From  the  prostration  of  all  bodily  and  even  mental  power, 
caused  by  this  illness  and  treatment,  he  never  wholly  re- 
covered. The  cold,  revengeful  eye  of  Charles  was  still  upon 
him  ;  and  in  1663  he  was  seized  in  France,  brought  to  Scot- 
land, tried,  condemned,  and  executed,  when  so  enfeebled 
by  age  and  disease  that  he  could  scarcely  either  stand  or 
speak.  Yet  with  the  calm  tranquillity  and  spiritual  eleva- 
tion of  a  martyr,  he  gave  the  relics  of  his  wasted  life  to  the 
cause  in  which  he  had  strenuously  expended  his  strength. 


6.— LAUDERDALE. 

John  Maitland,  afterwards  Earl  and  Duke  of  Lauderdale, 
was  descended  from  the  Maitlands  of  Lethington,  a  family 
which  was  first  raised  to  distinction  by  the  great  abilities  of 
that  very  acute  and  unscrupulous  statesman,  the  secretary 
of  Queen  Mary,  and  political  antagonist  of  John  Knox. 
Lethington,  the  family  seat,  was  the  birth-place  of  John 
Maitland,  in  the  year  1616.  In  his  youth  he  manifested 
considerable  ability,  and  became  distinguished  for  his  classi- 
cal acquirements.  His  first  public  appearance  was  at  the 
period  of  the  conflict  between  the  Prelatic  party  and  the 
Covenanters,  when  he  keenly  espoused  the  cause  of  Cove- 
nanted Eeformation.  He  was  at  that  time  known  as  Lord 
Maitland,  his  father,  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  being  still 
alive.  His  rank  and  talents  caused  him  to  be  regarded  as 
a  valuable  acquisition,  and  his  apparent  zeal  made  him  to 

D  D 


418  APPENDIX. 

be  trusted  and  employed  by  the  Scottish  Church  and  Par- 
liament. After  having  been  engaged  in  various  important 
negotiations,  in  some  of  which  his  violent  temper  and  lan- 
guage injured  the  cause  which  he  advocated  so  harshly,  he 
was  nominated  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  the  West- 
minster Assembly ;  but  his  attendance  was  neither  very 
regular  nor  of  much  importance,  and  before  its  delibera- 
tions closed,  the  death  of  his  father  caused  his  return  to 
Scotland. 

^Not  long  after  this  period  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  be- 
came a  decided  Eoyalist,  was  one  of  the  framers  of  the 
Engagement,  or  secret  treaty  with  the  King,  and  after  the 
decapitation  of  that  unhappy  monarch,  attached  himself  to 
the  fortunes  of  his  son.  He  was  taken  prisoner  at  the 
battle  of  Worcester,  and  remained  in  confinement  till  the 
overthrow  of  the  Commonwealth  by  Monk.  He  then 
hastened  to  the  Hague,  where  the  young  King  was  resid- 
ing, and  was  received  with  open  arms,  and  trusted  with  al- 
most unlimited  power  in  regard  to  Scottish  affairs.  His 
influence  was  exerted  for  a  time  through  the  medium  of 
the  Earl  of  Middleton  and  the  Privy  Council  at  Edinburgh; 
and  its  first  manifestation  was  the  overthrow  of  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  the  establishment  of  Prelacy,  and  the  com- 
mencement of  remorseless  persecution.  But  Middleton, 
proving  unmanageable,  was  set  aside  in'lGG2;  Eothes,  who 
succeeded  him,  was  also  set  aside  in  1667 ;  and  from  that 
time  Lauderdale  resided  in  Scotland,  and  conducted  the 
persecution  himself  with  grim  and  horrible  delight. 

Xothing  more  savagely  ferocious, — more  base,  brutal, 
and  bloody, — than  the  conduct  of  Lauderdale  was  ever  re- 
corded, to  stain  the  annals  of  history  and  disgrace  human 
nature.  On  this  point  we  have  neither  space  nor  inclina- 
tion to  dwell,  but  must  leave  him  to  the  unutterable  infamy 
which  will  for  ever  blacken  his  name  and  memory.  But  a 
time  of  retribution  came  at  last.  In  1672  the  King  de- 
graded the  title  of  a  duke  by  bestowing  it  on  Lauderdale, 
and  the  English  peerage  by  elevating  him  into  its  rank. 
But  his  treachery  had  made  him  universally  distrusted, 
and  his  arrogance  had  become  intolerable.     In  the  begin- 


APPENDIX.  419 

ning  of  1682  lie  was  deprived  of  all  his  offices  and  pen- 
sions, and  cast  aside  as  a  worn-out  political  tool.  He  did 
not  long  survive  his  disgrace,  but  died  in  the  summer  of 
the  same  year,  leaving  behind  him  no  son  to  inherit  either 
his  titles  or  his  shame ;  and  without  one  friend  to  lament 
his  fall. 


VI. 

PHILIP  NYE  AND  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY. 

^Reference  has  been  so  frequently  made  to  the  conduct  of 
Philip  Nye,  in  the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  his  sus- 
pected intercourse  with  Cromwell,  that  it  seems  necessary 
to  investigate  these  topics  somewhat  more  fully  than  could 
be  done  in  the  limits  of  a  footnote.  Mr  Nye  was  one  of 
those  Puritan  divines  who  fled  to  Holland  to  escape  from 
the  severe  and  tyrannical  proceedings  of  Laud.  During 
his  residence  in  Holland,  at  Arnheim,  he  adopted  the 
views  of  the  Independents.  About  the  beginning  of  the 
Long  Parliament  he  returned  to  England,  and  obtained  a 
charge  at  Kimbolton,  in  Huntingdonshire,  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Lord  Kimbolton,  also  called  Lord  Mandeville, 
and  afterwards  Earl  of  Manchester.  That  nobleman  was 
,an  intimate  friend  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  by  his  means 
]STye  and  Cromwell  became  also  friends. 

When  the  Parliament  summoned  the  Assembly  of 
Divines  to  meet  at  Westminster,  Philip  Nye  was  one  of 
those  so  summoned ;  and  the  rectory  of  Acton  near  London 
was  conferred  upon  him,  as  conveniently  securing  his  con- 
stant attendance.  No  man  was  more  urgent  in  recommend- 
ing the  signing  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  than 
Nye ;  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  though  he  would  have 
been  one  of  the  most  earnest  in  procuring  the  desired  uni- 
formity in  religion  between  the  two  kingdoms.  But  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  Nye  and  Cromwell  had,  at  a  very 


420  APPENDIX. 

early  period,  resolved  that  the  Independent,  or  Congrega- 
tional system,  should  be  the  only  one  to  which  they  would 
consent.  This  became  apparent  early  in  1644,  by  the  publi- 
cation of  the  "  Apologetical  Narrative,"  written  by  Nye. 

The  state  of  public  affairs  must  be  carefully  marked,  in 
order  to  perceive  the  bearing  of  events  upon  each  other. 
From  some  time  after  the  commencement  of  the  war  the 
King  appeared  likely  to  be  successful.  Neither  Essex  nor 
"Waller  displayed  any  military  skill.  There  appeared  more 
energy  in  the  Earl  of  Manchester ;  but  that  energy  may  be 
fairly  attributed  to  Cromwell,  who  was  now  his  lieutenant- 
general,  and  had  already  begun  to  raise  and  train  that 
body  of  troops  who  were  afterwards  known  as  Cromwell's 
"  Ironsides,"  and  who  were  never  beaten.  The  Parliament 
had  urged  the  approach  of  the  Scottish  army.  They  had 
rapidly  advanced  towards  York,  and  being  joined  by  Fair* 
fax,  Manchester,  and  Cromwell,  laid  siege  to  that  city. 
Prince  Rupert  hastened  to  its  relief;  and  the  battle  of 
Marston  was  fought  on  the  2d  July  1644,  in  which  the 
Royalists  were  totally  defeated.  But  in  the  autumn  of  the 
same  year,  the  two  armies  of  Waller  and  Essex  were  lost 
in  the  west  counties,  and  the  success  of  the  war  continued 
doubtful.  In  October,  Manchester  and  Cromwell  encoun- 
tered and  worsted  the  King  at  Newbury ;  but  Manchester 
refused  to  prosecute  their  success,  and  an  open  rupture  en- 
sued between  him  and  Cromwell.  In  the  latter  part  of 
November,  Cromwell  complained  in  his  place  in  Parlia- 
ment of  this  dilatory  and  ineffectual  prosecution  of  the 
war,  and  moved  that  members  of  Parliament  should  cease 
to  remain  also  commanders  in  the  army.  This  proposal, 
called  the  Self-denying  Ordinance,  passed  in  the  Commons- 
on  the  19th  December  1644,  but  was  not  accepted  by  the 
Lords.  The  treaty  of  Uxbridge  engaged  the  attention  of 
all  parties  during  the  month  of  January  and  the  early  part 
of  February  1645.  But  this  treaty  was  broken  off  on  the 
20th  or  21st  of  February,  and  the  Self-denying  Ordinance 
was  soon  afterwards  re-introduced,  and  finally  passed  on 
the  3d  of  April  1645.  By  this  ordinance  Cromwell  also, 
as  a  member  of  Parliament,   should  have  laid  down  his 


APPENDIX.  421 

command  ;  but  he  could  not  be  spared  from  the  army. 
On  the  9th  of  April  he  was  again  at  the  head  of  his  men, 
actively  and  successfully  engaged  cutting  off  convoys  and 
hemming  in  the  King,  with  a  degree  of  energy  which  pro- 
mised a  speedy  termination  of  the  war.  On  the  14tn  of 
June  the  battle  of  JSaseby  was  fought,  where  Cromwell,  ai 
the  head  of  his  "  new-modelled "  army,  routed  the  King, 
and  destroyed  all  his  prospects  of  success. 

Let  it  be  observed,  that  throughout  the  whole  of  this 
period  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  were  prevented 
from  making  almost  any  progress  by  Nye  and  his  friends. 
Their  opposition,  by  means  of  protracted  debates  on  every 
minute  point,  began  early  in  1644.  On  the  20th  of  Febru- 
ary in  that  year,  Nye  attempted  to  gain  the  favour  of  the 
Parliament  by  arguing  that  the  setting  up  of  presbyteries 
would  be  dangerous  to  liberty.  Tailing  in  this  attempt, 
which  the  parliamentary  members  themselves  repelled,  he 
prosecuted  the  safer  method  of  retarding  the  progress  of  the 
Assembly  by  protracted  delays.  This  course  was  rendered 
safe  and  successful  by  an  order  which  Cromwell  induced 
the  Parliament  to  pass  on  the  13th  of  September  1644, 
when  the  battle  of  Marston  had  removed  urgent  danger,  to 
refer  to  the  committee  of  both  kingdoms  the  matters  in  dis- 
pute between  Presbyterians  and  Independents.  This  com- 
mittee received  all  statements  but  decided  nothing,  and 
ceased  to  exist  in  March  1646;  but,  before  it  ceased  to 
exist,  the  army  had  been  remodelled,  and,  with  Cromwell 
at  its  head,  had  reduced  the  King  to  despair,  and  made  it- 
self master  of  both  Parliament  and  kingdom.  During  all 
this  time  it  was  believed  that  Nye  managed  to  keep  up  a 
constant  intercourse  with  Cromwell  and  the  army.  Of  this 
the  Scottish  Commissioners  entertained  no  doubt ;  but  as 
they  still  cherished  the  hope  that  a  satisfactory  conclusion 
might  at  last  be  obtained,  they  kept  themselves  within  the 
limits  of  honourable  and  fair  discussion,  leaving  intrigues 
to  be  defeated  by  the  course  of  providence,  and  refuting 
sophistry  by  clear  reasoning. 

When  the  King,  on  the  6th  of  May  1646,  betook  him- 
self to  the  Scottish  army,  a  slight  change  seemed  to  come 


422  APPENDIX. 

over  the  Parliament.  The  ordinance  for  the  erection  of 
presbyteries,  which  had  lain  in  abeyance  since  November 
1644,  was  issued  by  the  Parliament  9th  June  1646,  but 
hampered  by  unsuitable  conditions  and  limitations.  But 
when  it  was  found  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  infatuated 
King  was  absolutely  invincible,  and  that  to  retain  him  any 
longer  in  the  Scottish  army  would  at  once  involve  a  war 
with  England,  and  frustrate  all  the  proceedings  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  the  Scottish  Commissioners  felt  it 
to  be  their  duty  to  abandon  all  further  contests  in  England, 
allow  the  King  to  return  to  the  Parliament  as  he  desired, 
and  leave  the  English  nation  to  settle  the  affairs  of  their 
own  State  and  Church  as  they  might  determine,  taking 
with  them  to  Scotland  the  doctrinal  productions  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  to  be  ratified  and  established  in 
their  own  country. 

The  Scottish  Eoyalists,  indeed,  attempted  to  frustrate 
these  prudent  and  peaceful  designs,  and  were  but  too  suc- 
cessful. Their  ill-omened  engagement  involved  Scotland 
in  a  war  with  England,  and  laid  the  divided  kingdom  pro- 
strate beneath  England's  mighty  Protector.  This  sagacious 
and  high-principled  man  did  not,  however,  prevent  the 
Scottish  people  from  continuing  to  enjoy  the  religious  wor- 
ship of  their  choice,  though  he  deprived  church  government 
of  all  power,  and  balanced  party  against  party  so  as  greatly 
to  paralyze  both,  as  had  been  done  in  England. 

But  the  career  of  Nye  was  not  yet  at  an  end.  When 
both  Parliament  and  Assembly  had  been  dissolved  by  Crom- 
well, it  was  still  found  necessary  to  have  some  method  of 
providing  religious  instruction  for  the  nation.  A  committee 
of  divines,  called  the  Committee  of  Triers,  was  appointed ; 
and  in  this  committee  Nye  continued  to  wield  great  power. 
The  two  parties,  the  Presbyterians  of  the  old  Puritan  race, 
and  the  more  modern  Independents,  were  still  opposed  to 
each  other.  Various  attempts,  by  conferences  and  other- 
wise, were  made  to  frame  some  agreement  between  them. 
In  these  attempts  such  men  as  Owen,  and  Baxter,  and 
Howe  took  part;  but  all  their  attempts  were  frustrated, 
and  chiefly  by  Philip  Nye.     This  I  can  confidently  state, 


APPENDIX.  423 

on  the  authority  of  the  mild,  gracious,  and  tolerant  John 
Howe.  In  a  letter  to  Baxter,  dated  25th  May  1658,  he 
says,  "  I  cannot  yet  meet  with  an  opportunity  for  further 
discourse  with  Mr  Nye  \  nor  do  I  hope  for  much  success  in 
any  further  treaty  with  him,  I  perceive  so  steady  a  resolu- 
tion to  measure  all  endeavours  of  this  kind  by  their  sub- 
servience to  the  advantage  of  one  party.  I  resolve,  there- 
fore, to  make  trial  what  his  Highness  will  do,  as  speedily 
as  I  can.'" — (Life  of  Howe,  by  Kogers,  p.  92.) 

Baxter  himself,  writing  to  the  Indepeu  dents  in  their 
time  of  power,  says  :  "  It  was  the  toleration  of  all  sects  un- 
limitedly  that  I  wrote  and  preached  against,  and  not  (that 
I  remember)  of  mere  Independents.  Those  that  did  oppose 
the  toleration  of  Independents,  of  my  acquaintance,  did  not 
deny  them  the  liberty  of  Independency,  but  opposed  separa- 
tion, or  their  gathering  of  other  churches  out  of  parish 
churches  that  had  faithful  ministers.  If  they  would  have 
taken  parish  churches  on  Independent  principles,  without 
separation,  neither  I  nor  my  acquaintance  did  oppose  them, 
no,  nor  their  endeavour  to  reform  such  churches.  The  case 
greatly  differed :  For  an  Independent  to  refuse  parish 
churches  when  no  ceremony,  no  liturgy,  no  oath  or  sub- 
scription is  required  of  him,  which  he  scrupleth,  is  not 
like  his  refusing  oaths,  subscriptions,  liturgy,  ceremonies, 
etc.  But,  in  a  word,  grant  us  but  as  much,  and  take  us  but  in, 
as  we  granted  to,  and  look  in,  the  Independents,  and  we  are 
content.  Make  this  agreement,  and  all  is  ended ;  we  de- 
sire no  more  of  you.  We  never  denied  the  Independents 
the  liberty  of  preaching  lectures,  as  often  as  they  would, 
nor  yet  the  liberty  of  taking  parish  churches.  They  com- 
monly had  presentations,  and  the  public  maintenance  ;  and 
no  subscription,  declaration,  liturgy,  or  ceremonies,  were 
imposed  on  them.  Again,  I  say,  I  ask  from  you  no  more 
liberty  than  was  given  the  Independents  by  their  brethren, 
called  Presbyterians. — (Baxter's  Life,  by  Sylvester,  p.  131.) 

Such  statements  as  these,  and  more  might  easily  be  ad- 
duced, prove  clearly  enough  what  the  men  who  knew  Nye 
thought  of  his  character  and  conduct,  and  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  used  power  when  it  was  in  his  grasp.     And,  it 


424  APPENDIX. 

may  be  added,  that  he  held  that  grasp  very  tenaciously. 
Throughout  the  whole  period  of  Cromwell's  sway  Nye  re- 
tained great  influence.  Not  only  was  he  one  of  the  triers, 
but  he  was  also  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  ejecting  minis- 
ters and  schoolmasters, — a  task  in  which  he  manifested  no 
reluctance  to  take  an  active  share.  He  aided  in  framing 
the  Declaration  of  the  Faith,  Order,  and  Practice  of  the 
Congregational  Churches  in  1658  ;  but  it  was  rendered  in- 
effectual by  the  death  of  Cromwell  in  the  same  year.  On 
the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  it  was  debated  in  Council  for 
several  hours,  whether  the  deep  and  incessant  political  in- 
trigues in  which  Nye  had  been  so  long  engaged  did  not 
rentier  it  necessary  to  include  him  in  the  Act  of  Attainder. 
The  result  was,  that  he  was  ejected  from  his  benefice  ;  and 
it  was  declared,  that  if  he  should  accept  of,  or  exercise  any 
office,  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  he  should  stand  as  if  he  had 
been  totally  exempted  from  the  Act  of  Indemnity.  To  him 
alone,  of  all  the  Westminster  Divines,  was  such  severity 
shown ;  and  as  his  papers  had  been  seized,  the  Council 
were  in  possession  of  information  which  seemed  to  them  to 
justify  such  procedure.  The  Act  of  Attainder  included  only 
three  men  who  were  not  of  those  who  had  acted  as  judges 
when  the  late  King  was  sentenced  to  die.  These  three 
were,  Colonel  Lambert,  Sir  Harry  Vane,  and  the  notorious 
Hugh  Peters.  That  it  was  seriously  debated  whether 
Philp  Nye  should  not  be  included  in  such  a  class  of  men, 
the  actual  regicides,  or  their  most  intimate  associates,  suffi- 
ciently indicates  how  deeply  involved  he  was  believed,  and 
even  well  known  to  be,  in  all  the  intrigues  of  the  period, 
and  especially  in  all  those  political  measures  that  led  to 
the  decapitation  of  Charles  I. 

There  is  one  incident  in  Nye's  conduct,  at  an  early 
stage  of  the  Westminster  Assembly's  proceedings,  already 
recorded  in  the  pages  of  this  work  (pp.  200,  201),  relative 
to  which  some  brief  remarks  are  still  necessary.  Congre- 
gational writers  are  in  the  habit  of  boasting  of  his  position 
and  speech  on  that  occasion,  as  the  first  public,  open,  and 
full  assertion  of  the  great  principle  of  religious  liberty. 
Nothing  can  be  more  inconsistent  with  historical  truth. 


APPENDIX.  425 

The  occasion  already  referred  to  is  the  only  one  which  at 
all  resembles  the  boasted  traditionary  anecdote.  But  the 
avowed  object  of  Nye  on  that  occasion  was  not  the  asser- 
tion of  religious  liberty,  but  an  attempt  to  excite  the 
jealousy  of  the  Parliament  against  the  Presbyterian  system, 
7>y  asserting  that  such  a  system,  rising  court  above  court, 
Adth  successive  right  of  appeal  from  the  lower  to  the  higher, 
till  it  should  reach  a  General  Assembly,  representing  the 
whole  Church  in  a  kingdom,  was  inconsistent  with  civil 
liberty.  This  attempt  was  both  censured  by  the  Assembly 
and  repelled  by  the  most  of  the  leading  members  of  Parlia- 
ment who  were  present.  Its  manifest  and  total  failure 
mortified  Nye  so  much,  that  he  did  not  again  repeat  it  in 
the  Assembly  \  but  from  that  day  his  efforts  were  incessant 
to  cause  and  prolong  delay,  while  his  secret  intercourse 
with  the  army  and  with  Cromwell  was  carried  on  with 
greater  activity  than  ever.  His  interposed  retardations  and 
incessant  intrigues  were  successful.  Nothing  was  settled 
till  Cromwell  abolished  Parliament,  and  turned  the  remnant 
of  the  Assembly  into  a  Committee  of  Triers,  in  which  Nye's 
influence  was  predominant,  and  continued  to  be,  till  the 
Restoration  laid  Britain  prostrate  beneath  the  basest  and 
most  profligate  of  all  her  kings,  to  the  extreme  danger  and 
well-nigh  the  utter  ruin  of  all  liberty,  both  civil  and  reli- 
gious. And  yet  this  intriguing  man,  whose  conduct  was 
so  largely  instrumental  in  producing  such  a  disastrous 
result,  is  still  held  up  and  applauded  by  some  as  the  great 
assertor  of  religious  liberty  ! 

It  is  with  great  reluctance  that  I  have  directed  so  much 
attention  to  the  conduct  of  Nye.  But  I  felt  myself  com- 
pelled to  take  some  notice  of  the  claim  so  pertinaciously 
raised  on  his  behalf,  as  the  first  true  assertor  of  religious 
liberty,  to  the  disparagement  equally  of  Scottish  Presbyte- 
rians and  English  Puritans,  and  very  specially  to  the  dis- 
credit of  the  Westminster  Assembly.  Men  have  a  strange 
power  of  persuading  themselves  that  they  are  in  the  right, 
and  that  their  course  is  the  only  right  and  safe  one.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  Philip  Nye  fully  believed  that  the  In- 
dependent system,  as  he  understood  and  practised  it,  was 


42  G  APPENDIX. 

the  best  for  the  interests  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
that  he  thought  himself  justifiable  in  using  every  method 
to  secure  its  triumph ;  and  even  succeeded  in  persuading 
himself  that  those  methods  were  right,  although  they  in- 
volved a  violation  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant, 
which  he  had  sworn  to  maintain.  "  He  was  a  great  politi- 
cian," says  Xeal ;  and  there  is  scarcely  anything  which  a  great 
politician  cannot  persuade  himself  to  believe, — scarcely  any 
course  which  he  cannot  persuade  himself  to  adopt, — if  they 
seem  fitted  to  promote  his  political  designs.  But  it  is  not 
by  great  politicians  that  religious  liberty  has  ever  been  pro- 
moted, nor  by  their  deep  schemes  that  its  maintenance  has 
been  secured.  Had  Xye  been  less  of  a  politician,  theie  is 
reason  to  believe  that  neither  a  revived  Laudean  Prelacy 
nor  a  resuscitated  Popery  would  ever  again  have  endangered 
the  liberties,  both  civil  and  religious,  of  Britain ;  and  it 
will  be  well  if,  in  the  conflict  which  must  still  be  waged 
against  both  of  these  hostile  powers,  the  defenders  of  these 
priceless  blessings  avoid  all  courses  that  "  great  politicians  " 
may  recommend,  and  act  openly,  boldly,  and  firmly,  with- 
out intrigue  or  compromise,  in  accordance  only  with  the 
strong  principles  of  the  Word  of  God. 

It  may  be  thought  by  some  that  we  have  applied  the 
term  Presbyterian  in  several  instances,  when  the  term  In- 
dependent or  Congregational  would  have  been  more  appro- 
priate. We  do  not  wish  to  dispute  about  a  mere  word ; 
but  a  brief  statement  of  the  reason  why  the  word  Pres- 
byterian had  been  used  in  relation  to  events  which  others 
ascribe  to  the  Independent  party,  may  here  be  given. 
Before  the  Long  Parliament  had  resolved  to  abolish  Pre- 
lacy, and  summon  an  Assembly  of  Divines  to  deliberate  on 
the  system  to  be  adopted  in  its  stead,  the  Puritan  ministers 
had  begun  to  form  themselves  into  presbyteries.  "Numbers 
more  of  them  looked  not  to  Scotland  only,  but  also  very 
specially  to  Holland,  where  the  Presbyterian  form  was  in 
full  order,  for  a  model  into  some  conformity  with  which  the 
English  Church  might  be  advantageously  moulded.  When 
the  Assembly  met  there  were  only  five  of  its  members 
avowedly  Independents,  and  they  never  amounted  to  more 


APPENDIX.  427 

than  ten  or  eleven.  During  the  deliberations  of  the  Assem- 
bly, Nye  &nd  Goodwin  almost  alone  maintained  the  strictly 
distinctive  element  of  Congregationalism, — in  some  instances 
Nye  alone.  That  distinctive  and  even  separatist,  or  indi- 
vidualising element,  while  the  defending  of  it  kept  Nye  at 
the  head  of  all  the  innumerable  forms  of  Sectarianism 
in  the  army  and  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  rendered  him 
so  useful  to  Cromwell,  was  never  adopted  and  maintained 
in  the  same  manner  by  even  those  men  who  came  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  leading  Independents.  Neither  Owen  nor 
Howe  were  ever  Independents  according  to  Nye's  system, 
but  approached  indefinitely  near  to  the  Presbyterian  system, 
as  it  existed  in  Scotland  and  Holland,  and  could  readily 
have  joined  with  these  Churches.  We  therefore  include 
them,  and  all  such  liberal-minded  men,  in  the  general 
designation  of  Presbyterians.  For  the  same  reason  we 
regard  the  noble  band  of  Nonconformist  Puritan  divines 
who  were  ejected  on  St  Bartholomew's  Day  as  Presbyterian 
Puritans,  or  rather  as  Puritan  Presbyterians ;  that  is,  we 
regard  them  as  a  noble  band  of  sincere,  self-denying  Chris- 
tian ministers,  whose  scriptural  tenets  were  those  which 
have  been  designated  Puritan,  and  who  were  not  only  pie- 
pared  to  adopt  the  Presbyterian  system  of  church  govern- 
ment, but  preferred  it,  as  both  founded  upon  and  most 
agreeable  to  the  Word  of  God,  and  as  most  conducive  to  a 
nation's  welfare.  Ample  evidence  might  easily  be  pro- 
cured from  the  writings  of  an  overwhelming  majority  of 
these  high-principled  men,  to  prove  that  we  have  not  mis« 
represented  their  sentiments,  and  that  we  have  given  them 
the  designation  which  most  correctly  describes  them,  and 
by  which  they  ought  to  be  known — the  Nonconformist  Puri- 
tan Presbyterians.  To  them,  to  the  Churches  of  Scotland 
and  Holland,  and,  above  all,  to  the  sacred  truths  and  prin- 
ciples which  they  all  drew  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  we 
ascribe  the  glory  of  the  declaration  and  defence  of  religious 
liberty  ;  and  neither  to  the  Long  Parliament,  to  the  army 
Sectarians,  to  Cromwell,  to  Philip  Nye,  nor  to  any  or  all  of 
those  who,  in  proclaiming  a  "  boundless  toleration,"  did  their 
utmost  to  break  down  all  distinctions  between  truth  and 


428  APPENDIX. 

error,  and  thereby  to  plunge  the  human  mind  into  the  wild 
whirlpool  of  mental,  moral,  and  religious  anarchy.  I  have 
no  wish  to  disparage  either  the  Dissenting  Brethren  of  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  or  the  Independent  ministers  or 
systems  of  any  period  ;  but  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  assert 
historical  truth,  and  to  vindicate  the  character  of  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  and  of  the  true  Presbyterian  divines, 
Church,  and  system,  in  doctrine,  government,  and  disci- 
pline, as  most  successfully  embodying  and  defending  the 
principles  of  Religious  Freedom. 


NOTES. 


A. — [Seepage  110). 

The  three  principal  committees  of  the  Assembly,  a°  on 
the  roll,  at  12th  April  1644. 


First  Committee — Dr  Cornelius  Burgis,  Chairman. 


Mr  Palmer. 

Mr  Bowles. 

Mr  Wilkinson,  senr. 

Mr  Valantiue. 

Mr  Bayner. 

Dr  Hoyle. 

Mr  Bridge. 

Mr  Goodwin. 

Mr  Ley. 

Mr  Case. 

Dr  Gouge. 

Mr  White. 

Mr  Marshall. 

Mr  Sedgwicke. 

Mr  Clarke. 


Mr  Bathurst. 
Mr  Nye. 
Dr  Smith. 
Dr  Burgis. 
Mr  Greene. 
Mr  Gower. 
Mr  Taylor 
Mr  Wilson. 
Mr  Tuckney. 
Mr  Coleman. 
Mr  Herle 
Mr  Hericke. 
Mr  Mew. 
Mr  Wrathband. 
Mr  Hickes. 


Second  Committee — Dr  Stanton,  Chairman. 


Mr  Clayton. 
Mr  Gipps. 
Mr  Buroughes 
Mr  Calamy. 
Mr  Walker. 
Mr  Carrill. 
Mr  Leaman. 
Mr  Reynolds. 
Mr  Hill. 
Mr  Jackson. 
Mr  Carter  of  L. 
Mr  Thorowgood. 
Mr  Arrowsmith. 
Mr  Gibson. 
Mr  Whitaker. 
Dr  Stanton. 


Mr  Lightfoote. 
Mr  Corbet. 
Mr  Langley. 
Mr  Tisdale. 
Mr  Young. 
Mr  Phillips. 
Mr  Connant. 
Mr  Chambera. 
Mr  Hall. 
Mr  Scudder. 
Mr  Bayly. 
Mr  Pickering. 
Mr  Cawdry. 
Mr  Sh-ickland. 
Mr  Bond. 
Mr  Harris. 
429 


430  NOTES. 

Third  Committee — Mr  Guibon,  Chairman. 

Mr  Salloway.  Mr  Feme. 

Mr  Simpson.  Mr  Prophet. 

Mr  Burgis.  Mr  Sterry. 

Mr  Vines.  Mr  Guibon. 

Mr  Green hilL  Mr  Michaelthwaite. 

Dr  Temple.  Dr  Wincop. 

Mr  Ash.  Mr  Price. 

Mr  Gataker.  Mr  Wilkenson,  junr. 

Mr  Spurstow.  Mr  Woodcocke. 

Mr  Cbannell.  Mr  Delapace. 

Mr  Delamarch.  Mr  Mayuhard, 

Mr  Newcoman.  Mr  Paynter. 

Mr  Carter  of  D.  Mr  Good. 

Mr  Hodges.  Mr  Hardwicke. 

See  Minutes  of  Westminster  Assembly,  by  Drs  Mitchell 
and  S truth ers,  p.  lxxxv. 

E.  W. 

B.— {Seepage  284). 

Committee  to  prepare  a  Confession  of  Faith.  .Notices 
relative  to  said  committee  from  the  published  minutes  of 
the  Westminster  Assembly. 

Sess.  269. — August  20,  1644 — Tuesday  morning. — A 
committee  to  join  with  the  Commissioners  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland  to  prepare  matter  for  a  joint  Confession  of  Faith. 

E.  neg.  12. 
Dr  Gougo. 
Mr  Gataker. 
Mr  Arrow-smith. 
Dr  Temple. 
Mr  Burroughs. 

Sess.  278. — September  ith  [1644]. —  Wednesday  morning. 

Report  from  the  committee  for  the  Confession  of  Faith. 
They  desire  an  addition  of  those  persons  to  the  said  com- 
mittee. 

Ordered — Mr  Palmer,  Mr  Newcoman,  Mr  Herle,  Mr 
Reynolds,  Mr  Wilson,  Mr  Tuckney,  Dr  Smith,  Mr  Young, 
Mr  Ley,  Mr  Sedgwicke,  be  added  to  the  committee  for  the 
Confession  of  Faith. 

In  Sess.  434. — May  12,  1645,  we  have  the  following: 
— Report  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  read  and  debated. 


E.  affirmat.  9 

[to 

be  a  Com- 

mittee]. 

Mr  B urges. 

) 

Mr  Vines. 

1 

or  any  5 

Mr  Goodwin 

f 

of  them. 

Dr  Hoyle. 

Mr  Gataker. 

Mr  Harris. 

Dr  Temple. 

They  are  to 

Mr  B urges. 

meet  this 

Mr  Reynolds. 

afternoon. 

Dr  Hoyle. 

Mr  Herle. 

NOTES.  431 

The  first  voted.  Debate  about  the  committee  for  drawing 
up  the  Confession. 

The  first  draught  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  shall  be 
drawn  up  by  a  committee  of  a  few. 

E. — The  committee  shall  be — 

Dr  Gouge. 

Mr  Reynolds. 

Mr  Vines. 

Mr  Tuckney.  R. 

Dr  Hoyle. 

Mr  Herle. 

Mr  Gataker. 

R— Mr  ArrcTrc-nth,  Burgos,  for  Mr  Tuckney. 

The  Commissioners  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  are  de- 
sired to  be  assisting  to  this  committee. 

E. — Mr  Tuckney  and  Mr  Vines  be  exchanged  for  Dr 
Temple  and  Mr  Burges.     Mr  Harris  be  for  Mr  Palmer. 
Sess.  696. — September  1,  1646. 

Ordered — That  Mr  Cawdry  be  added  to  the  committee 
for  the  perfecting  of  the  Confession  of  Faith.  See,  also, 
Minutes  of  Westminster  Assembly,  by  Drs  Mitchell  and 
Struthers,  pp.  412-423.— E.  W. 

On  the  2 2d  March  1648,  a  conference  took  place  be- 
tween the  Lords  and  Commons  relative  to  alterations  pro- 
posed, by  the  latter,  in  the  Confession  of  Faith.  On  the 
3d  June,  the  Lords  informed  the  Commons  that  they 
agreed  to  the  proposed  alterations,  "  excepting  to  that  con- 
cerning marriage  ; "  and,  on  the  20th  June,  the  Commons 
resolved  that  the  Confession,  thus  altered,  "  be  forthwith 
printed  and  published,"  which  was  accordingly  done  under 
the  title  of  "  Articles  of  Faith  agreed  upon  by  both  Houses 
of  Parliament." 

In  the  articles,  as  thus  agreed  to,  on  the  20th  June 
1648,  chapters  XXX.  and  XXXI.,  paragraph  4th  of 
chapter  XX.,  and  part  of  the  4th,  and  the  whole  of  the 
5th  and  6th  paragraphs  of  XXI V.,  are  omitted. 

In  1659,  however,  on  the  recall  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, a  committee  of  religion  was  appointed.  The  result 
of  their  deliberations  was  that  the  Confession  of  Faith,  as 
drawn  up  by  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  and  approved  by 


432  NOTES. 

the  Church  of  Scotland,  was  adopted  and  passed  by  the 
Commons,  with  the  exception  of  chapters  XXX.  and 
XXXI.,  which  were  referred  back  to  the  committee  for 
consideration,  and  to  report  thereon  to  the  Parliament. — 
See  vol.  of  Minutes  of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  by  Drs 
Mitchell  and  Struthers,  pp.  416,  417. 

C— (Seepage  298.) 

CHRIST,  HEAD  OF  THE  CHURCH,  AND  HEAD  OVER  ALL 
THINGS  TO  THE  CHURCH. 

In  refuting  the  doctrine  of  the  Erastians,  Gillespie  enters 
into  an  elaborate  investigation  into  "  the  nature  and  ex- 
tent of  the  Mediatorial  sovereignty  of  Christ,"  distinguish- 
ing between  His  Headship  over  the  Church,  and  His  Kingly 
authority,  as  the  eternal  Son  of  God,  over  the  nations,  and 
clearly  showing  that  the  doctrine  that  the  magistrate  "holds 
his  office  of,  under,  and  for  Christ,  as  He  is  Mediator,  and 
doth  act  vice  Christi,  as  Christ's  vicegerent,"  has  no  war- 
rant whatever  in  the  Word  of  God  ;  while  it  is  equally 
clear  from  the  Word  of  God  that  magistracy,  as  well  as  all 
other  things,  has  been  put  in  subjection  to  Christ,  and  that 
the  magistrate,  as  such,  is  to  use  his  office  and  authority  so 
as  to  be  serviceable  to  Christ  and  His  cause,  and  promotive 
of  the  interests  of  His  Church  in  the  world.  "  The  dis- 
tinction," says  Gillespie,  in  concluding  the  argument  in  his 
Male  Audis,  "of  the  twofold  kingdom  of  Christ — an  uni- 
versal kingdom,  whereby  He  reigneth  over  all  things  as 
God,  and  a  special  economical  kingdom,  whereby  He  is 
King  to  the  Church  only,  and  ruleth  and  govern eth  it — La 
that  which,  being  rightly  understood,  overturneth,  over- 
turneth,  overturneth  the  Erastian  principles." 

There  are  two  primary  principles,  a  right  understanding 
of  which  is  necessary  in  order  to  scriptural  views  on  this 
important  subject — First,  The  Headship  of  Christ  over  the 
Church ;  and,  second,  His  Kingly  authority  over  the 
nations.  1.  Christ  is  Head  of  the  Church,  which  is  His 
body — His  mediatorial  kingdom  strictly  and  properJy  so 
called.     Erom  that  great  doctrine  springs  the  spiritual  in- 


NOTES.  433 

dependence  of  the  Church — as  respects  the  power  conferred 
upon  Church  officers  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  Christian  people  on  the  other.  2.  Christ, 
as  the  eternal  Son  of  God,  is  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the 
earth,  and  Governor  among  the  nations.  He  has,  also,  as 
the  Lord's  anointed,  hj  express  appointment,  and  donation 
by  the  Father,  had  all  things  put  under  Him — nothing  ex- 
cepted, magistracy  specially  included,  to  be  subservient  to 
Him  in  promoting  the  interests  of  His  Church — His  king- 
dom in  the  world.  And  from  that  great  doctrine  flows  the 
duty  of  nations  and  their  rulers  to  own  the  kingdom  of 
Christ  and  to  advance  its  interests.  Wherever  the  light  of 
Revelation  comes  this  duty  is  obligatory,  at  all  times  and 
in  all  circumstances.  The  two  doctrines  are  brought  be- 
fore us  in  the  Scripture  as  closely  related  As,  for  instance, 
in  the  following  passages  :  "  And  hath  put  all  things  under 
His  feet,  and  gave  Him  to  be  the  Head  over  all  things  to 
the  Church."  "As  Thou  hast  given  Him  power  over  all 
flesh,  that  He  should  give  eternal  life  to  as  many  as  Thou 
hast  given  Him."  "  All  power  is  given  unto  me  in  heaven 
and  on  earth.  Go  ye,  therefore,  and  teach  all  nations." 
The  meaning  of  these  passages  being,  not  that  dominion 
is  founded  in  grace,  or  that  magistracy  derives  its  origin 
from  Christ  as  Mediator ;  but  that  magistracy,  which  is  an 
ordinance  of  God,  for  the  public  good  and  His  own  glory, 
lias  been  put  in  subjection  under  Christ,  to  be  serviceable 
to  Him  in  promoting  the  interests  of  His  kingdom  in  the 
world.  Our  reforming  fathers  understood  well  the  import- 
ant relation  in  which  the  two  doctrines  stand  to  each 
other ;  and  hence,  in  the  preface  to  the  Directory  of  Go- 
vernment by  the  Westminster  divines,  and  approved  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  the  two  doc- 
trines are  brought  before  us  in  their  close  and  intimate 
relationship,  as  they  are  presented  in  the  Word  of  God. 
"  Jesus  Christ,"  say  the  Westminster  Divines,  "  upon  whose 
shoulders  the  government  is,  whose  name  is  called  Wonder- 
ful, Counsellor,  the  mighty  God,  the  everlasting  Father, 
the  Prince  of  Peace  ;  of  the  increase  of  whose  government 
and  peace  there  shall  be  no  end :  who  sits  upon  the  throne 

E  E 


434  NOTES. 

of  David,  and  upon  his  kingdom,  to  order  it,  and  to 
establish  it  with  judgment  and  justice,  from  henceforth, 
even  for  ever ;  having  all  power  given  unto  Him  in  heaven 
and  earth  by  the  Father,  who  raised  Him  from  the  dead, 
and  set  Him  at  His  own  right  hand,  far  above  all  princi- 
palities and  power,  and  might,  and  dominion,  and  every 
name  that  is  named,  not  only  in  this  world,  but  also  in 
that  which  is  to  come,  and  put  all  things  under  His  feet, 
and  gave  Him  to  be  the  Head  over  all  things  to  the  Church, 
which  is  His  body,  the  fulness  of  Him  that  filleth  all  in 
all :  He  being  ascended  up  far  above  all  heavens,  that  He 
might  fill  all  things,  received  gifts  for  His  Church,  and  gave 
officers  necessary  for  the  edification  of  His  Church,  and 
perfecting  of  His  saints." — R.  "W. 


V.— (Seepage  306.) 

COMMITTEE  TO  PREPARE  THE  CATECHISMS. 

Sess.  491. — August  20,  1645. —  Wednesday  morning. 
— Debate  about  the  Catechism  ...  A  committee  of  3. 
E.  Mr  Palmer,  Dr  Stanton,  Mr  Young,  to  draw  up  the 
whole  draught  of  the  Catechism  with  all  convenient  speed, 
and  make  report  t :»  this  Assembly. 

Sess.  677. — July  22,  1646. —  Wednesday  morning.  Or- 
dered— "  That  Mr  Ward  be  added  to  the  Committee  for 
the  Catechism." 

Sess.  749. — December  1,  1646. — Tuesday  morning. — 
Eesolved  upon  the  Q.,  there  shall  be  an  addition  to  the  com- 
mittee for  the  Catechism.  Ordered — That  Mr  \Yhitakers, 
Mr  Xy,  Mr  Byfield,  and  the  brethren  that  are  for  the 
methodising  of  the  Confession  of  Faith,  be  added  to  the 
committee. 

Sess.  774. — January  14,  1646. — Thursday  morning.— 
Upon  a  motion  made  by  Mr  Yir.es,  it  was  Ordered — "  That 
the  committee  for  the  Catechism  do  prepare  a  draught  of 
two  Catechisms,  one  more  large  and  another  more  brief,  in 
which  they  are  to  have  an  eye  to  the  Confession  of  Faith, 
and  to  the  matter  of  the  Catechism  already  begun." 


NOTES.  435 

Sess.  868. — June  23,  1647. —  Wednesday  morning. — 
Ordered — That  the  several  commandments  shall  be  con- 
sidered of  by  several  committees : — Mr  Simpson  and  Mr 
Greenhill  for  the  first  commandment.  Mr  Burges  and  Mr 
Calamy  for  the  second  commandment.  Mr  Profit  and  Mr 
Gower  for  the  third.  Mr  Palmer  and  Mr  Cawdry,  for  the 
fourth.  Dr  Hoyle  and  Mr  Green  for  the  fifth.  Mr  Corbet 
of  N  [orfolk]  and  Mr  Gibson  for  the  sixth.  Mr  Sedgewick 
and  Mr  Good  for  the  seventh.  Mr  Bolton,  Mr  Strong, 
Mr  Perne  for  the  eighth.  Mr  Maynard  and  Mr  Gippes 
for  the  ninth.  Mr  Delmy,  Mr  Salway,  Dr  Smith  for  the 
tenth.  The  general  rules  for  expounding  the  command- 
ments to  Dr  Gouge  and  Mr  Walker ;  and  Report  to  be 
brought  in  to-morrow  seven  night,  to  the  committee,  of 
whom  Mr  Tuckney  is  in  the  chair. 

Sess.  882. — July  15,  1647. — Thursday  morning. — Or- 
dered— That  Mr  Burgess,  Mr  Sedgewick,  Mr  Bond,  Mr 
Bolton,  Mr  Chambers,  be  added  to  the  Committee  for  the 
Catecliism. 

Sess.  936. — October  15,  1647. — Friday  morning. — Mr 
Tuckney  made  report.  The  Catechism  being  completed,  it 
was  R. — This  should  be  transcribed  to  be  sent  to  both 
Houses  of  Parliament. 

Upon  a  motion  made  by  Mr  Rutherford,  it  was  Ordered 
— That  it  be  recorded  in  the  scribe's  books,  "  The  Assembly 
hath  enjoyed  the  assistance  of  the  Honble  Reverend  and 
learned  Commissioners  from  the  Church  of  Scotland  in  the 
work  of  the  Assembly ; "  during  all  the  time  of  the  de- 
bating and  perfecting  of  the  4  things  mentioned  in  the 
Covenant,  viz.,  the  Directory  for  Worship,  the  Confession 
of  Faith,  Form  of  Church  Government,  and  Catechism, 
some  of  the  Reverend  and  learned  Divines,  Commissioners 
from  the  Church  of  Scotland,  have  been  present  in  and 
assisting  to  this  Assembly. 

Sess.  938. — October  19,  1647. — Tuesday  morning. — 
Ordered — Mr  Tuckney,  Mr  Marshall,  Mr  Ward,  to  prepare 
the  Short  Catechism. 

Sess.  939. — October  20,  1647. — Wednesday  morning. 


430  NOTES. 

— R  -/'•  Tne  title  shall  be  a  Larger  Catechism.  The 
yhole  Catechism  was  read  over  by  Dr  Burges. 

Seas.  940. — October  21,  1647. — Thursday  morning. — 
Mr  Tuckney  made  report  of  the  Lesser  Catechism,  and  it 
was  debated. 

Sess.  941.— October  22, 1647.— Friday  morning.— -The 
Larger  Catechism  was  ordered  to  be  sent  up  to  both  Houses 
of  Parliament  by  the  Prolocutor,  attended  with  the  whole 
Assembly. 

Sess.  942. — October  25,  1647. — Monday  morning. — 
Report  was  made  by  the  Prolocutor  of  the  delivery  of 
the  Catechism.  (See  relative  extracts  from  the  Journals 
of  the  Lords,  and  also,  of  the  Commons,  given  by  Pro- 
fessor Mitchell  at  pp.  485-86,  of  Minutes  of  Westminster 
Assembly.) 

The  Shorter  Catechism  continued  to  be  debated  in  Ses- 
sions 942,  943,  944,  945,  946,  948,  949,  950,  951,  953, 
954,  954,  955,  956. 

Sess.  957. — November  19,  1647. — Friday  morning. — 
P.  [Catechism]  carried  up  by  the  whole  Assembly  to  both 
Houses. 

Sess.  958. — November  22,  1647. — Monday  morning. — 
P. — Something  "  by  speech  or  writing  "  shall  be  sent  up  to 
the  Houses  with  this  Shorter  Catechism. 

Ress.  1010. — February  10,  1647. —  Thursday  morning. 
— Debate  of  the  Catechism.  Ordered — Three  committees 
meet  to  prepare  the  Scriptures.  The  Assembly  to  meet  and 
adjourn. 

Sess.  1015. — February  17,  1647. — TJiursday  morning. 
— R.  Reports  be  made  to-morrow  morning  from  all  the 
committees  to  whom  the  Scriptures  for  the  Catechism 
were  referred. 

Sess.  1022. — March  1,  1647. —  Wednesday  morning. — 
Debate,  review  of  the  proofs  of  the  Catechpsm].  These  de- 
bates on  the  Scripture  proofs  were  continued  in  Sessions 
1023,  1024,  1025,  1027,  1028,  1029,  1030. 

Sess.  1032. — March  15,  1647. —  Wednesday  morning. 
— R.     Now   there  is  a  full  Assembly  to  read   over   the 


NOTES.  487 

Scriptures  for  the  Catechism,  to  pass  the  vote  of  the  As- 
sembly ;  which  was  done  accordingly. 

Sess.  1033. — March  16,  1647. — Thursday  morning. — 
The  Scriptures  were  read  in  a  full  Assembly. 

Sess.  1041. — March  30,  1647. — Thursday  morning. — 
[Res.] — The  proofs  read  [shall]  stand  and  be  transcribed, 
to  be  sent  to  the  Houses. 

Sess.  1049. — April  12,  1648. —  Wednesday  morning. — 
R. — The  proofs  for  both  the  Catechisms  shall  be  tran- 
scribed, and  sent  up  to  both  Honble  Houses  of  Parliament. 
Ordered— To  be  carried  up  on  Friday  morning  by  the  Pro- 
locutor with  the  Assembly. 

Sess.  1051. — April  14,  1648. — Friday  morning. — Pro- 
locutor informed  the  Assembly  he  had  delivered  the  Cate- 
chism [to  the  House  of  Commons],  and  was  called  in  and 
told  that  they  had  ordered  600  copies,  with  those  proofs, 
to  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Assembly  and  two  Houses, 
and  gave  thanks  to  the  Assembly  for  the  same. 

The  "Title"  tendered  by  the  Assembly,  and  approved 
by  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  to  be  prefixed  to  the  Shorter 
Catechism.,  is  as  follows  : — 

"  The  Grounds  and  Principles  of  Religion,  contained  in 
a  Shorter  Catechism  (according  to  the  advice  of  the  As- 
sembly of  Divines  sitting  at  Westminster),  to  be  used 
throughout  kingdom  of  England,  and  dominion  of  Wales." 


THE    SCOTTISH    COMMISSIONERS    AND    THE    CATECHISMS. 

"  The  Larger  Catechism,"  says  Professor  Mitchell,  "  was 
drawn  up  before  the  Shorter :  and  though  perhaps  the  lat- 
ter embodies  more  of  the  materials  of  the  original  Catechism 
than  the  Larger  does,  and  has  been  the  most  widely  popu- 
lar of  the  Assembly's  symbolical  books,  it  was  that  in  the 
perfecting  of  which  the  Scotch  Commissioners  had  least  to 
do.  Rutherford  alone  remained  when  it  was  being  dis- 
cussed in  the  Assembly.  Tradition  connects  the  name  of 
Gillespie1  with  its  answer  to  the  question,  What  is  God,? 
but  it  is  doubtful  if  the  answer  to  that  question,  even  in 
1  See  pages  369,  370. 


438  NOTES. 

the  Larger  Catechism,  had  been  cast  into  the  shape  it  now 
bears  when  Gillespie  left  for  Scotland,  Tuckney,  it  is  ad- 
mitted, took  the  chief  part  in  preparing  that  Catechism. 
He  was  convener  also  of  the  committee  which  prepared 
the  Shorter,  though  its  more  concise  and  severely  logical 
answers  are  generally  supposed  to  have  been  finally  adjusted 
by  Wallis." — Minutes  of  W.  Assembly,  p.  lxxxvi. 

In  deciding  as  to  Gillespie's  connection  with  the  Shorter 
Catechism,  or  any  portion  of  it,  the  following  considera- 
tions ought  to  be  kept  in  view. 

About  ten  months  previous  to  Gillespie's  final  depart- 
ure, the  Assembly  had  been  engaged  in  preparing  a  draught 
of  a  Catechism,  the  materials  of  which  were  to  be  kept  in 
view,  and  made  use  of,  if  necessary,  in  framing  the  Larger 
and  Shorter  Catechisms.  At  pages  283-285  of  the  published 
minutes  we  have  the  discussions  (while  engaged  on  the  pre- 
liminary Catechism)  bearing  upon  the  question,  What  i& 
God  ?  from  which  it  appears  that  down  to  September  17thr 
1646,  no  definition  had  been  framed  such  as  we  have  in 
the  Shorter,  or  Larger  Catechisms. 

On  the  14th  January,  "  LTpon  a  motion  made  by  Mr 
Vines,  it  was  ordered — That  the  committee  for  the  Cate- 
chism do  prepare  a  draught  of  two  Catechisms,  one  more 
large,  and  another  more  brief,  in  which  they  are  to  have  an 
eye  to  the  Confession  of  Faith,  and  to  the  matter  of  the 
Catechism  already  begun. 

From  the  1 4th  January  to  the  5th  April,  nothing  ap- 
pears to  have  been  done,  as  the  Assembly  were  engaged  in 
selecting  and  arranging  the  Scripture  proofs  for  the  Confes- 
sion of  Faith.  On  the  5th  April  it  was  reported,  "  That 
the  Confession  was  finished."  The  three  committees  of  the 
Assembly  were  appointed  to  review  the  Confession  and 
the  relative  proofs,  and  the  committees  having  reported, 
Mr  Wilson,  Mr  Gower,  and  Mr  Wallace  were  ordered 
to  "  draw  up,  in  the  margin  of  two  books  of  Confession 
of  Faith,  the  Scriptures  to  be  presented  to  the  Parliament." 
This  took  place  on  the  15th  April  1647,  and  the  Assembly 
having  now  finished  the  Confession,  immediately,  in  the 
same  session,  "  entered  upon  debate  of  the  Larger  Catechism. 


notes.  4:39 

and  began  with  the  question,  "  What  is  the  chief  and  high- 
est end  of  man."  On  the  same  day,  in  a  second  session, 
they  took  up  the  questions,  What  is  God  ]  What  are  the 
properties  of  God  ?  The  answer  to  the  first  being,  "  God 
is  a  spirit,  infinite  in  being  and  perfection ; "  and  to  the 
second,  "  God  is  almighty,  all-sufficient,  eternal  unchange- 
able, everywhere  present,  knowing  all  things,  most  wise, 
most  holy,  most  merciful  and  gracious,  long-suffering,  and 
abundant  in  goodness  and  truth." 

These  questions  and  answers  were  afterwards  thrown 
into  one,  and  the  order  somewhat  changed.     In  the  1647 
edition  of  the  Larger  Catechism  it  stands  thus  : — 
Q,   "  What  is  God  I  " 

A.  "  God  is  a  spirit,  in  and  of  himself,  infinite  in  being, 
glory,  blessedness,  and  perfection ;  ail-sufficient,  eternal!, 
unchangeable,  incomprehensible,  everywhere  present,  Al- 
mighty, knowing  all  things,  most  wise,  most  holy,  most 
just,  most  mercifull,  and  gracious,  long  suffering,  and  abun- 
dant in  goodnesse  and  truth." 

If  Gillespie  had  any  special  connection  with  the  ques- 
tion, What  is  God  ]  it  is  more  likely  to  have  been  with  the 
answer  as  it  stands  in  the  Larger  Catechism,  for  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  answer  as  it  stands  in  the 
Shorter  Catechism  had,  at  this  date,  been  drawn  up.  H© 
took  leave,  finally,  of  the  Assembly,  on  the  16th  July  1647  ; 
and  it  is  not  till  the  5th  of  August  that  we  have  the  follow- 
ing motion  relative  to  the  Shorter  Catechism  : — 

Sess.  894. — August  5,  1647. — Thursday  morning. — Re- 
solved upon  the  Q  ,  The  Shorter  Catechism  shall  be  gone  in 
hand  with  presently  by  a  committee  now  to  be  chosen. 
Ordered — Mr  Prolocutor,  Mr  Palmer,  Dr  Temple,  Mr 
Lightfoot,  Mr  Green,  Mr  Delmy,  shall  be  this  committee  ; 
and  they  are  to  meet  this  afternoon  :  Mr  Palmer  is  to  take 
care  of  it  (or  convener).  On  the  9th  Mr  Palmer  reported  ; 
and,  on  the  10th,  Dr  Temple,  but  to  what  effect  is  not 
stated.  Mr  Palmer  having  died,  no  progress  appears  to 
have  been  made  with  the  Shorter  Catechism,  the  Assembly 
having  been,  at  this  time,  constantly  occupied  in  preparing 
the  Larger. 


440  NOTES. 

On  the  15th  October,  Mr  Tuckney,  as  convener,  reported 
the  completion  of  the  Larger  Catechism,  and  being  thus 
set  free  from  his  labours  in  connection  with  the  Larger 
Catechism,  he  was  appointed,  four  days  afterwards,  con- 
vener of  a  committee  to  prepare  the  Shorter.  At  the  same 
time,  Mr  Byfreld  was  instructed  to  "  write  in  the  name  of 
the  Assembly  to  get  Mr  Tuckney  excused  from  his  attend- 
ing at  Cambridge  be  [cause]  of  the  special  employment  im- 
posed upon  him  by  the  Assembly."  From  this  time  rapid 
progress  was  made,  and  on  the  26th  November,  "  The  Pro- 
locutor informed  the  Assembly  that  he  had  delivered  the 
Short  Catechism,  and  message  to  the  House  of  Commons," 
and  "  to  the  Lords,  26th  November." 

I  agree,  therefore,  with  my  esteemed  friend  Professor 
Mitchell,  when  he  says  that  the  Shorter  Catechism  "  was 
that  in  the  perfecting  of  which  the  Scottish  Commissioners 
had  least  to  do,"  and  that  it  is  doubtful  if  the  answer  to  the 
question,  What  is  God  ?  "  even  in  the  Larger  Catechism, 
had  been  cast  into  the  shape  it  now  bears  when  Gillespie 
left  for  Scotland."— R.  W. 

E.— (Seepage  106.) 

ADDITIONAL    SCOTTISH    COMMISSIONERS. 

John,  Earl  of  Loudon,  Lord  Chancellor  of  Scotland, 
took  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  in 

Sess.  332.— December  2,  1644. 

Sess.  413— April  9,  1645. 

Sess.  456.— June20, 1645.— Took  leaveof  the  Assembly. 

Sess.  762.— December  25,  1646. — Again  took  leave  of 
the  Assembly,  before  his  return  into  Scotland,  being  com- 
manded thither  by  the  Parliament  of  Scotland.  Lord 
Loudon  was  also  empowered  to  represent  the  views  of 
Scotland  in  the  English  Parliament. 

Sir  Charles  Erskine  : — 

Sess.  364. — January  20,  1644. — Welcomed  by  the  As- 
sembly, and  addressed  by  the  Prolocutor. 


NOTES.  441 

Lord  Balmerino  : — 

Sess.  56'. — January  1,  1645. — Came  into  the  Assem- 
bly as  one  of  the  Commissioners  appointed  to  sit  in  the 
Assembly.  Welcomed  by  the  Assembly,  and  addressed  by 
the  Prolocutor. 

"Sess.  673.— July  8,  1646.— The  Marquesse  of  Argile 
delivered  a  letter  to  the  Assembly  from  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  the  Church  of  Scotland.  The  letter  was  read.  The 
Prolocutor,  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  did  speak  unto  him, 
and  congratulate  his  coming  into  the  Assembly." 

"Sess.  794. — February  17,  1646. — An  order  was 
brought  into  the  Assembly  from  the  Lords  and  Commons 
for  admitting  Mr  Winrharn,  a  Commissioner  from  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  to  sit  in  the  Assembly.  It  was  read. 
...  He  was  brought  into  the  Assembly  by  some  members 
appointed  thereunto,  and  the  Prolocutor,  by  order  of  the 
Assembly,  did  congratulate  his  admission  into  the  Assem- 
hly." 

"  Sess.  874. — July  5,  1647. — Mr  Winrham  made  re- 
port to  the  Assembly  of  his  calling  into  Scotland,  to  re- 
turn unto  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  desired  that  the 
Assembly  would  give  him  their  commands  to  the  Church 
of  Scotland.  Upon  debate  it  was  Resolved,  upon  the  &, 
There  shall  be  a  committee  to  consider  what  is  fit  to  be 
done  by  the  Assembly  to  testify  their  respect  to  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  upon  the  return 
of  the  Honble.  and  learned  Commissioner,  Mr  Winrham, 
to  the  Church  of  Scotland.  Ordered — Dr  Temple,  "Mr 
Hodges,  Mr  Thorrowgood,  Mr  Hickes,  Mr  Burges,  Mr 
Sedgwick,  Mr  Good,  shall  be  this  committee.  The  care  of 
it  is  committed  to  Dr  Temple." — R.  W. 


FAC-SIMILES  OF  TITLE-PAGES 

Of  the  Original  Editions  of  the  Confession  of  Faith,  Larger 
and  Shorter  Catechisms,  and  Directory  for  Church  Govern- 
ment and  Ordination  of  Ministers,  taken  from  Original 
Editions  in  possession  of  the  Editor. 


443 

The  Humble 

ADVICE 

Of  the 

ASSEMBLY 

DIVINES, 

Now  by  Authority  of  Parliament 

fitting  at  Westminster, 
Concerning 

A  Confefsion  of  Faith: 

With  the  Quotations  and  Texts   of 
Scripture    annexed. 

Prefented  by  them  lately  to  both  Houfes  of  Parliament. 


Printed    at    London; 
AND 

Re-printed  at  Edinburgh  by  Evan  Tyler,  Printer  to 
the  Kings  moft  Excellent  Majeftie.      1647. 


445 

The  humble 

ADVICE 

OF  THE 

ASSEMBLY 

OF 

DIVINES, 

Sitting  at 
WEST^M  I MISTER 

Concerning  a  larger  and  a  fhorter 

Catechisme. 


Re-printed  at  Edinburgh  by 
Evan  Tyler,    1647. 


447 


(       '       ) 


TO   THE 

RIGHT     HONOURABLE 

THE 

LORDS&COMMONS 

aflembled  in 

PARLIAMENT: 

The  humble  Advife  of  the  AiTembly 
of  Divines  fitting  at  Wejiminfter, 

Concerning 

A  larger  Catechifme. 


449 


(       '       ) 
TO   THE 

RIGHT     HONOURABLE 

THE 

LORDS&  COMMONS 

aflembled  in 

PARLIAMENT: 

The  humble  Advife  of  the  AfTembly 
of  Divines  fitting  at  Wejiminfter, 

Concerning 

A  larger*  Catechifme. 

*  Misprint,  in  original,  ought  to  read  shorter. 


F  F 


DIRECTORY 

FOR 

CHURC H-G O V  ERNMENT 

ORDINATION 

MINISTERS, 

To  be  examined  againft  the  next 
General  I  Ajjemblie. 


SJ 


Edinburgh: 

Printed  by  Evan  Tyler,  Printer  to  the 

Kings  m  )ft  Excellent  Majefty. 

1647. 


A  453 

DECLARATION 

And  Brotherly 

EXHORTATION 

OF 

The  Generall    Assembly 

of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  met 

at  Edinburgh  Auguft  20.  1647. 

To 
THEI'K  ti^TTHRSNl  0  F 

England. 


Edinburgh; 

Printed  by  Evan  Tyler,  Printer  to  the 

Kings  molt  Excellent  Majefty. 

1647. 


TO  THE  45& 


RIGHT  HONOURABLE 

THE 

COMMITTEE 

OF 

ESTATES: 

The  humble   Remonftrance  of  the 

Commifsioners  of  the  Generall 

AfTembly,    met  at  Edinburgh 

the  13  of   OcJober  ,    1647. 


Edinburgh; 

Printed  by  Evan  Tyler \  Printer  to  the 

Kings  moft  Excellent  Majefty. 

1647. 


457 

The  Confession  of  Faith  is  certified  by- 

Charles  Herle,  Prolocutor. 
Cornelius  Burges,  Assessor. 
Herbert  Palmer,  Assessor. 
Henry  Robroughe,  Scriba. 
Adoniram  By  field,  Scriba. 


At  the  end  of  the  Shorter  Catechism  we  have  the  Ten 
Commandments,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Creed.  It  is 
signed  by 

Cornelius  Burges,  Prolocutor,  pro  tempore. 
Henry  Robo rough,  Scriba. 
Adoniram  Byfield,  Scriba. 

The  Directory  for  Church  Government  and  Ordination, 
includes  the  Directory  for  Church  Censures.  The  names 
at  the  end  are  : — 

Cornelius  Burges,  Prolocutor,  pro  tempore. 
Henry  Roborough,  Scrib. 
Adoniram  Byfield,  Scrib. 

Numerous  Editions  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  have 
been  published  from  time  to  time.  I  shall  here  mention 
only  three  of  the  most  interesting  : — 

The  Dutch  Edition  of  1649,  printed  at  Amsterdam  by 
Luice  Elssever,  for  Andrew  Wilson,  Bookseller,  Edin- 
burgh. The  Cambridge  Latin  Edition,  of  1656;  and  the 
Edition  translated  into  Irish  by  the  Synod  of  Argyll,. in 
1725. 

The  Church  of  Scotland  adopted  the  Confession,  sub- 
ject to  the  explanation  given,  of  certain  portions  of  the 
Thirty-first  chapter,  in  the  Act  of  Assembly  by  which  it 
was  adopted. 

The  Free  Church  of  Scotland  accepts  it,  subject  to  the 
same  explanation ;  and  also,  in  the  sense  of  the  statement 
contained  in  the  Act  of  Assembly  1846,  "Anent  Ques- 
tions and  Formula." 

The  United  Presbyterian  Church  accepts  it  subject  to 


458 

the  qualification  embodied  in  the  "  Basis  of  Union," 
adopted  in  May  1847,  and  in  the  Formula  used  in  the 
ordination  of  Office-bearers. 

The  United  Original  Secession  Church,  declare  in  their 
Testimony  that,  "  Whatever  sense  may  be  imposed  on  some 
expressions  in  it,  taken  by  themselves,  yet,  upon  a  fair  and 
candid  interpretation  of  the  whole  doctrine  which  it  lays 
down  upon  the  subject,  the  Westminster  Confession  will 
not  be  found  justly  chargeable  with  countenancing  perse- 
cution for  conscience  sake,  with  subjecting  matters  purely 
religious  to  the  cognisance  of  the  civil  magistrate,  or  with 
allowing  him  a  supremacy  over  the  Church,  or  any  power 
in  it," 

In  1729,  the  American  Presbyterian  Church  adopted 
the  Confession  of  Faith,  declaring,  in  the  Act  by  which 
they  adopted  it,  that  they  do  not  adopt  the  passages  re- 
lating to  the  powers  of  civil  magistrates,  "  in  any  such 
sense  as  to  suppose  the  civil  magistrate  hath  a  controlling 
power  over  Synods  with  respect  to  the  exercise  of  their 
ministerial  authority ;  or  power  to  persecute  any  for  their 
religion,  or  in  any  sense  contrary  to  the  Protestant  Succes- 
sion to  the  throne  of  Great  Britain."  In  1787,  they  took 
into  consideration  "  the  last  paragraph  of  the  twentieth 
chapter,  the  third  paragraph  of  the  twenty -third  chapter, 
and  the  second  paragraph  of  the  thirty-first  chapter." 
( 'ertain  alterations  having  been  made,  the  paragraphs,  as 
altered,  were  ordered  to  "  be  printed  for  consideration." 
Having  been  considered,  they  were  afterwards  adopted, 
the  result  being  that  in  the  American  editions  of  the  Con- 
fession, paragraph  2,  chapter  xxxi.,  is  omitted ;  and  para- 
graph 4,  chapter  xx.,  and  paragraph  3,  chapter  xxiii.,  are 
modified.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  all  the  explanations, 
qualifications,  modifications,  and  omissions  by  the  various 
Presbyterian  Churches,  in  accepting  the  Westminster  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  refer  to  one  point,  viz.,  the  powers  and 
duty  of  the  civil  magistrate  circa  sacra,  or  concerning 
religion  and  the  Church  of  Christ. 

R  W. 


459 

The  "  Brotherly  Exhortation,"  was  sent  by  the  General 
Assembly  to  the  English  Parliament  and  the  Westminster 
Assembly. 

The  reference  to  it,  in  the  Minutes  of  the  Westminster 
Abbey,  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Sess.  914. — September 13, 1647. — Monday  morning. — 
Lord  Lauderdale. — We  have  instructions  from  the  General 
Assembly  to  communicate  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament 
and  to  the  Assembly,  and  therefore  desire  a  Committee." 

"Sess.  915. — September  14,  1647. — Eeport  was  made 
from  the  Grand  Committee  of  the  Lords,  Commons,  and 
Assembly,  and  Commissioners  of  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
of  2  papers  ;  they  were  read." 

"  Sess.  916. — September  15,  1647. — Wednesday  morn- 
ing.— Mr  Rutherford  moved  the  Assembly  to  consider  of 
that  passage  in  the  paper  from  Scotland  to  petition  for  a 
General  Fast  according  to  the  desire  of  the  Assembly  of 
the  Church  of  Scotland.  .     .     After  some  debate  the 

Assembly  went  to  the  work  of  the  day." 


INDEX  TO  NAMES. 


-<x$xs>- 


ABBOT,  Archbishop,  59 

America,  66 

Ames  or  Amesius,  Dr,  56 

Andrews,  52 

Apollonius,  of  Middleburg,  301 

Argyle,  79 ;  Marquis  of,  106 

Armyn,  Sir  William,  78,  116 

Arnheim,  131, 132 

Arragon,  Katherine  of,  3 

Arrowsmith,  John,  B.D.,  103,  306 

Ashe,  Simeon,  103 

Askew,  Anne,  11 

BABBINGTON,  of  Worcester,  52 

Baillie,  Robert,  105,  110,  118,  119, 
133,  142.  143,  153,  175,  177,  178, 
181,  203,  209,  230,  233,  247,  253, 
256,  258,  259,  268,  270,  271,  280, 
285,  347,  352 

Balmerino,  Lord,  106 

Bancroft,  Bishop,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop, 45,  52,  54,  59,  67,  113, 156 

Barlow,  Dr,  51,  52 

Barnabas,  219 

Bartholomew's  Day,  St,  324,  325, 
318 

Barriugton,  Sir  Thomas,  103 

Bash,  115 

Basil,  Earl  of  Denbigh,  106 

Bastwick,  65,  73,  187 

Bathurst,  Theophilns,  103 

Bavlie,  Thomas,  B.D.,  103 

Bedford,  Earl  of,  28,  78, 103 

Benson.  31 

Beza,  23D 

Billers,  173 

Bilson  of  Winchester,  52 

Blyton,  135 

Boleyn,  Anne,  3 

Bond,  John,  D.C.L.,  106 


Bound,  48 

Boulton,  Samuel.  lUo 

Bowles,  Oliver,  B.D.,  103 

Bourne,  173 

Boyle,  332 

Bridge.  William,  103,  131, 132, 133, 

157, 174,  177,  198,  202,  214,  229, 

269, 321 
Bridges,  52 
Buckley,  B.D.,  103 
Bristol,  Loi'd,  177 
Brooke,  Lord,  137 
Brown,  Robert,  40,  41,  42 
Brown.  Mr,  265 
Brownists,  42,  48.  181,  188 
Brownrigge,  Ralph,  D.D.,  103,  113 
Buchanau,  David,  263 
Bucer,  12 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  61 
Burgess,  Anthony,  103,  134 
Burgess,  Dr,  of  Warerfurd,   Horts. 

103,  107,110,  111,  119,173,  174. 

176,  207,  243 
Burleigh,  44 
Burnett,  7,  13 
Burroughes,  Jeremy,  103,  131,  133, 

157,  177,  189,  202,  214,  229,  269 
Burton,  65,  73 
Button,  31 
Byfield,   Adoniram,  105.  107,  111, 

112,  220,  287 
Byfield,  Richard,  106 


GAL  AMY,  Edmund,  B.D.,  74, 

159,  161,  173,  199.  207,  212 
Calvin,  16,  48,  49,  341 
Cambridr/e,  48,  306,  307,  331 
Capell,  Richard,  103 
Oariton,  65 
Carlisle,  279 


103, 


4>62 


INDEX   TO  NAMES. 


Carrill,  or  Caryl,  Joseph,  103.  133, 

321 
Carter,  M.  A,  of  York,  103 
Carter,  Thomas,  of  Dynton,  103 
I '.-  rter,  "William,  of   Loudon,  103, 

133,  214,  269 
Cartwright,  36, 48 
CcarUbrooke  Castle,  31 5 
Case,  Thomas,  103, 120,  207 
Cassilis.  Earl  of,  105, 119,  139 
Cave,  332 

Cawdry,  Daniel,  106, 173 
Cecil.  Lord  Treasurer,  40, 44 
Chadderton,  52 

Chambers,  Humphrey,  103, 173 
Charles  I.,  60,  61,  65,  67,  70,  80, 

94,  95,  96,  98,  100,  126,  128,  139, 

141,  146,  280,  315,  317,  328 
Charles  IL,  139,  147,  317,  318,  319, 

322 
Chesilhurst,  298 
Chester,  51 

Chevuell,  or  Channell,  Francis,  103 
Cheyton,  Eichard,  103 
Clarendon,  66 
Clark,  173 

Clendon,  Thomas,  106, 173 
Clerk,  Peter,  103 
Clotworthy,  Sir  John,  103, 130 
Coleman,  Thomas,  103,  121,   135, 

138, 141, 159,  161,  162,  170,  207, 

233,  247, 268,  269,  285,  292,  293, 

294, 295, 296 
Collier,  51 
Colman,  31 

Conant,  John,  B.D.,  104,  326 
Coustantine,  the  Emperor,  290 
Oonway,  Viscount,  103 
Cooke  or  Coke,  the  Rev.  Mr,  103, 

173 
Cooke,  Sir  John,  106 
Corbet,  Edward,  104,  106 
Coverdale,  Miles,  20,  28 
Cox,  16, 17,  22 

Cranmer,  4,  7,  8, 10, 11, 12, 13,  22 
Crauford,  173 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  67,  71, 121,  138, 

139, 148, 149,  204,  209,  212,  227, 

228,  229.  257,  258,  260,  272,  279, 

289,  310,  313,  315,  317,  318,  319, 

322,  339,  341 
Cromwell,  Eichard,  322 
Cromwell,  Thomas,  vicar-general,  9 


Crosse,  Eobert,  104 
Cyprian,  239 

DAELEY,  116 

De  La  March,  John,  104 

De  La  Place,  Samuel.  104 

Delme\  or  Delmy,  Philip,  106 

Dod,  173 

Dort,  59 

Douglas.  Eobert,  105, 119, 139 

Dove,  Bishop,  52 

Downham,  173 

Downing,  Calibute,  LL.D.,  104 

Dunbar,  3 1 7 

Dunning,  William,  104 

Dunne,  116 

Durham,  52 

Dury,  John,  106 

EDINBURGH  Castle,  79,84,  307, 

308 
Edward  VI.,  10, 13, 14, 16, 18,  21 
Edwards,  143, 187,  189 
Elizabeth,   Queen,   18,  27,  35,  44, 

50,  58,  98, 100,  145, 146,  162 
Elliot,  65 

Ellis,  Edward,  B.D.,  104 
Erastus,  134,  291 
Krle,  John,  D.D,  104 
Erskiue,  Sir  Charles,  106 
Essex,  Earl  of,  83, 106 
Evelyn,  Sir  John,  103,  265 

FAIRFAX,  258,  279 

Featly,  Daniel,  D.D.,  104, 113,  129 

Field,  Dr.  52 

Fiennes,  78,  265 

Fisher,  Bishop,  3 

Fleetwood,  322 

Ford.  Thomas,  106 

Fox,  Martvrologist.  20,  28 

Foxcroft,  John,  104 

France.  346.  347 

Frankfort,  15,  16, 17 

Fuller,  31,  51 

GATAKER.    Thomas.   104,    159, 

172,  199,  284,  306,  352 
Gammon,  Hannibal,  104 
Genera,  29, 159,  217 
Germany,  347 
Gibbon,  or  Guibon,  104.  110 


INDEX   TO  NAMES. 


463 


Gibbs,  George,  104 

Gibson,  Samuel,  104 

Gillespie,  George,  105,  119  120, 
140,  159,  161,  167,  170,  171,  195, 
199,  200,  201,  207,  295,  296,  297, 
298,299,300,308,352,370 

Glynn,  John,  103,  130,  244 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  B.D.,  104,  131, 
132,  133,  141,  153,  155,  156,  157, 
193,  195,  196,  198,  199,  202,  210, 
214,221,229,269,344 

Good,  William,  B.D.,  106 

Gouge,  Dr,  104,  173,  282,  284,  306, 
352 

Gower,  Stanley,  104,  173 

Gray,  Lord,_of  Warke,  106, 116 

Grecians,  250 

Green,  John,  104 

Greenhill,  William,  104,  134,  214, 
269, 321 

Greenwich,  58 

Grindal,  Bishop,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop, 20,  27,  38,  39, 43 

Gualter,  22 

Guest,  20 

HACKET,  John,  D.D.,  104 

Hague,  the,  418 

Hall,  Bishop,  73, 104 

Hall,  Mr,  159 

Hallingham,  31 

Hamilton,  Duke  of  (1641),  79,  315 

Hamilton,  Patrick,  92 

Hammond,  Henry,  D.D.,  104 

Hammond,  Governor  of  the  Isle  of 

Wight,  315 
Hampden,  66,  67,  71,  78,  81, 130 
Harley,  Col.,  130 
Harlev,  Sir  Robert,  106 
Harris,  John,  D.D.,  104 
Harris,  Robert,  B.D.,  104,  116 
Hatcher,  116 
Hampton  Court,  315 
Hawkins,  31 

Hazelrigg,  Sir  Arthur,  31,  106 
Heidelberg,  131 
Henderson,   Alexander,    105,    119, 

120,  140, 158,  159,  202,  205,  307, 

346,  347,  352 
Henrietta,  wife  of  Charles  I.,  61 
Henry  VII.,  108 
Henry  VIII.,  18,  19 
Herrick,  or  Heyrick,  104,  326 


Herle,  Charles,104, 107,134,159,172, 
187,199,210,240,284,306,309,352 
Hicks,  Jasper,  104 
Hill,  Thomas,  104 
Hildersham,  Samuel,  B.D.,  104 
Hobby,  Sir  Philip,  15 
Hodges,  Thomas,  B.D.,  104,  326 
Holdsworth,  Richard,  D.D.,  104 
Holland,  41,  57,  131,  132,  339,  346 
Holland,  Earl  of,  103 
Hollis,  Deuzil,  65,  81,  130 
Holmby,  313 
Hooper,  11,  12,15,17 
Hope,  Sir  Thomas,  118 
Horn,  20 
Horton,  173 
Hotham,  Sir  John,  82 
Howard,  Lord,  78,  103 
Hoyle,  Joshua,  D.D.,  101,  120,  207, 

212.  284,  306,  352 
Hull  82,  83 
j  Humphreys,  Dr,  20,  106 
Hussey,  298 
Hutton,  Henry,  104 

ITALIANS,  250 
Italy,  347 

JACKSON,  John,  104, 173 

Jacob,  Henry,  57 

James  (I.,  VI.),  19,  49,  50,  51,  56, 

58,  94,  98,  100,  146,328 
James  VII.,  348 
Jewel,  20 
Joan  of  Kent,  11 
Johnston  of   Warriston,   105,  119, 

139 
Johnston,  Robert,  106 
Judas,  207 

KIMBOLTON,  Lord,  81, 137 

King,  Dr,  52 

Knewstubbs,  52 

Knox,  John,  16, 18,  28,  93,  341 

LAMBERT,  11 

Lambeth,  27,  49,  73 

Lancashire,  282 

Lance,  William,  104 

Laud,  15,  61,  65,  66,  67,  68,  72,  94. 
95,  131. 141, 156 
j  Langley,  John,  104 
j  Lee,  173 


464 


INDEX   TO   NAMES. 


Leicester,  Earl  of,  28 

Leighton,  Alexander,  65,  73 

Leslie,  David,  317 

Leith  Roads,  7:< 

Ley,  Johu,  104 

Let/den,  57 

Lightfoot,  John,  D.D.,  104,  113, 
119,  135, 138,  141,  153,  157,  159, 
160, 161, 162,  168,  169,  170,  193, 
199,  206,  207,  208,  212,  233,  237, 
238,  240,  244,  269,  285,  292 

London,  74,  75,  76,  80,  81,  82,  86, 
96,  97,  113,  120,  121,  257,  258, 
271,  273,  277,  282,  308,  310,  314, 
315,  318,  321 

Locke,  332 

Loudon,  Earl  of,  106 

Love,  Christopher,  319 

Love,  Richard,  D.D.,  104 

Luther,  92,  340 

Lyford,B.D.,  104 

MAITLAND,  Lord.  Earl  of  Lau- 
derdale, 105.  119,  120, 139 

Manchester,  Lord,  103,  137,  138, 
169 

Marshall,  Stephen,  B.D..  74,  104, 
116, 13+,  159,  172,  174,  194,  199, 
202,  205,  210,  212,  240,  264,  265 

Man  waring,  62 

Marston,  208 

Mary,  Princess,  3 

Mary,  Queen.  13,  14, 15,  16, 19.  29 

Massey,  Colonel.  130 

Matthew  of  JJurham,  52 

Mattam,  Sir  William,  106 

Maxwell,  Bishop.  95 

Maynard,  Sergeant,  103, 130 

Maynard,  John,  106 

Melancthon,  92 

Meldrum,  Robert,  106 

Mew,  William,  B.D.,  104 

Micklethwaite,  Thomas,  104 

Milton,  74 

Molinos,  P.,238 

Montrose,  Earl  of,  79,  86,  97,  317 

Monk,  General,  322 

Moreton.  Bishop,  58,  104 

Morley,  George,  D.D.,  104 

Morton,  Regent,  94 

NASEBEY,  258 

Neal,  133,  245,  269,  270,  289,  309 


I  Netherlands,  the,  66,  195,  346 
j  Newark,  273,  279 
Newburn,  70 
;  Newcastle,  70,  307 
j  Newcommen,  74, 104, 159 
|  New  England,  226 
I  Newton,  332 
j  Nicholson,  William,  104 
Norfolk,  Duke  of,  8 
[  Northampton,  35,  326 
Norwich,  40 
Nottingham, 83 
Nye,  Henry,  104 

Nye,  Philip,  104,  113, 120. 131,132, 
133,  138,  141,  159,  164, 168, 169, 
174,  177, 196,  200,  202,  204,  210, 
212,  214,  227,  228,  229,  269,  322, 
341,  344 

OFFSPRING,  173 

Ogle,  177,  178 

Oliver  St  John,  103 

Oliver,  Earl  of  Bolingbroke,  106 

Overall,  52 

Owen,  321,  340,  341,344 

Oxford,  86,  87,  121,  164,  260,  272, 

273,  279,  307, 331 
Oxenstiern  (Chancellor  of  Sweden), 

346 

PAINTER,  Henry,  B.D.,  104 
Palatine,  the  Prince  Elector,  105 
Palmer,  Herbert,  104, 159, 174,  202. 

212,  306 
Parker,  Archbishop,  26,  27,  38 
Parkhurst,  20 

Pashley,  Christopher,  D.D.,  104 
Paul.  219 

Pembroke,  Earl  of,  103, 170 
Peale,  Edward,  104 
Perne,  Andreas,  104 
Peters,  Hugh,  131 
Pheuicieus,  250 
Philip,  John,  104, 133 
Pierpoiut,  William,  103 
PilkiDgton,  20 
Pickering,  Benjamin,  104 
Plummer's  Hall,  32 
Pope,  the,  3,  4,  5 
Price,  William,  B.D.,  104, 159 
Pride,  Colonel,  316 
Prideaux,  Edmond.  103 
Prophet,  Nicholas,  104 


INDEX    TO  NAMES. 


465 


Prynne,  G6,  73, 143,  299 
Pye,  Sir  Robert,  106 
Pym,  71,  75,  76,  81, 103, 130 
Pyne,  John,  104 

RATHBONE,  106 
Ravnor,  William,  B.D.,  104 
Reynolds,    Edward,  52,  105,  174, 

207,  284,  306,  326,  352 
Reynolds,  Robert,  Esq.,  106 
Ridley,  13 
Ripon,  71,  79,  96 
Roberts,  173 
Robinson,  of  Carlisle,  52 
Robinson  of  Leyden,  87 
Robourgh,  Henry,  105, 107,  111,  173 
Romans,  250 
Home,  28 

Rotterdam,  131, 132 
Rouse,  Francis,  103 
Rowland,  31 
Rudd,  of  St  David's,  52 
Rudyard,  Sir  Benjamin,  103, 130 
Rushworth,  252,  288 
Rutherford,  Samuel,  105,  119, 141, 

159, 171, 174,  187,  205,  207,  300, 

301,  308,  352 
Rutland,  the  Earl  of,  116 

S  ALL  A  WAY,  Arthur,  105 

Salloway,  Humphrey,  103 

Salisbury,  Earl  of,  103 

Sampson,  20 

Sandys,  20 

Sanderson,  Robert,  105 

Saxons,  250 

Say  and  Sele,  Lord,  103, 137 

Scambler,  Dr,  34 

Scudder,  Henry,  105 

Seaman,  Lazarus,  105, 159, 170, 172, 

195,  202,  212 
Sedgwick,  Obadiah,  B.D.,  105 
Selden,  71, 103,  135,  138,  161,  162, 

170,  176, 199,  200,  233,  236,  237, 

238,  239,  240,  249,  250,  254,  289, 

292, 297 
Sibthorp,  62 
Simpson,   Sydrach,  105,  131,  132, 

133, 157,  167, 177, 214,  269,  344 
Smectymnuus,  74 
Smith,  Brocket,  or    Peter,   D.D., 

105, 159 
Somerset,  Protector,  10, 15 


I  South,  332 
Spain,  347 
Spaniards,  250 
Sparkes,  Dr,  52 
Scoon,  122 
Spey,  122 
Spurstowe,  William,  D.D.,  74, 105, 

114 
Stanton,  Dr,  105,  110 
Stapleton,  Sir  Philip,  78,  130 
Stapulensis  Faber,  237 
St  John,  Mr,  135,  138 
Sterry,  Peter,  B.D.,  105, 133 
Stillingfleet,  332,  343 
Stirling,  317 
Strafford,  72,  75,  76 
Strasburg,  15,  16 
Strickland,  32,  106 
Strong,  William,  106 
Stroud,  William,  81. 106 
Stryppe,  34 

Styles,  Matthias,  D.D.,  105 
Switzerland,  346 

TATE,  Zouch,  106 
Taylor,  Francis,  B.D.,  105 
Temple,  Dr,  105,121,159, 160, 167, 

174,  210, 212 
Thoroughgood,  Thomas,  105 
Tillotson,  332 
Tisdale,  Christopher,  105 
Toser,  Henry,  B.D.,  105 
Tuckney,  Anthony,  B.D.,  105,  172, 

212, 284,  306,  352 
Twisse,  Dr,  89, 105, 107,  111 
Tyne,  70 
Tyrians,  250 

USSHER,  Archbishop,  105,  129 

228 
Uxbridge,  245 

VALENTINE,  65, 105 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  senior,  103,  227 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  junior,  103,  116, 

117, 118,  148,  204 
Vicars,  187 
Victor  (Pope),  249 
Vines,  Richard,  105, 114, 134,  159 

162, 167,  170,  172,  174, 194, 198, 

199,  202,  210,  212,  238,  284,  306, 

352 

G  G 


466 


INDEX   TO   NAMES. 


WALKER,  159, 173 

Walter,  George,  B.D.,105 

Waller,  Sir  William,  113, 130 

Wallis,  John,  D.D.,  105,  307,  326 

Walsingham,  44 

Wandsworth,  37 

Ward,  John,  106 

Warner,  Dr,  53 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  106 

Watson  of  Chichester,  52 

Welby  or  Weldy,  James,  105 

Wentworth,  72 

Westfield,  Thomas,  D.D.,  105,  113 

Westminster,  89,  113,  120,  304 

Wharton,  Lord,  103,  176 

Wheeler,  William,  103 

Whidden,  Frances,  105 

Whitaker,  105,  159,  221 

Whitby,  332 

White  of  London,  31 

White  of  Dorchester,  105,  107,  111, 

120 
White,  Mr,  M.P.,  6,  105 
Whitehall,  82,  318 
Whitelocke,  103, 135, 138,  241,  244, 

249  252,  254,  255,  289,  292 


Whitgift,  36,  43,  44,  49,  52,  54 
Whitby,  332 
Wight,  Isle  of,  306,  315 
Whyte,  John,  103 
Wild,  Mr  Serjeant,  103 
Wilkenson,  Henry,  Senior,  B.D.,  105 
Wilkenson,  Henry,  Junior,B.D.,  105 
Wilson,  Thomas,  105 
Wincop,  John,  D.D.,  105 
Wincop,  Thomas,  D.D.,  105 
Windsor,  82 
Winrham,  George,  106 
Wodrow,  200 
Wolsey,  Cardinal,  3 
Woodcock,  Francis,  106 
Worcester,  317 
Wren,  131 

XAVIEE,  238 

YORK,  82 

Young,  Thomas,  105, 159 

Young,  Walter,  Esq.,  103 

ZEPHORINUS  (Pope),  249 
Zurich,  15,  16,  22 
Zwingle,  340 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS. 


AARON'S  rod  blossoming,  Gilles- 
pie's, 296,  297-300 

Absentees  from  churcb,  liable  to 
fine  and  imprisonment,  40 

Act  of  Supremacy,  5;  re-enacted, 
18 

—  Security,  349 

—  Uniformity,  37,  40,  324 

—  the  Toleration,  345,  348 
Admissions  of  Independents,  202, 

203,  217,  218 

Anecdote  of  Gillespie,  369,  370 

*  Antapologia,"  187, 188 

41  Apologetical  Narration,"  the,  177- 
185 

Apollonius,  Treatises  by,  301,302 

Apostle,  the  office  of,  155, 156, 157 

Apostolic  succession,  156 

Appeals  from  Church  Courts  to 
Parliament,  House  of  Commons 
anent,  247,  256 

Army,  the  Scottish,  in  England, 
70,  71,  75 

Army  raised  by  the  English  Parlia- 
ment, 83 

Army  of  Cromwell,  seize  posses- 
sion of  the  King's  person,  314 

—  march  of,  to  London,  314 
Army  the,  and  the  Parliament,  dif- 
ferent aims    and  interests   of, 
313,  314 

Articles  of  Eeligion  agreed  to  by 
Convocation,  in  1536,  7 

—  of  agreement  passed  by  Parlia- 

ment, 8 

prepared    by    Cranmer    and 

Ridley,  13 

—  the  Thirty- Nine,  33 

—  ratified  by  Parliament,  33 

—  discussed   by   the  Westminster 

Assembly,  113,  115 


Articles,  Whitgifts',  43 

—  the  Lambeth,  49 

Assembly   of    Divines,    the   Ordi- 
nance calling,  88-90 

—  forbidden  by  the  King,  102 

—  list  of  members  of,  103-105 

—  the  superadded  members,  106 

—  first  meeting  of,  107,  110 

—  protestation  to  be  taken  by  mem- 

bers of,  110 

—  regulations,  and  order  of  proce- 

dure in,  109,  110 

—  the  three  principal  Committees 

of,  110 

—  the  Scottish  Commissioners  to, 

105,  106,  119 

—  account    of,    by    Baillie,    111, 

112 

—  their  intercourse  with  the  Church 

of  Scotland,  118,  120 

—  condemned   by   the    King,   and 

forsaken  by  the  Episcopalians, 
107, 129 

—  parties  in,  128-135 

—  objects  to  be  aimed  at,  by,  152, 

328 

—  main     proposition     by,     anent 

Erastianism,  268 

—  and  the  Protestant  Churches  on 

the  Continent,  346 

—  theological  productions  by,  350 

—  dissolution  of,  310,  318 

BANCROFT'S  theory  of  jure  di- 
vino  Prelacy,  45,  113 

—  adulation  of  King  James,  54 

—  is  made  Archbishop  of  Canter- 

bury, and  persecutes  the  Puri- 
tans, 54 

—  advises    the    King    to    govern 

without  Parliament.  56 


467 


468 


INDEX   OF   SUBJECTS. 


Baptism,  the  Sacrament  of,  Direc- 
tory for,  174 

Bastwick,  cruel  treatment  of,  by 
Laud.  66 

—  released  from  imprisonment,  73 
Bible,  the  English  translation  of,  in 

1538, 8 

—  private  use  of  permitted,  9 

—  the  ultimate  Standard,  25 
Bishops,  the  Popish,  refuse  to  take 

the  oath  of  supremacy,  19 

—  the  deprived,  restored  by  Queen 

Mary,  14 

—  the  impeachment  of  the,  78 

—  the  trial  of  the,  81 

—  Bill  removing  them    from   the 

House  of  Lords,  82 

—  the  tulehan,  94 

Book  of  Common  Praj'er,  altera- 
tions proposed  in,  13 

—  revised,  19 

Books,  the  Apocryphal,  30 

Book  of  Ordinations,  11 

Book  of  Sports,  57 ;  revived,  63  ; 

suppressed,  87 
Book  of  Canons,  Laud's,  95 
Brownists,  the,  rise  of,  42 
Burton,  cruel  treatment  of,  by  Laud, 

65 

—  released  from  prison,  73 

CALTYVEIGHT,  controversy  be- 
tween, and  Whitgift,  36 

Catechisms,  the  Larger  and  Shorter, 
304,  307 

—  presented  to  the  House  of  Com- 

mons, 305,  368 

—  printed  for  public  use,  306 

—  sanctioned  bv  the  General  As- 

sembly, 311",  369 

—  purely  doctrinal,  369 

—  how  drawn  up  (see  Appendix, 

Note  D).  434-440 
Chamber-Star,  the,  55;  abolished, 
78 

—  Exchequer,  the,  66 

Charles  I.,  accession  of,  60;  mar- 
riage of,  61 

—  contest  between,  and  his  first 

Parliament,  61 

—  character  of,  61 

—  illegal   method  adopted  by,   to 

get  money,  64 


Charles  L,  money  granted  to,  by 
the  Convocation,  in  1640,  69 

—  invests  Hull,  83 

—  plot  by,  to  seize  London,  86 

—  duplicity  of,  97,  116,  315 

—  summons  his  subjects  to   meet 

him  at  Nottingham,  83 

—  retires  to  Oxford.  260,  272 

—  retires  to  the  Scottish  army,  273 

—  negotiations  with,  276,  277,  278- 

309,  315 

—  surrendered  to  the  English  army, 

281 

—  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  306,315 

—  escapes  from  Hampton   Court,. 

315 

—  trial,  and  tragic  death  of,  316 
Charles  II., the  Solemn  League  and 

Covenant  subscribed  by,  122 

—  persecution  of  the    Church  of 

Scotland  by,  147 

—  dissimulation  of,  317 

—  escapes  to  the  Continent,  318 

—  restoration  of,  322 

Church,  the,  entitled  to  independ- 
ent jurisdiction  in  spiritual 
matters,  whether  established 
or  not  established,  364 

Churches,  enactments  for  remov- 
ing superstitious  ornaments 
out  of,  87 

Church  censures,  235,  284 

—  Selden's  argument   anent,  236, 

237,  239 
Church  government,  form  of,  281- 
284 

—  Scotland  did  not  dictate  to  Eng- 

land in  regard  to,  85,  86 

—  report  to  Parliament  on,  243 

—  Butherford's    Divine    right  ofr 

300 

—  leading  proposition  respecting, 

268 
Church    offices,    discussions    con- 
cerning, 154-160 

—  all  derived  from  Christ  as  the 

Head  of  the  Church,  162 
Coleman,  293,  294 

—  his  sermon  before  the  House  of 

Commons,  247 

—  refuted  by  Gillespie,  295 

—  his  answer  to  Gillespie,  296 

i  —  his  Male  Dicis  Maledicis,  296 


INDEX  OF   SUBJECTS. 


469 


€oleman,  death  of,  269 
Commission,   High,   Court  of,  19, 

37,  47,  53,  56 
Commission,  the  New  High,  43,  44 
■Commissioners,  the   Scottish,  and 

the  English  Parliament,  96,  99 

—  the    English,  to    the    Scottish 

General  Assembly,  116 

—  the  Scottish,  to  the  Westminster 

Assembly,  119 
_  _  condemn  the  alterations  made 
by  the   English  Parliament 
in  the  Directory  of  Ordina- 
tion,   242;     the    alterations 
withdrawn,  242 
departure  of,  from  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  307,  308 
thanks  of  the  Assembly  re- 
turned to,  309 
Committees,  the  three  principal  of 
the    Westminster     Assembly, 
110,  and  Appendix,  Note  A,  429 

—  of  Accommodation,  202,221,  222 

revived,  225 ;  abandoned,  225 

Committee,  Report  of,  on  Church- 
Officers,  154, 155 

on  Ordination,  167,  168, 172 

on  Ruling  Elder,  160 

on  Church  Government,  176 

—  for  arranging  the  Propositions 

of  the  Confession  of  Faith,  284 

—  of  Triers,  163,  319,  343 
Commissioners  for  ejecting  scanda- 
lous ministers,  320 

Commons,  the,  refuse  supplies  till 
grievances  redressed,  69 

—  five    leading  members    of,   im- 

peached, 81 
Commonwealth,    the    Government 

of  England  changed  into  a,  318 
Communion,  the,  to  be  received  in 

both  kinds,  11 

—  kneeling  at,  31 

—  prevented  from  being  dispensed 

at  Plumbers'  Hall,  32 
Confession  of  Faith,  the  French,  16 

—  the  Savoy,  321,  322 

— -  necessity  for  a,  355, 356,  371, 372 

—  the  Westminster,  284 

—  committee  to  prepare  the  main 

propositions  of,  284 

—  first  half  of  laid  before  Parlia- 

ment, 286 


Confession  of  Faith,  presented  in 
its  completed  form,  286,  287 

—  original  title  of,  287 

—  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  proof 

texts  of  Scripture  to  be  ad- 
duced, 287 

—  laid     before     Parliament    with 

Scripture  proofs,  287 

—  six  hundred  copies  ordered  to 

be  printed,  287 

—  conference    between    the    two 

Houses  of  Parliament  anent, 
288 

—  alterations  suggested,  288 

—  passed  by  Parliament  under  the 

title  of  Articles  of  Faith  agreed 
upon  by  both  Houses  of  Par- 
liament, 288 

—  how  far  ratified  by  Parliament, 

288,  289 

—  particulars  in  discipline  recom- 

mitted, 288 

—  ratified  by  the  Church  of  Scot- 

land, 311 

—  explanation  in  Act  ratifving,  oil, 

312, 354 

—  accuracy  and  comprehensiveness 

of,  358,  359 

—  neither  latitudinarian,  nor  intole- 

rant, 364,  366 

—  and  geology,  368 

—  plan   according   to  which   con- 

structed, 367 
Confirmation,  the  rite  of,  31 
Co-ordinate  civil  and  ecclesiastical 

jurisdiction,  290,  291,  375,  376 
Conscience,  liberty  of,  283,  289,  348 

not  licentiousness,  365 

Constantine,  the  Emperor,  290 
Conventicles  forbidden,  32 
Convocation  of  1562,  21;  of  1640, 

69 
Court  of  High  Commission,  19,  37, 

47,  53, 56 

—  Bill  passed  abolishing  the,  78 
Covenant,  the    Scottish  National, 

95,  98 

—  the  Solemn   League   and,   115, 

117-121 

drawn  up  by  Alexander  Hen- 
derson, 117 

submitted  to  the  General  As- 
sembly, 118 


470 


INDEX  OF   SUBJECTS. 


•ant.  the  Solemn  League  and, 
received  the  assent  of  the 
Convention  of  Estates,  and  of 
the  General  Assembly,  118 

■ sent  to  the  English  Parlia- 
ment, and  Westminster  As- 
sembly, 119 

publicly  taken  by  the  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  and  of 
the  Assembly  of  Divines, 
120,  121 

denounced  by  the  King,  121 

subscribed  in  Scotland,  121 

transcript  of,  122-125 

Covenanters,  the,  intercourse  of, 
with  the  English  Parliament,  96 

Cranmer's  suggestion  regarding 
the  validity  of  the  marriage  of 
Henry  VIILwith  Catharine  of 
Arragon,  4 

Creeds  and  confession s,proper  place 
and  use  of,  355,  358,  371,  372 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  Yicar- general, 
Earl  of  Essex,  9 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  67 

—  policy  of,  228,  229 

—  increased  influence  of,  258,  260 

—  violent  measures  of,  316, 318, 319 

—  invades  Scotland,  317 

—  puts  a  summary  end  to  the  Long 

Parliament,  316,  318 

—  death  of,  322 

Cromwell,  Bichard,  accession  and 

abdication  of,  322 
Cross,  the  sign  of,  in  baptism,  31 

DEACON,  office  of,  161, 162 

"  Debate,  the  Grand,"  221,  370 

Deliberations  respecting  a  League, 
or  Covenant,  117 

Despotism  of  King  James  rouses 
the  Parliament,  56 

Departure  of  the  Scottish  Commis- 
sioners, 307,  308 

Directions  for  marriage  and  burials, 
175 

Directorv  for  Public  "Worship, 
123,174,305,  309,311,351,  352 

ratified  by  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land, 311 

—  for  the  sacrament  of  baptism,  174 

—  for  the  sanctification  of  the  Sab- 

bath, 174 


Directions  for  Church  Government 

and  Ordination,  172,  173,  241 

242 
ratified    bv  the    Church    of 

Scotland,  311 
Discipline,  want  of  power  of,  in 

the  Church  of  England,  13 

—  Book  of,  prepared,  22 

—  rejected  by  the  Lords,  22 

—  the  Puritan  Book  of,  45 

subscribed    by  upwards    of 

five  hundred  ministers,  45 

—  associations  for,  35 
Dissolution    of    the    Westminster 

Assembly,  310,  318 

—  of  the  Long  Parliament,  310, 316, 

318 
Doctor,  office  of,  158 
Dort,  Synod  of,  59 
D  uraeus — D ury  John ,  letter  by,  346 

ELDEE,  ruling,   office  of.  debate 

on,  159,  161 
Elizabeth,  accession  of,  18 

—  and  the  Pope,  18 

—  and  the  controversy  concerning 

vestments,  20,  27 

—  Archbishop  Grindal  imprisoned 

by,  39 

—  reprimands  the  Commons,  44 

—  Parliament  tamely  yields  to,  47 

—  the     Attorney- General     impri- 

soned by,  47 

—  death  of,  50 

England,  Church  of,  claim  by,  to 
decree  rites  and  ceremonies, 
not  in  any  of  the  MS.  copies 
of  the  Thirty-Nine  Articles, 
eith  r  as  passed  by  the  Con- 
vocation of  1562,  or  as  ratitied 
by  the  Parliament  of  1571,  33 

England,  the  Government  of, 
changed  into  a  Commonwealth, 
318 

English  Puritanism,  Treatise  en- 
titled, 56 

Erastianism,  leading  supporters  of 
138, 292 

—  main  proposition  by  the  West- 

minster Assembly,  anent,  268 
Erastian   clause  iu    ordinance    on 
suspension    from    the    Load's 
Table,  255,  256 


INDEX   OF   SUBJECTS. 


471 


Erastian   clause  in   ordinance  for 
the  choice  of  elders,  259 

—  removed   from   said  ordinance, 

273 
Erastian  modification,  none  admit- 
ted in  the  Confession  of  Faith, 
285,286,312,363 

—  controversy,  the    literature    of 

the,  289-302 
Erastianism,  theories  of,  different 
shades  of,  134,  233,  234 

—  main  strength  of.  138 

—  theses  against,  312 

—  remarks  on,  290-302 
Erastians,  the  chief  in  the  West- 
minster Assembly,  134, 135 

Erastus,  134 

Establishment,  the   Scottish,  rent 

asunder,  349 
Estates,  the   Scottish   Convention 

of,  pass  the   Solemn   League 

and  Covenant,  118,  119 
Excommunication,   166,   198,  235, 

236 

—  discussion  on,  resumed,  236 

—  Selden  on,  237,  238,  239 

—  Gillespie  on,  199,  200,240 

—  Coleman,   Herle,  Case,   Light- 

foot,  Young,  Calamy,  Ruther- 
ford, Reynolds,  Burges,  and 
Dr  Hoyle  on,  207 

—  Whitelocke  on,  249-251 

—  conflict  between  the  Westmin- 

ster Assembly  and  the  Parlia- 
ment, anent,  254,  258 
Exiles,  the  Frankfort,  15, 16 


FAITH.     (See  Confession.) 

—  earliest  Confessions  of,  357 

—  Articles  of,  drawn   up  by  the 

Independents,  344,  345 
Fast   appointed   throughout    Lon- 
don and  suburbs,  113 
Featly's,  Dr,  expulsion  from  the 
Westminster  Assembly,  129 


GILLESPIE'S    reply  to   Selden, 
anent    ecclesiastical    jurisdic- 
tion, 199 
—  to  Coleman,  295-299 
Geneva,  Service-Book  at,  29 


Government,  Church  and  Ordina- 
tion, form  of,  172, 173,  350 

—  ratified  by  the  Church  of  Scot- 

land, 311 

—  report  on,  176,  207,  243^ 

—  outline  of,  by  the  Scottish  Com- 

missioners, 176 
Government  Presbyterial,  argu- 
ment iu  support  of — (1),  from 
the  case  of  the  Church  at 
Jerusalem;  (2),  of  the  Church 
of  Corinth;  (3),  of  Ephesus; 
and  (4),  of  Antioch,  197 

—  Mr  Nye's  attempt  to  excite  the 

jealousy  of  Parliament  against, 
200 
Grindal,  Archbishop,  ordered  by 
the  Queen  to  abridge  the  num- 
ber of  preachers,  and  to  put 
down  the  exercises,  38;  im- 
prisoned in  his  own  house  for 
refusing,  39 

HALL'S    defence  of  Episcopacy, 

73,74 
Hamilton,  Patrick,  92 
Hampden  and  the  War-tax,  66,  67 
Hampton    Court    conference,   the, 

51,53 
Henderson,   Alexander,    character 

of,  140 

—  sent  to  converse  with  the  King 

at  Newcastle,  307 

—  death  of,  307 

Henry  VIII.,  his  quarrel  with  the 
Pope,  3 

—  styled    supreme    Head    of    the 

Church,  4,  5 

—  orders  a  visitation  of  the  mon- 

asteries, with  a  view  to  their 
suppression,  7 

—  death  of,  9 

Herle's  reply  to    the    Apologetic 

Narration,  187 
Hierarchv,  the  English,  abolition 

of,  85 
Homilies,  reason  why  compiled,  10 

—  views  of  the  Puritans  in  regard 

to,  30 

Hooper  and  the  Episcopal  vest- 
ments, 11,  15, 17 

Hussey's  defence  of  Erastianism, 
298 


472 


INDEX   OF   SUBJECTS. 


IMAGES  removed  out  of  churches, 
20 

Independents,  English,  first  con- 
gregation of,  67 

—  the  leading,  in  the  "Westminster 

Assembly,  131,  133 

—  their  supporters  in  the  House  of 

Peers,  137 

—  political,  149 

—  their  views  concerning  Ordina- 

tion, 168,  219 

—  plot  to  bring  them  to  support 

the  Koyal  cause,  177 

—  their    opposition   to   the    Form 

of  Church  Government,  193,' 
194 

—  publish  "  An  Apologetical  Nar- 

ration," 177 

—  admissions  by,    202,   203,  217, 

218 

—  distinctive  principles  of,  189, 192 

—  order    of  House    of    Commons 

auent  toleration  of,  209 

—  oppose    the    parochial    system, 

211 ;  and  the  jurisdiction  of 
Presbyteries  in  the  matter  of 
excommunication,  211 

—  their  views  in  regard  to  excom- 

munication, 198, 221 

—  reasons  of  dissent  by  (1),  con- 

cerning Presbvterial  Govern- 
ment, 213,  214;  (2),  con- 
cerning subordination  of  As- 
semblies, 215,  216;  and  (3), 
concerning  the  power  of  ordi- 
nation, 219 

—  answers    to    said    reasons    (1), 

215;  (2),  218;  (3)  219,220 

—  requested,    to    state    their  own 

model,  222 

—  publish  "  A  Copy  of  a  Eemon- 

strance,"  223 

—  become    involved    in    political 

movements,  227 

—  the,  and  Cronrwell's  policy,  228, 

229 

—  and  Presbyterians,  both  to  some 

extent  blameable,  230 

—  the,  in  power,  320 

—  did  not  grant  unlimited  tolera- 

tion, 131 

—  fundamental  Principles  of  Faith 

by,  344,  345 


Independents  frame  a  Confession 
of  Faith,  for  themselves,  at 
the  Savoy,  321,  322 

Independency,  Goodwin's  argu- 
ment in  favour  of.  193,  194 

reply  by  Messrs  Vines,  Mar- 
shall, Gillespie,  and  Seaman, 
194,  195 

—  publication  of  the  "  Grand  De- 

bate "  on, 221 

Injunctions,  the,  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, 18,  24 

Intercourse,  friendly,  between 
England  and  Scotland,  70 

Intrisrue,  political,  to  be  avoided 
by  the  Church,  378 

JAMES,  King,  Sixth  of  Scotland, 
and  First  of  England,  acces- 
sion of,  50 

—  and  the  Hampton  Court  Confer- 

ence, 51-53 

—  and  the  Star-Chamber,  55 

—  holds  himself  responsible  to  God 

alone  in  the   exercise  of    his 
Koyal  prerogative.  56 

—  favours  Arminianism,  59 

—  death  of,  60 

JURISDICTIONS,  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  —  distinct  in 
Scotland,  blended  in  England, 
94, 100 

Jurisdiction,  co-ordinate,  civil,  and 
ecclesiastical,  291,  363, 375,  376 

Jus  Divinwn,  in  the  matter  of 
Church  Government,  ques- 
tions by  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, to  the  Assembly  of 
Divines,  anent,  266,  267 

Jus  Dlvinum  tteghnini*  Ecclesiastici, 
Treatise  on  the,  271,  371 

KEYS,  the  power  of ,  Lightfoot  on, 

157 
Knox,  John,  withdrawal  of,  from 

Frankfort,  17 

LAUD  commands  the  suppression 
of  afternoon  lectures,  63 

—  persuades   the   King   to  revive 

the  Book  of  Sports,  Go 


INDEX   OF   SUBJECTS 


473 


Laud,  imposition  of  Popish  cere- 
monies by,  65 

—  power  of  the  Bishops  increased 

by,  68 

—  attempts  to  coerce  the  Church 

of  Scotland,  68 

—  impeachment  of,  and  committal 

to  the  Tower,  72 


LAW,  human,  Erastianism  of,  377 
Leighton,  Alexander,  cruel  treat- 
ment of,  by  Laud,  65 
—  release  of,  from  imprisonment, 

73 
Lectures,    afternoon,    suppressed, 

63,  145 
Levellers,  the,  149,  321,  339 
Liberty  of  conscience,  283, 289,  348 
List  of  Members  of  the  Westmin- 
ster Assembly,  103-106 
Literature,    the,   of    the   Erastian 

controversy,  289-302 
Liturgy,  the,  of  1548-1549, 11 
Love,  the   Rev.    Christopher,  be- 
headed, 319 


MAGISTRATE,  the  civil,  posses- 
ses no  power,  in  sacris,  363 

Man  waving  imprisoned,  by  the  Par- 
liament, 62 

—  rewarded  by  the  King,  62 
Martin    Mar-Prelate    Tracts,  the, 

46,  47 

Masses,  private,  prohibited,  11 

Mass,  the,  resumed,  14 

Massacre,  the  Irish,  80 

Method  of  appointing  church-offi- 
cers, 171, 172 

Ministers,  ejectment  of,  27,  324, 
345 

Millenary  petition,  the,  50 

Ministers,  committee  for  ordina- 
tion of,  173 

—  consent  of  the  people  necessary 

to  settlement  of,  171, 172 

—  scandalous,  commission  for  re- 

moving, 165 

—  Presbyterian,      two      thousand 

ejected,  324,  345 
Monasteries,  suppression  of,  7 
Montrose,  Earl  of,  plot  by,  79 


NOTTINGHAM,  the  royal  stand- 
ard raised  at,  83 
Nonconformists  imprisoned,  32 

OATH,  "  the  et  cetera,"  70 
Obedience,  passive,  doctrine  of,  62 
Office-bearers  in  the  Church,  154, 

155 
Ordinance  calling  the  Assembly  of 

Divines,  88 

—  about    suspension      from     the 

Lord's  Supper,  255,  256 

—  for  choice  of  elders,  259 

—  anent     Presbyterian    form     of 

Church  government,  259,  273 
Ordinations,  Book  of,  11 
Ordination,    question   of,  debated, 

167, 168 

—  proposition  of  Independents  con- 

cerning, 168 

—  report  of  Committee  on,  and  de- 

bate thereon,  170 

—  subject  of,  resumed,  171, 172 

—  Directory  for.  172, 173,  241,242, 

350,  351 

—  of  ministers,  committee  for,  173, 

242 

PARTIES    in    the    Westminster 

Assembly,  129-135 
Parliament,    the   contest    between 

Charles  I.  and  the,  61,  62 
Parliament,  the  Long,  71 

—  the  four  Committees  appointed 

by,  71 

—  Laud  impeached  by,  72 

—  Strafford  committed  to  the  Tower 

by,  72 

—  Prynne,  Bastwick,  Burton,  and 

Leighton,  released  by,  73 

—  plot  against,  75 

—  measures  taken  in  consequence, 

76 

—  protestation   framed  and    sub- 

scribed by,  77 

—  Court  of  High  Commission  and 

Star-Chamber  abolished  by,  78 

—  remonstrance  by,  to  the  King,  80 

—  collision  of,  with  the  King,  81- 

83 

—  friendly    intercourse    with    the 

Scottish  Church,  and  the  Con- 
vention of  Estates,  84,  87 


474 


INDEX  OF   SUBJECTS. 


Parliament  convenes  the  Assembly 
of  Divines,  88 

—  order  by,  anent  discipline,  and  a 

Directory  of  Worship  and 
Government,  152 

anent   suspension    from   the 

Lord's  Table,  255 

anent  choice  of  elders,  259 

anent    organisation    of     the 

Presbyterian  form  of  Church 
Government,  259 

—  paper  by  the  Scottish  Commis- 

sioners to,  taking  exception  to 
the  Erastian  element  in  said 
ordinances,  261,  263 

—  declaration  by,  and  its  Erastian 

character,  263,  261 

—  petition  to,  by  Common  Council 

of  London,  anent  Church  Go- 
vernment, 257 

—  petition  to  by  Westminster  As- 

sembly, anent  the  divine  right 
of  Presbytery,  265 

—  questions  by,  to  the  Assemblv 

of  Divines,  266,  267 

—  demands  possession  of  the  King's 

person,  277 

—  extinction  of,  by  Cromwell,  316, 

318 
Pastor,  the  office  of,  157 

—  report  concerning  the  work  of, 

235 
Petition,  the  Millenary,  50 

—  right  of,  denied  to  subjects,  55 

—  "  the  Root  and  Branch,"  74 
Persecution,    the     twenty  -  eight 

years,  341,  348 
Predestination  and  foreordination, 

distinction  between,  361,  362 
Prelacv    abolished,    87 ;    restored, 

323 

—  character  and  effects  of,  144-151, 

324, 325 

Prelates,  pamphlets  assailing  opin- 
ions of,  prohibited,  40 

Prelatic  controversy,  the — "  Smec- 
tymnuus,"  74 

Presbytery,  the  first  formed  in 
England,  after  the  Reforma- 
tion, 37 

Presbyterianism  opposed  to  usur- 
pation of  power,  150 

—  aud  Prelacy  contrasted,  150, 151 


Presbyterian  Form  of  Government, 
outline  of  by  the  Scottish  Com- 
missioners, 176 

—  Nye's  argument    against,  cen- 

sured, 201 

—  final  settlement  of,  as  regarded 

the  Long  Parliament,  282,  283 
Presbyteries,  erection  of,  273,  282 
Presbvteriaus,  the,  and  education, 

333,  334 
Proposition,  the  main,  by  the  West- 
minster Assembly  anent  Eras- 
tianism,  268 

—  contradictory  account  by  Neal, 

of  debate  on,  269 

Propositions,  the  one  hundred  and 
eleven,  312 

Protestants,  flight  of  to  the  Conti- 
nent, 15 

Provincial  Synod  of  London,  first 
meeting  of,  282 

"  Pryde"s  Purge,"  316 

Prynne,  cruel  treatment  of,  by 
Laud,  67 

—  release  of,  from  imprisonment, 

73 
Puritans,  the,   separation  of  from 
the  Church  of  England,  29 

—  denied  the  superiority  of  Bishops 

over  Presbyters,  30 

—  leading  men  of  the  first  race  of, 

20 

—  House  of  Commons  endeavours 

to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of, 
35,36 

—  systematic  organisation  of,  37, 

130 
Puritans  and  Prelates,  subjects  in 
debate  between,  30,  31 

—  the,  their  contributions  to  theo- 

logical literature,  332 

QUARREL  between  Henry  VIII. 

and  the  Pope,  3 
Questions  sent  by  the    house  of 

Commons  to  the  Assembly  of 

Divines,  266,  267 

RATIFICATION  of  the  produc- 
tions of  the  Westminster  As- 
sembly by  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  with  exceptions,  311, 
312 


INDEX   OF   SUBJECTS. 


475 


Reasons  of  Dissent  by  Independ- 
ents, aud  answers  thereto,  213- 
220 

Eeformers,  the,  and  the  Episcopal 
vestments,  25 

—  differences    between,    and    the 

Court  divines,  23-27 
Keligion,    laws     concerning,     re- 
pealed, 14 

—  deplorable  state  of,  34 
Remarks  on  the  Erastian  theory, 

233,  235,  290-300 

—  on  the  Independent  controversy, 

225-230 

—  on  parties  in  the  Westminster 

Assembly,  128,  135 

—  on  the  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 

nant, 125,  127 
Removal  of  obstructions,  and  erec- 
tion of  Presbyteries,  273,  281 
Reprobation,  the  term  not  used, 
either  in  the  Confession  or  in 
the  Catechisms,  362 
Retrospective  view,  327 
Revolution  of  1688,  the,  345,  376 
Ripon,  the  Scottish  army  at,  71 
Ruling  Elder,  159, 161,  169 
Rutherford's     Divino     Right     of 

Church  Government,  300 
Rutherford,  motion  by,  308 

SABBATH,    treatise    on,  by   Dr 

Bound,  48 
Savoy  Confession,  the,  321,  322 

—  conference     at     the,     between 

bishops  and  Presbyterian  min- 
isters, 323 

Scotland,  the  Church  of,  28 

remonstrances  of,  to  the  Eng- 
lish prelates,  28 

when  in  power,  did  not  per- 
secute, 341 

Scotland,  Reformation  in,  how  car- 
ried on,  92,  93 

—  friendly  relations  between,  and 

England,  96,  98 
Scottish  Commissioners,  the,  recep- 
tion of,  in  the    Westminster 
Assembly,  120 

—  brief  account  of,  139-142 

—  paper  on  Church  Government, 

by,  176 

—  departure  of,  307-309 


Sectarians,  the,  and  their  tenets. 
143 

Sects,  cause  of  their  number,  143- 
147,  164 

Selden  and  Gillespie,  debate  be- 
tween, 199,  200,  238.  239,  240 

Selden's  hint  respecting  excommu- 
nication, 236 

—  argument  on  1  Cor.  v.  4,  237 

on  Matt,  xviii.  15-18, 199, 238 

on  suspension  from  the  Lord's 

Table,  248,  249 

"  Smectymnuus" — Reply  to  Bishop 
Hall,  74 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant,"  the, 
117-120 

Standard,  the  Royal,  raised  at  Not- 
tingham, 83 

Strafford,  impeachment  of,  72 

—  plot  to  rescue,  75 

—  bill  of  attainder  against,  75,  76 
St  Bartholomew's  Day,  324,   325, 

348 

Strickland,  Mr,  and  the  Prayer- 
Book,  32 

Subsidies,  refusal  of,  by  the  House 
of  Commons,  69 

Succession,  apostolic,  156 

Suggestions  regarding  the  supply 
of  vacant  charges,  163 

Supremacy,  the  Act  of,  5;  re-en- 
acted, 18 

—  the  Papal,   abolished  in    Eng- 

land, 5 

—  the  Royal,  25,  291 

Synod  of  London,  first  meeting  of, 
282 

—  subsequent  meetings  of,  318 

—  ceased  to  meet,  319 
Suspension  from   the   sacraments, 

240 

—  order  by  Parliament,  anent,  246 

—  claim  of  right  by  the  Church, 

anent,  247,  248 
Systems,  the  Arminian  and   Cal- 
vinistic,  48,  49 

TAX- WAR,  pretended,  66 
Theological    productions    of    the 

Westminster  Assembly,  350 
Thirty-Nine  Articles,  the,  33,  350 
Toleration,  religious,  25,  43,  131, 

282,  283,  319,  336,  345 


470 


INDEX  OF   SUBJECTS. 


Toleration,  mutual  misapprehen- 
sions, in  regard  to  each  other's 
views,  by  Presbyterians  and 
Independents,  230,  331,  339 

—  unlimited,  not  granted  by  Inde- 

pendents, 131,  192,  342,  343- 
345 

—  as  understood  by  the   political 

Independents,  149 

—  Luther  and  Zwingle  on,  340 

—  Owen  on,  340 

—  Act,  the,  345,  348 

Tonnage  and  poundage,  remon- 
strance against  by  Parliament, 
66,69 

Treatise  on  Church  Government, 
by  the  ministers  of  London, 
271,  371 

—  by  Apollonius,  301,  302 

—  on  the  Sabbath,  Dr  Bound's,  48 
Triers,  Committee  of,  319 

UNIFORMITY  insisted  on,  26 

—  Act  of,  324 

persecution   under  cover  of, 

324-326 

—  considerable    amount    of,    pro- 

duced by  Westminster  Assem- 
bly, 331 
Union,   great   Protestant,  idea  of, 
345-347,  373,  378,  £79,  380 


Universities  of  Cambridge  and  Ox- 
ford, new-modelled,  331 

VACANT  charges,  supply  of,  163 
Vestments  the,  and  Bishop  Jewell, 
20 

—  and  the  Reformers,  25 

—  and  the  parochial  clergy,  26 
Vindication  of   Scotland  from  the 

charge    of    having    sold    th« 
King,  277-281 

WALLIS,  Dr,  explanation  of  the 
Shorter  Catechism,  by,  307 

Wandsworth,  meeting  of  first  Pres- 
bytery at,  37 

War,  the  Episcopal,  69 

Whitgift,  ministers  suspended  by, 
43 

Whitgift's  adulation  of  the  King, 
54 

Whitelocke  on  the  Divine  right  of 
Presbyterial  Government,  241, 
244 

Whitelocke's  speech  on  keeping 
back  from  the  Lord's  Table, 
249-251 

—  fallacies  of,  252,  253 
Widows,  whether  to  be  considered 

as  deaconesses.  162 
Worcester,  battle  at,  317 


CONTENTS  OP  APPENDIX. 


I.  Paper,  by  Alexander  Henderson,  concerning  Unity  in 
Religion,  and  Uniformity  of  Church  Government 

II.  Selden  and  Gillespie,  debate  between,  on  Excommunica- 
tion and  Jurisdiction  ..... 

III.  Ordinance  of  the   Lords  and  Commons  about  suspen- 
sion from  the  Lord's  Supper        .... 

IV.  Ordinance  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  concerning  the 

choice  of  Elders    ...... 

V.  Brief  notice  of  the  six  Scottish  Commissioners  originally 

appointed  by  the  General  Assembly  to  take  part  in  the 
deliberations  of  the  Assembly  of  Divines  at  West- 
minster : — 

1.  Alexander  Henderson 

2.  Samuel  Rutherford 

3.  Robert  Baillie 

4.  George  Gillespie    . 

5.  Johnston  of  Warriston 

6.  Lauderdale 

VI.  Philip  Nye  and  Religious  Liberty 
VII.  Scottish  Commissioners  afterwards  appointed  . 

VIII.  Notes 

TX.  Facsimiles  of  Title-pages  of  the  Original  Editions  of 

1.  The  Confession  of  Faith  . 

2.  The  Catechisms,  Larger  and  Shorter 

3.  Directory  for  Church  Government  and  Ordina- 

tion of  Ministers 

4.  Brotherly  Exhortation  of  the  General  Assembly 

in  1647,  to  their  Brethren  in  England 

X.  Iudpx  to  Names     ..... 
„      to  Subjects  .... 

„      to  Appendix  . 


PAGB 

382-392 
393-395 


399 


399-404 
404-408 
408-411 
411-415 
415-417 
417-419 

419-428 

440 

429-441 


443 
445-449 

451 

453 

460-465 
466-475 
476-478 


APPENDIX. 

INDEX  10  NAMES. 


ABERDEEN,  406 

Acton,  419 
Agrippa,  King,  395 
Anwoth,  405 
Argyle,  Marquis  of,  417 
Arnheim,  419 

BAILLIE,  398,  408,  409,  410.  413, 

414 
Baxter,  422,  423 
Beda,  384 
Beza,  396 
Blair,  Robert,  408 
Boyd  of  Trochrig,  408 
Brechin,  405 
Bruce,  Robert,  400 

CHARLES  I.,  387,  403,  416,  424 
Charles  II.,  411,  417,  424 
Calvin,  396 
Capernaum,  394 
Cameron,  408 
Cardinalis,  Hugo,  394 
Cassilis,  Earl  of,  412 
Coleman,  413 

Constantine,  the  Emperor,  384,  385 
Contzen,  387 
Crailing,  404 
Creich,  399 

Cromwell,  407,  416,  417,  419,  420, 
421,  422,  424,  425, 427 

DA1R8IE,  400 
JJunse  Law,  409 

EDINBURGH,  401,  402,  403,  406, 

4U7,  415,  418 
Elizabeth,  Queen,  387 
Essex,  420 
Eusebius,  384.  385 


FAIRFAX,  420 
Fairfoull,  Archbisl-op,  411 
Fordel,  400 

GALLOWAY,  405 
Gillespie.  Rev.  John,  411 
Gillespie;  George,  393,  394,    395, 

396,397,  398,  410,  411,412,  413, 

414 
Gladstanes,  Archbishop,  400 
Glasgow,  402,  406,  408,  411,  412, 

415 
Goodwin,  413,  427 

HAGUE,  The,  41% 

Hamilton,  408 

Henderson,   Alexander,   381.    396, 

399,  400,  401,  402,  403,  404    410. 

413,  416 
Henriquez,  393 
Hiel,  402 

Holland,  419,  426,  427 
Howe,  422,  423,  427 
Hussey,  395 

JAMES,  King,  387,400 

Jedburgh,  404 

Jerviston,  408 

Johnston,  of  "Warriston,  402,  415, 

416 
Josephus,  395 
Josiah,  387 

KENMURE,  Lord,  412 

Kenned}',  Lord,  412 

Kihcinning,  408 

Kimbolton,  419 
i  Kimbolton,  Lord,  419 
I  Kirkcaldy,  411,  415 
j  Kirkcudbright,,  405 
I  Knox,  397,  417 


INDEX   TO   NAMES. 


479 


LAMB,  Bishop,  405 
Lauderdale,  Earl  of,  411,  417,  418 
Lambert,  Colonel,  424 
Law,  Archbishop,  408 
Leuchars,  400 
Lethington,  417 
Lightfoot,  393,  395,  413 
London,  381,  406,   407,  409,    412, 

419 
Luther,  396 

MANCHESTEE,    Earl    of,    419, 

420 
Marston,  420,  421 
Matthew,  393 
Middleton,  Earl  of,  418 
Milton,  404 
Minister,  393 
Monk,  General,  418 

NASEBY,  421 
Neal,  426 
Newbury,  420 
Newcastle,  403,  409 
Nisbet,  404 

Nye,  Philip,  413.  419,420,  421,  422, 
423,  424,  425,  426,  427 

OWEN,  422,  427 

PETERS,  Hugh,  424 
Perth,  401 
Pfcilo.  £95 


RIPON,  381 

Eogers,  423 

Rothes,  418 

Rome,  388 

Rupert,  Prince,  420 

Rutherford,  395,  404,  405,  406 

SAUMUR,m 

Sayrus,  393 

Selden,  392,  394,  413 

Simon,  395 

Sharp,  Archbishop,  411 

Solo  Dominicus,  393 

St  Andrews,  400,  406,  407,  411 

Sydserff.  Bishop,  405 

Sylvester,  423 

TESTATCS,394 
Teviot,  404 
Tilius,  393 
Trochrig,  408 

UXBRIDGE,  420 

VANE,  Sir  Harry,  424 

WALLER,  420 
Wemyss,  412 
Worcester,  418 

YORK,  420 

ZANCHIOS,3fr« 
Ztulond,  396 


APPENDIX. 


INDEX  TO  SUBJECTS. 


<xJ>o- 


CATECHISMS,  the  Larger  and 
Shorter,  Facsimiles  of  the 
original  Titles,  from  edition  of 
date  1647,  443 

Confession  of  Faith,  the.  Facsimile 
of  the  original  Title,  from  edi- 
tion of  date  1647,  445 

ENGLAND,  Church  of.  Reforma- 
tion of,  imperfect,  387 

FAITH,  Confession  of,  the  Belgic, 
396 

—  the  Helvetic,  396 

GILLESPIE  and  Selden,  debate 
between,  on  excommunication, 
393-3 95 

—  reply  by,  to  Hussey,  395,  396 

—  on  the  election  of  pastors,  396- 

398 
Government  Church,  uniformity  of, 
advantages  of,  386 

NYE,  Philip,  and  religious  libertv, 
419,  424,  425 

—  escape  of,  to  Holland,  419 

—  signs  the   Solemn  League  and 

Covenant,  419 

—  author  of  the  "  Apologetic  Nar- 

rative," 420 

—  opposes  the  setting  up  of  Pres- 

byteries, 421 

—  a  member  of  the  committee   of 

Triers,  422 

—  opinion  entertained  of,  bj  Howe, 

423 


Nye  possessed  great  influence  dur- 
ing Cromwell's  administration, 
424 

—  ejected  from  his  benefice  on  the 

restoration  of  Charles  II. ,  424 

—  a  persistent  opponent  of  Pres- 

byterianism.  425 

—  disastrous  effects   of  his  influ- 

ence and  policy,  425.  426 

ORDINANCE  of  Parliament  anent 
suspension  from  the  Lord's 
Supper,  398 

—  anent  the  choice  of  elders,  399 

PRELATES,  the  English, hostility 
of,  to  the  Church  of  Scotland, 
387-389  c/ 

Puritans,  the,  were  not  Independ-     o 
ents,  but  Presbyterians,  427 

RELIGION,  unity  in,  desirable- 
ness of,  384 

SCOTLAND   did  not    dictate    to 
England     in     the     matter    of 
Church  Government,  382,  383 
Sketches,  Biographical : — 

(1.)  of  Alexander  Henderson, 
399-404;  (2.)  of  Rutherford, 
404-408;  (3.)  of  Baillie,  408- 
411;  (4.)  of  Gillespie,  411- 
415  ;  (5.)  of  Warriston,  415- 
417 ;  (6.)  of  Lauderdale,  417- 
419 

TOLERATION,  Baxter  on,  423 


4Sl> 


ih 


\ 


H 

1111111 


